235.]
[Footnote 9: Horace _Od_. i. 2. After a bad flood in A.D. 15 proposals
were made for diverting a part of the water coming down the Tiber into
the Arnus, but this met with fatal opposition from the superstition
of the country people (Tacitus, _Ann_. i. 79). Nissen, _Italische
Landeskunde_, i. p. 324, has collected the records of these floods.]
[Footnote 10: See Nissen, i. p. 407. But it seems likely that the
Tiber valley was less malarious then than now (see Nissen's chapter on
malaria in Italy, p. 410 foll.). In an interesting paper on _Malaria
and History_, by Mr. W.H.S. Jones (Liverpool University Press), which
reached me after this chapter was written, the author is inclined to
attribute the ethical and physical degeneracy of the Romans of the
Empire partly to this cause.]
[Footnote 11: Livy v. 54.]
[Footnote 12: Horace, _Epode_ 16.]
[Footnote 13: _Reden und Aufsätze_, p. 173 foll.]
[Footnote 14: _Ib._ p. 175.]
[Footnote 15: _De Rep_. ii. 5 and 6.]
[Footnote 16: Beloch, _Die Bewölkerung der griechisch-römischen Welt_,
cap. 9, approaching the problem by three several methods, puts it in
the first century A.D. at 800,000, including slaves. In Cicero's time
it was, no doubt, considerably less; but we know that in his last
years 320,000 free persons were receiving doles of corn, apart from
slaves and the well-to-do.]
[Footnote 17: Hülsen-Jordan, _Röm. Topographie_, vol. i. part iii. pp.
627, 638.]
[Footnote 18: _Ib_. 643; Cic. _ad Att_. xv. 15. Here, after the death
of his daughter Tullia, Cicero wished to buy land on which to erect
a fanum to her (Cic. _ad Att_. xii. 19). Here also were the horti
Caesaris.]
[Footnote 19: Livy xxxv. 40.]
[Footnote 20: Hülsen-Jordan, _op. cit_. p. 143 note.]
[Footnote 21: See below, p. 302. Dionysius of Halicarnassus (iii. 68)
gives an elaborate account of it in the time of Augustus, when it had
been altered and ornamented.--Hülsen-Jordan, p. 120 foll.]
[Footnote 22: Fowler, _Roman Festivals_, p. 199; Wissowa in
Pauly-Wissowa, _Real-Encyklopädie_, s.v. Diana.]
[Footnote 23: The two roads converged just before arriving at the
city. The reader may be reminded that it was by the via Appia that St.
Paul entered Rome (Acts xxviii.). Another useful passage for this gate
is Juvenal in. 10 foll.]
[Footnote 24: It might be useful here to follow the course of the
_pomerium_, which also went round the Palatine, as described in
Tacitus, _Annals_ xii. 24.]
[Footnote 25: Cic. _de Officiis_ iii. 16. 66, and the story there
related.]
[Footnote 26: Strictly speaking, the Oppius Mons, or southern part of
the Esquiline.]
[Footnote 27: See Lanciani's admirable chapter, "A Walk through the
Sacra Via," in his _Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome_, p. 190
foll.]
[Footnote 28: _Georg_. ii. 502. Virgil, for all his admiration of
Rome, did not love its crowds.]
[Footnote 29: Cic. _pro Plancio_, ch. 7. Cp. Horace, _Sat_. i. 9;
Lucilius, _Frag._ 9 (ed. Baehrens), which last will be quoted in
another context.]
[Footnote 30: On the vexed question of the position of the Subura and
its history see Wissowa, _Gesammelte Abhandlungen_, p. 230 foll.]
[Footnote 31: For excavations here see Lanciani, _op. cit_. p. 221
foll.]
[Footnote 32: Cic. _Cat._ iii. 9. 21 foll.]
[Footnote 33: Formerly we may assume that it faced south or
south-east, like the temple.]
[Footnote 34: It was completed by Caesar in 46 B.C.]
[Footnote 35: Beloch, _Bewölkerung_ p. 382.]
[Footnote 36: C.I.L. i. 206, and Dessau, _Inscr. Lat. Selectae_, ii.
1. p. 493.]
[Footnote 37: Cic. _ad Q. Fratr_. iii.I. 14 Suet. _de Grammaticis_,
15; Corn. Nepos, _Atticus_, 13.]
[Footnote 38: Hülsen-Jordan, _Röm. Topographie_, vol. i. part iii. p.
323.]
[Footnote 39: This is the number receiving corn gratis when Julius
Caesar reformed the corn-distribution.--Suetonius, _Iul_. 41.]
[Footnote 40: See Zeller, _Stoics_, etc., Eng. trans. p. 255 foll.]
[Footnote 41: cic. _de Legibus_, i. 15. 43. It was not as yet possible
to be "poor, making many rich"; to have nothing and yet to possess all
things.]
[Footnote 42: See the definition of insula in Festus. n. Ill. and
for insula generally Middleton's article "Domus" in the _Dict, of
Antiquities_, ed. 2. De Marchi (_La Religione nella vita domestica_,
i. p. 80) compares the big lodging-houses of the poor at Naples.]
[Footnote 43: Cicero (_Leg. Agr._ ii. 35. 96) describes Rome as being
(in comparison with Capua) "in montibus positam et convallibus,
coenaculis (i.e. upper rooms) sublatum atque suspensam, non optimis
viis," etc. Vitruv. ii. 17 is the _locus classicus_.]
[Footnote 44: Cic. _pro Caelio_ 17.]
[Footnote 45: In _C.I.L._ vi. 65-67 we find a Bona Dea erected "in
tutelam insulae," i.e. a common cult for all the lodgers. De Marchi
_l.c._ compares the common shrine of the Neapolitan lodging-house.
Tutela is mentioned as a protecting deity both of insulae and domus by
St. Jerome, _Com. in Isaiam_, 672.]
[Footnote 46: Cic. _de Domo_ 109.]
[Footnote 47: Cic. _ad Att._ xv. 17; cp. xiv. 9.]
[Footnote 48: Plut. _Crassus_ 2: perhaps from Fenestella.]
[Footnote 49: "Dormientem in taberna," Asconius, ed. Clark, p. 37. Cp.
Tacitus, _Hist_ i. 86, for persons sleeping in tabernae.]
[Footnote 50: Tucker, _Life in Ancient Athens_, p. 10.]
[Footnote 51: The _Moretum_ may be a translation from a Greek poet,
perhaps Parthenius, but it is certainly as well adapted to the
experience of Italians.]
[Footnote 52: e.g. Caesar, _Bell. Civ._ iii. 47. Cp. Tacitus, _Ann_.
xiv. 24.]
[Footnote 53: On this point see Salvioli, _Le Capitalisme dans le
monde antique_, ch. vi. is a book with many shortcomings, but written
by an Italian who knows his own country.]
[Footnote 54: See the author's _Roman Festivals_, p. 76 (Cerealia).]
[Footnote 55: Marquardt, _Staatsverwaltung_, ii. pp. 107, 110 foll. A
modius, which = nearly a peck, contained about 20 lb. of wheat (Pliny,
_N.H._ xviii. 66). Four and a half modii x 20=90 lb.]
[Footnote 56: Hirschfeld, _Verwaltungsbeamten_, ed. 2, p. 231; Strabo,
p. 652 (Rhodes).]
[Footnote 57: Caesar, _B.C._ iii. 42. 3.]
[Footnote 58: Marquardt, _op. cit._ p. 110.]
[Footnote 59: For Gracchus' motives see a paper by the present writer
in the _English Historical Review_ for 1905, p. 221 foll.]
[Footnote 60: Cic. _Tusc. Disp._ iii. 20. 48.]
[Footnote 61: Lex Julia municipalis, 1-20, compared with Suetonius,
_Jul_. 41.]
[Footnote 62: A good example will be found in Cic. _ad Att._ iv. 1.
6 foll.; the first letter written by Cicero after his return from
exile.]
[Footnote 63: See my _Roman Festivals_, pp. 85 and 204.]
[Footnote 64: Pliny, _Nat. Hist_. xviii. 17.]
[Footnote 65: Suet. _Aug_. 42.]
[Footnote 66: Frontinus i. 4. The date of his work is towards the end
of the first century A.D.]
[Footnote 67: See Lanciani, _Ruins and Excavations_, p. 48; Mommsen,
_Hist_. vol. i. Appendix.]
[Footnote 68: Frontinus i. 7, whose account is confirmed by the
recently discovered Epitomes of Livy's lost books.--Grenfell and Hunt,
_Oxyrhynchus Papyri_, iv. 113.]
[Footnote 69: See the useful table in Lanciani, _op. cit._ 58.]
[Footnote 70: This dates from the reign of Domitian. The nature of the
public fountain may be realised at Pompeii. See Mau, _Pompeii, its
Life and Art_, p. 224 foll.]
[Footnote 71: Cic. _de Officiis_, i. 42. 150.]
[Footnote 72: Livy xxii. 25 _ad fin_.]
[Footnote 73: It is very conspicuous, e.g., in the novels of Jane
Austen.]
[Footnote 74: G. Unwin, _Industrial Organisation_, etc., p. 2.]
[Footnote 75: Plutarch, _Numa_, 17; Ovid, _Fasti_, iii. 310 foll.]
[Footnote 76: J.B. Carter, _The Religion of Numa_, p. 48.]
[Footnote 77: Marq. iii. p. 138. See also Kornemann's article
"Collegium" in Pauly-Wissowa, _Real-Encykl._, and Waltzing,
_Corporations professionelles chez les Romains_, i. p. 78 foll.]
[Footnote 78: _Le Capitalisme_, etc., p. 144 foll.]
[Footnote 79: Cairnes, _Slave Power_, pp. 78, 143 foll. See below, p.
235.]
[Footnote 80: Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ xviii. 107.]
[Footnote 81: _C.I.L._ i. 1013. The date is possibly pre-Augustan.]
[Footnote 82: Mau's _Pompeii_, p. 380.]
[Footnote 83: See my _Roman Festivals_, p. 148. For the mills of
various kinds see also Marquardt, _Privatleben_, p. 405.]
[Footnote 84: _Privatleben_, p. 409.]
[Footnote 85: _Pseudolus_, 810 foll.]
[Footnote 86: Cp. the uncta popina of Horace, _Epist_. i. 14. 21 foll.
Scene in a wineshop at Pompeii, Mau, p. 395.]
[Footnote 87: See, e.g., the Laudatio Turiae, _C.I.L._ vi. i. 1527,
line 30.]
[Footnote 88: Only very rich families employed their own
fullers.--Marq. _Privatleben_, p. 512.]
[Footnote 89: _Menaechmi_, 404: this may, however, be only a
translation from the Greek.]
[Footnote 90: _C.I.L._ i. p. 389.]
[Footnote 91: Marquardt, _Privatleben_, p. 693 and reff.]
[Footnote 92: Cato, _de re rustica_, 135; a very interesting chapter,
which shows that of the farmer's "plant," clothing, rugs, carts as
well as dolia, were best purchased at Rome.]
[Footnote 93: Marq. _Privatleben_, p. 645.]
[Footnote 94: Strabo, p. 231.]
[Footnote 95: Lex Julia Municipalis, line 56 foll.]
[Footnote 96: Mau, _Pompeii_, p. 377.]
[Footnote 97: See Greenidge, _Roman Public Life_, p. 225.]
[Footnote 98: Lex Claudia; Livy xxi. 63.]
[Footnote 99: Plut. _Crassus_, 2; Pliny, _N.H._ xxxiii. 134:
equivalent to about £160,000.]
[Footnote 100: Cic. _ad Att_. ii. 1. 2.]
[Footnote 101: _Ib._ iv. 4.]
[Footnote 102: Corn. Nepos, _Atticus_, 5.]
[Footnote 103: Livy ixiii. 49.]
[Footnote 104: Pliny, _N.H._ xxxiii. 148; Livy xxxvii. 59.]
[Footnote 105: Polyb. xxxiv. 9, quoted by Strabo, p. 148. Cp. Livy
xlv. 18 for valuable mines in Macedonia.]
[Footnote 106: Polyb. xviii. 35, For the unwillingness to serve, Livy,
Epit. 48 and 55.]
[Footnote 107: Cunningham, _Western Civilisation (Modern)_, p. 162
foll.]
[Footnote 108: Duruy, _Hist. de Rome_, vol. ii. p. 12.]
[Footnote 109: Cic. _de Provinciis consularibus_, v. 12.]
[Footnote 110: Cic. _pro Quinctio_ 3. 12; a good case of partnership
in a res pecuaria et rustica in Gaul.]
[Footnote 111: Examples in Livy xxiii. 49; xxxii. 7 (portoria);
xxxviii. 35 (corn-supply); xliv. 16 (army); xlii. 9 (revenue of ager
Campanus).]
[Footnote 112: Festus, ed. Müller, p. 151.]
[Footnote 113: e.g. Livy xxii. 60 praedibus et praediis cavere
populo.]
[Footnote 114: Cicero, in his defence of Rabirius Postumus, 2.4, says
that Rabirius' father magnas _partes_ habuit publicorum. One Aufidius
(Val. Max. vi. 9. 7) "Asiatici publici exiguam admodum _particulam_
habuit." Cp. Cic _in Vat._ 12. 29]
[Footnote 115: This is the view of Deloume, _Les Manieurs d'argent à
Rome_, p. 119 foll.]
[Footnote 116: Marq. _Staatsverwaltung_, ii. p.291]
[Footnote 117: Deloume, _Manieurs d'argent_, p. 317 foll.]
[Footnote 118: _pro lege Manilia_, 7. 18.]
[Footnote 119: _Ib._ 7. 19.]
[Footnote 120: _ad Att._ i. 17. 9. Crassus, no doubt a large
shareholder, urged them on.]
[Footnote 121: In a letter to his brother, then governor of this
province, Cicero contemplates the possibility of contracts being taken
at a loss (_ad Q.F._ i. 1. 33), "publicis male redemptis." And in a
letter of introduction in 46, he alludes to heavy losses suffered in
this way, _ad Fam._ xiii. 10.]
[Footnote 122: _ad Att._ v. 16. 2.]
[Footnote 123: _Ib._ vi. 1. 16.]
[Footnote 124: _ad Familiares_, xiii. 65.]
[Footnote 125: _Ib._ xiii. 9. I have not adhered quite closely to his
translation.]
[Footnote 126: "Qui est in operis ejus societatis," i.e. engaged as a
subordinate agent.--Marquardt, _Staatsverwaltung_, ii. p. 291.]
[Footnote 127: Marq. ii. p. 35 foll.]
[Footnote 128: See his article in _Dict. of Antiq._ ed. 2, s.v.
argentarii.]
[Footnote 129: Augustus' grandfather was an argentarius (Suet. _Aug._
2), yet his son could marry a Julia, and be elected to the consulship,
which, however, he was prevented by death from filling.]
[Footnote 130: The word for this cheque is _perscriptio_. Cp. Cic. _ad
Att_. ix. 12. 3 viri boni usuras perscribunt, i.e. draw the interest
on their deposits.]
[Footnote 131: Cic. _ad Att_. xii. 24 and 27.]
[Footnote 132: Cic. _ad Fam_. xvi. 4 and 9]
[Footnote 133: Cic. _ad Att_. xiii. contains many letters of interest
in this connexion.]
[Footnote 134: Cic. _ad Att._ xiii. 2. 3. Cp. xii. 25. In xii. 12
Cicero's divorced wife Terentia wishes to pay a debt by transferring
to her creditor a debt of Cicero's to herself. Another way in
which actual payment could be avoided was by paying interest on
purchase-money instead of the lump sum. Cp. xii. 22.]
[Footnote 135: A good example of this in Velleius ii. 10
(house-rent).]
[Footnote 136: Cic. _de Officiis_, ii. 24, 84.]
[Footnote 137: Caesar, _de Bell. Civ._ iii. 1 and 20 foll.]
[Footnote 138: Deloume in his _Manieurs d'argent_ has a chapter on
this (p. 58 foll.), but his details are not wholly to be relied
on. Boissier's sketch in _Cicéron et ses amis_, 83 foll., is quite
accurate.]
[Footnote 139: _ad Fam_. v. 20 fin.]
[Footnote 140: _Ib_. v. 9.]
[Footnote 141: Deloume's attempt to prove that Cicero speculated with
enormous profits seems to me to miss the mark.]
[Footnote 142: _ad Q. Fratr._ ii. 4. 3. Cp. _ad Att._ iv. 2.]
[Footnote 143: _ad Q. Fratr._ ii. 14. 3.]
[Footnote 144: _ad Att._ xii. 22. I may add in a footnote a final
startling example of recklessness we have been noting. Decimus Brutus
had, in March 44 B.C., a capital of £320,000, yet next year he writes
to Cicero that so far from any part of his private property being
unencumbered, he had encumbered all his friends with debt also (_ad
Fam._ xi. 10. 5). But this was in order to maintain troops.]
[Footnote 145: _ad Att._ xiii. 42. Cp. xvi. 5.]
[Footnote 146: What the king really wanted the money for, was to bribe
the senate to restore him.--Cic. _ad Fam._ i. 1.]
[Footnote 147: Cic. _pro Bab. Post_. 8. 22.]
[Footnote 148: Varro, _R.R._ i. 2. Ferrero (_Greatness and Decline of
Rome_) has the merit of having discerned the signs of the regeneration
of Italian agriculture at this time, but he is apt to push his
conclusions further than the evidence warrants. See the translation of
his work by A.E. Zimmern, i. p. 124; ii. p. 131 foll. The statement of
Pliny quoted by him (xv. 1. 3) that oil was first exported from Italy
in the year 52 B.C., is, however, of the utmost importance.]
[Footnote 149: The Republic was not to last long; but among the
consuls of the last years of its existence were several members of the
old families.]
[Footnote 150: _ad Fam_. xv. 12. This rather stilted letter is nearly
identical with one to the other consul-designate, another aristocrat,
Claudius Marcellus. Cicero is in each case trying to do his own
business, while writing to a man of higher social rank than his own.]
[Footnote 151: The letters of the years 58 to 54 are full of bitter
allusions to the _invidia_ of these men, which culminate in the long
and windy one to Lentulus Spinther of October 54, where he actually
accuses them of taking up Clodius in order to spite him. In a
confidential note to Atticus in the spring of 56, he told him that
they hated him for buying the Tusculan villa of the great noble
Catulus.--_ad Fam._ i. 9; _ad Att_. iv. 5.]
[Footnote 152: Plutarch, _Cato major_ 2 and 12.]
[Footnote 153: Corn. Nepos, _Cato_ 1. 4, who remarks that Cato's
return from his quaestorship in Sardinia with Ennius in his train was
as good as a splendid triumph.]
[Footnote 154: Plut. _Aem. Paul. 6 ad fin._]
[Footnote 155: Polybius, xxxii. 9-16.]
[Footnote 156: The difference between him and his father, especially
in politics, is sketched in Plutarch's _Life_ of the latter, ch.
xxxviii.]
[Footnote 157: Leo, in _Die griechische und lateinische Literatur_, p.
337.]
[Footnote 158: The best specimens, or rather the worst, are to be
found in the speeches _in Pisonem, in Vatinium_, and in the _Second
Philippic_.]
[Footnote 159: The most instructive passage on vituperatio is Cicero's
defence of Caelius, ch. 3. Cp. Quintilian iii. 7. 1 and 19. On the
custom at triumphs, etc., see Munro's _Elucidations of Catullus_, p.
75 foll. for most valuable remarks.]
[Footnote 160: We have courteous letters from Cicero both to Piso and
Vatinius, only a few years after he had depicted them in public as
monsters of iniquity.]
[Footnote 161: Plut. C. Gracchus, ch. 6 _ad fin_. Cp. Livy vii. 33.]
[Footnote 162: These characteristic figures may be most conveniently
seen in Strong's interesting volume on Roman sculpture, p. 42 foll.]
[Footnote 163: Plut. _Cato_, ch. 1. _ad fin_. Blanditia was the word
for civility in a candidate: "opus est magnopere blanditia," says
Quintus Cicero, _de pet cons_.§ 41.]
[Footnote 164: There is a pleasanter picture of Cato, sitting in
Lucullus' library and in his right mind, in Cic. _de Finibus_ iii. 2.
7.]
[Footnote 165: See Leo, in work already cited, p. 338 foll.]
[Footnote 166: For this remarkable writer, of whose work only a few
fragments survive, see Leo, _op. cit._ p. 340, and Schanz, _Gesch. der
röm. Literatur_, i. p. 278 foll.]
[Footnote 167: Cicero, _Brutus_, 75, 262.]
[Footnote 168: The other Caesarian writers followed him more or less
successfully; Hirtius, who wrote the eighth book of the Gallic War,
and the authors of the Alexandrian, African, and Spanish Wars (the
first possibly by Asinius Pollio).]
[Footnote 169: Leo, _op. cit._ p. 355.]
[Footnote 170: See below, ch. vi.]
[Footnote 171: The passage just cited from the _de Finibus_ (iii. 27)
introduces us to the library of Lucullus at Tusculum, whither Cicero
had gone to consult books, and where he found Cato sitting surrounded
by volumes of Stoic treatises.]
[Footnote 172: The fragments of Panaetius are collected by H.N.
Fowler, Bonn, 1885. The best account of his teaching known to me is in
Schmekel, _Philosophie der Mittleren Stoa_, p. 18 foll. But all can
read the two first books of the _de Officiis_.]
[Footnote 173: Leo, _op. cit._ p. 360. Schmekel deals comprehensively
with Posidonius' philosophy, as reflected in Varro and Cicero, p. 85
foll.]
[Footnote 174: See Professor Reid's introduction to Cicero's
_Academica_, p. 17. Cicero considered Posidonius the greatest of the
Stoics.--_Ib._ p. 5.]
[Footnote 175: Cic. _de Legibus_ i. affords many examples of this
view, which was apparently that of Posidonius, e.g. 6. 18 and 8. 25.
Cp. _de Republica_, iii. 22. 33.]
[Footnote 176: Gaius i. i; Cic. _de Officiis_ iii. 5. 23; Mommsen,
_Staatsrecht_, iii. p. 604, based on the research of H. Nettleship in
_Journal of Philology_, vol. xiii. p. 175. See also Sohm, _Institutes
of Roman Law_, ch. ii.]
[Footnote 177: _Brutus_ 41. 151, where he plainly ranks him above
Scaevola. The passage is a most interesting one, deserving careful
attention.]
[Footnote 178: The _Ninth Philippic_: the passage referred to in the
text is 5. 10 foll.]
[Footnote 179: I omit _pro Murena_, chs. vii. and xxi., for want of
space. Sulpicius was opposing Cicero in this case, and the latter's
allusions to him are useful specimens of the good breeding spoken of
above.]
[Footnote 180: See Dio Cassius xl. 59; and Cic. _ad Fam_. iv. 1 and 3,
to Sulpicius, with allusions to his consulship.]
[Footnote 181: _Tusc. Disp_. iv. 3. 6.]
[Footnote 182: The speech _in Pisonem_; cp. the _de Provinciis
consularibus_, 1-6. This Piso was the father of Caesar's wife
Calpurnia, who survives in Shakespeare.]
[Footnote 183: The difficult passage in which Cicero describes the
perversion of this character under the influence of Philodemus, has
been skilfully translated by Dr. Mahaffy in his _Greek World under
Roman Sway_, p. 126 foll.; and the reader may do well to refer to his
whole treatment of the practical result of Epicureanism.]
[Footnote 184: This chapter is also useful as illustrating the
urbanity of manners, for Lucullus and Pompeius were political
enemies.]
[Footnote 185: _ad Fam_. viii. 5 _fin_.; viii. 9. 2.]
[Footnote 186: See the introduction of Asconius to Cicero _pro
Cornelio_, ed. Clark, p. 58.]
[Footnote 187: _ad Att_. v. 21. 11, 13.]
[Footnote 188: _ad Q. frat._ ii. 1. 1; ii. 10. 1.]
[Footnote 189: The letters written immediately after Cicero's return
from exile are the best examples of this paralysis of business, e.g.
_ad Fam_. i. 4; _ad Q. F_. ii. 3. See a useful paper by P. Groebe in
_Klio_, vol. v. p. 229.]
[Footnote 190: This appears from a letter of Oaelius to Cicero in
51.--_ad Fam._ viii. 8. 8.]
[Footnote 191: Asconius _in Cornelianum_, ed. Clark, p. 59. "Ut
praetores ex edictis suis perpetuis ius dicerent."]
[Footnote 192: All his letters are in the eighth book of those _ad
Familiares_.]
[Footnote 193: Tacitus, _Annals_ xiii. 2: "voluptatibus concessis."]
[Footnote 194: Quintil. iv. 2. 123.]
[Footnote 195: Brutus 79. 273.]
[Footnote 196: e.g. _ad Fam._ ii. 13. 3.]
[Footnote 197: Exactly the same combination of real interest in, and
frivolous treatment of, politics is to be found in the early letters
of Horace Walpole to Sir H. Mann, especially those of the year 1742.]
[Footnote 198: _ad Fam._ viii. 14. 3.]
[Footnote 199: Caesar, Bell. Civ. iii. 20 foll.]
[Footnote 200: See above, p. 86; cp. p. 58.]
[Footnote 201: So for example Servaeus is disqualified, _ad Fam_.
viii. 4. I.]
[Footnote 202: _Ib_. viii. 8. 2]
[Footnote 203: _Ib_. 8. 12]
[Footnote 204: Lucilius, _Fragm_. 9, ed. Baehrens.]
[Footnote 205: This probably means that the deity was believed to
reside in the cake, and that the communicants not only entered into
communion with each other in eating of it, but also with him. It is
in fact exactly analogous to the sacramental ceremony of the Latin
festival, in which each city partook of the sacred victim, in that
case a white heifer. See Fowler, Roman _Festivals_, p. 96 and reff.]
[Footnote 206: This interesting custom is recorded by Servius (ad Aen.
iv. 374). For the whole ceremony of confarreatio see De Marchi,
_La Religione nella vita domestica_, p. 155 foll.; Marquardt,
_Privatleben_, p. 32 foll. Cp. also Gaius i. 112.]
[Footnote 207: Gaius l.c.]
[Footnote 208: Cic. _de Off_. i. 17. 54.]
[Footnote 209: i.e. ius commercii and ius connubii: the former
enabling a man to claim the protection of the courts in all cases
relating to property, the latter to claim the same protection in cases
of disputed inheritance.]
[Footnote 210: i.e. ius provocationis, ius suffragii, ius honorum.]
[Footnote 211: This is how I understand Cuq, _Institutions juridiques
des Romains_, p. 223. In the well known Laudatio Turiae we have a
curious case of a re-marriage by coemptio with manus, for a particular
purpose, connected of course with money matters. See Mommsen's
Commentary, reprinted in his _Gesammelte Schriften_, vol. i.]
[Footnote 212: Westermarck, _History of Human Marriage_, ch. x.]
[Footnote 213: See, however, the curious passage quoted by Gellius
(iv. 4. 2) from Serv. Sulpicius, the great jurist (above, p. 118
foll.), on _sponsalia_ in Latium down to 89 B.C.]
[Footnote 214: For the other details of the dress, see Marq.
_Privatleben_, p. 43.]
[Footnote 215: Cic. _de Div._ i. 16. 28.]
[Footnote 216: These lines suggested to Virgil the famous four at the
end of the fourth Eclogue. See _Virgil's "Messianic Eclogue_," p. 72.]
[Footnote 217: She was addressed as _domina_, by all members of the
family. See Marquardt, _Privatleben_, p. 57 note 3. It should be noted
that she had brought a contribution to the family resources in
the form of a dowry (dos) given her by her father to maintain her
position.]
[Footnote 218: These details are drawn chiefly from the sixth book of
Valerius Maximus, _de Pudicitia_.]
[Footnote 219: This is proved by an allusion to Cato's speech in
support of the law, in Gellius, _Noct. Att._ vi. 13.]
[Footnote 220: Livy xxxiv. 1 foll., where the speech of Cato is
reproduced in Livy's language and with "modern" rhetoric.]
[Footnote 221: De Marchi, _op. cit._ p. 163; Marq. _Privatleben_, p.
87 foll. Confarreatio was only dissoluble by diffarreatio, but this
was perhaps used only for penal purposes. Other forms of marriage
did not present the same difficulty, not being of a sacramental
character.]
[Footnote 222: Plutarch, _Aem. Paull._ 5.]
[Footnote 223: Livy xl. 37.]
[Footnote 224: Livy, _Epit._ 48.]
[Footnote 225: Livy xxxix. 8-18.]
[Footnote 226: Plutarch, _Cato the Elder_ 8.]
[Footnote 227: Gellius (x. 23) quotes a fragment of Cato's speech de
Dotibus, in which the following sentences occur: "Si quid perverse
taetreque factum est a muliere, multitatur: si vinum bibit, si cum
alieno viro probri quid fecerit, condempnatur. In adulterio uxorem
tuam si prehendisses sine indicio impune necares: illa te, si
adulterares sive tu adulterarere, digito non auderet contingere, neque
ius est." Under such circumstances a bold woman might take her revenge
illegally.]
[Footnote 228: Gellius i. 6; cp. Livy, Epit. 59.]
[Footnote 229: e.g. _ad Fam._ xiv. 2.]
[Footnote 230: The story of the relations of Cicero, Terentia,
Clodius, and Clodia, in Pint. _Cic._ 29 is too full of inaccuracies to
be depended on. In the 41st chapter what he says of the divorce and
its causes must be received with caution; it seems to come from some
record left by Tiro, Cicero's freedman and devoted friend, and as
Cicero obviously loved this man much more than his wife, we can
understand why the two should dislike each other.]
[Footnote 231: Plutarch, _Ti. Gracch._ 1; _Gaius Gracch._ 19. The
letters of Cornelia which are extant are quite possibly genuine.]
[Footnote 232: The recent edition of the _Ars amatoria_ by Paul Brandt
has an introduction in which these points are well expressed.]
[Footnote 233: Catullus 72. 75.]
[Footnote 234: _Cicéron et ses amis_, p. 175.]
[Footnote 235: Decimus Brutus, one of the tyrannicides of March 15,
44.]
[Footnote 236: Sall. _Cat_. 25.]
[Footnote 237: Plut. _Lucullus_ 6.]
[Footnote 238: Cic. _ad Fam._ viii. 7: a letter of Caelius, in which
he tells of a lady who divorced her husband without pretext on the
very day he returned from his province.]
[Footnote 239: Plut. _Cato min._ 25 and 52. Plutarch seems to be
using here the Anti-Cato of Caesar, but the facts must have been well
known.]
[Footnote 240: e.g. _ad Att._ xv. 29.]
[Footnote 241: _ad Fam._ ix. 26.]
[Footnote 242: The so-called Laudatio Turiae is well known to all
students of Roman law, as raising a complicated question of Roman
legal inheritance; but it may also be reckoned as a real fragment of
Roman literature, valuable, too, for some points in the history of
the time it covers. It was first made accessible and intelligible by
Mommsen in 1863, and the paper he then wrote about it has lately been
reprinted in his _Gesammelte Schriften_, vol. i., together with a
new fragment discovered on the same site as the others in 1898. This
fragment, and a discussion of its relation to the whole, will he found
in the _Classical Review_ for June 1905, p. 261; the laudatio without
the new fragment in _C.I.L._ vi. 1527.]
[Footnote 243: App. _B.C._ iv. 44. The identification has been
impugned of late, but, as I think, without due reason. See my article
in _Classical Rev._, 1905, p. 265.]
[Footnote 244: This is how I interpret the new fragment. See
_Classical Rev. l.c._ p. 263 foll.]
[Footnote 245: For the legal question see Mommsen, _Gesammelte
Schriften_, i. p. 407 foll.]
[Footnote 246: The account that follows is put together from Appian
iv. 44, Valerius Maximus vi. 7. 2, and the Laudatio. Appian preserved
some fifty stories of escapes at this time, and the only one that fits
with the Laudatio is that of Lucretius.]
[Footnote 247: Newman, _Politics of Aristotle_, i. p. 372.]
[Footnote 248: A list of the best authorities will be found at the
beginning of Professor Wilkins' book. Of these by far the most useful
for a student is the section in Marquardt's _Privatleben_, p. 79 foll.
The two volumes of Cramer (_Geschichte der Erziehung_, etc.), which
cover all antiquity, are, as he says, most valuable for their breadth
of view. See also H. Nettleship, _Lectures and Essays_, ch. iii.
foll.]
[Footnote 249: Plut. _Cato the Elder_, ch. xx.]
[Footnote 250: Plut. _Aem. Paul._ ch. vi.]
[Footnote 251: Plut. _Cato minor 1 ad fin._ What is told in the
earlier part of this chapter may perhaps be invention, based on the
character of the grown man; but this information at the end may be
derived from a contemporary source.]
[Footnote 252: Val. Max. iii. 1. 2.]
[Footnote 253: There is a single story of Cicero's boyhood in
Plutarch's _Life_ of him, ch. ii., that parents used to visit his
school because of his fame as a scholar, etc., but to this I do not
attach much importance.]
[Footnote 254: So in _ad Q.F._ iii. 1. 7: de Cicerone tuo quod me
semper rogas, etc.]
[Footnote 255: Ib.]
[Footnote 256: Ib. iii. 3. 4.]
[Footnote 257: Ib. iii. 9.]
[Footnote 258: See the few fragments in the Appendix to Riese's
edition of the remains of Varro's Menippean Satires, p. 248 foll.]
[Footnote 259: _De Rep._ iv. 3. 3.]
[Footnote 260: Plut. _Cato_ 20.]
[Footnote 261: There is probably an allusion to the Stoic view, that
reason is not attained till the fourteenth year, in Virgil's line in
_Ecl._ 4. 27.]
[Footnote 262: in Nonius, p. 108, s.v. ephippium. Cp. the account of
the education of Cato's young son, Plut. _Cato_, 20. Cp. also Virg.
_Aen._ ix. 602 foll.]
[Footnote 263: in Nonius, p. 156, s.v. puerae.]
[Footnote 264: p. 281, ed. Müller.]
[Footnote 265: Her. _Odes_ iii. 6.]
[Footnote 266: Dionys. Hal. ii. 26.]
[Footnote 267: Cic. _pro Cluentio_ 60. 165; Marq. _Privatleben_, p.
87.]
[Footnote 268: See a paper by the author in _Classical Rev._ vol. x.
p. 317, in which evidence is collected in support of this view. That
the praetexta had a quasi-sacred character seems certain; see e.g.
Hor. _Epod._ 5. 7; Persius, v. 30; pseudo-Quintilian, _Declam._ 340.
See Henzen, _Acta Fratrum Arvalium_ 15, for the pueri patrimi et
matrimi, representing in that ancient cult the children of the old
Roman family.]
[Footnote 269: Cic. _de Legibus_, ii. 59.]
[Footnote 270: Polyb. vi. 53. For an account of the practice of
laudatio see Marq. _Privatleben_, p. 346 foll. This, too, degenerated
into falsification.]
[Footnote 271: A full list of games will be found in Marquardt,
_Privatleben_, p. 814 foll.]
[Footnote 272: The question is discussed by Quintilian, i. 2.]
[Footnote 273: Plut. Aem. Fault. 6.]
[Footnote 274: Full details about elementary schools in Wilkins, ch.
iv., and Marq p. 90 foll.]
[Footnote 275: Quintil. i. 3. 14.]
[Footnote 276: Plutarch is careful to tell us that Aem. Paullus
exercised this supervision himself (ch. vi.).]
[Footnote 277: _Pro Flacco_ 4, 9. Cp. _ad Quint. Fratr._ i. 2. 4.]
[Footnote 278: That the boy was not always respectful is shown in an
amusing passage in Plautus. _Bacchides_, III. iii. 34 foll.]
[Footnote 279: Sen. _Controversiae_, vii. 3. 8.]
[Footnote 280: London, O.J. Clay and Sons, 1895.]
[Footnote 281: Fortuna occurs many times, as in the so-called
sententiae Varronis printed at the end of Riese's edition of the
fragments of Varro's Menippean satires. This is characteristic of the
period.]
[Footnote 282: Hor. _Epist._ i. I. 70.]
[Footnote 283: Marq. _Privatleben_, p. 95 foll.; Wilkins, p. 53.]
[Footnote 284: There is a good example of this in the well-known case
of Brutus' loan to the Salaminians of Cyprus: see especially Cic. ad
Alt. v. 21. 12.]
[Footnote 285: Hor. Ars Poet. 323 foll.]
[Footnote 286: Mommsen, _Hist. of Rome_, iv. p. 563.]
[Footnote 287: Quintilian was of opinion that Greek authors should
precede Latin: i. I. 12.]
[Footnote 288: _De Oratore_, i. 187.]
[Footnote 289: There are many subjects in the book of other kinds, but
all are illustrated in exactly the same way.]
[Footnote 290: H. Jordan, _M. Catonis praeter librum de re rustica
quae extant_, p. 80.]
[Footnote 291: Full information on this point will be found in
Marquardt, _Privatleben_, p. 131 foll.]
[Footnote 292: See my _Roman Festivals_, p. 56. The Liberalia (March
17) was the usual day for the change, and a convenient one for the
enrolment of tirones.]
[Footnote 293: See the very interesting note (11) in Marq. p. 123, as
to the enrolment in municipal towns.]
[Footnote 294: Pro Caelio, 4. 9.]
[Footnote 295: Livy xlv. 37. 3.]
[Footnote 296: Pro Caelio, 30. 72.]
[Footnote 297: _Pro Caelio_, 31. 74.]
[Footnote 298: _Roman Education_, ch. v.]
[Footnote 299: Rhetorica ad Herenniwm, init. The date of this work was
about 82 B.C. See a paper by the author in Journal of Philology, x.
197.]
[Footnote 300: H. Nettleship, _Lectures_, etc., p. III; Wilkins, p.
85; Quintil. xii. 2.]
[Footnote 301: Wilkins, _l.c._]
[Footnote 302: Quintil. i. 4. 5; xii. 1. 1; xii. 2 and 7.]
[Footnote 303: _Ib._ xii. 1. 11.]
[Footnote 304: Plut. _Cic._ 4; _Caes._ 3.]
[Footnote 305: _ad Fam._ xvi. 21. The translation is based on Mr.
Shuckburgh's.]
[Footnote 306: See _Der Horn, Gutsbetrieb_, by H. Gummerus, reprinted
from _Klio_, 1906: an excellent specimen of economic research, to
which I am much indebted in this chapter.--E. Meyer, _Die Sclaverei im
Altertum_, p. 46.]
[Footnote 307: Strabo, p. 668.]
[Footnote 308: Livy, xlv. 34.]
[Footnote 309: Livy, _Epit._ 68.]
[Footnote 310: Caesar, _B.G._ ii. 33.]
[Footnote 311: _ad Att._ v. 20. 5.]
[Footnote 312: Wallon (_Hist. de l'Esclavage_, ii. p. 38) has noted
that Virgil alone shows a feeling of tenderness for the lot of the
captive, quoting _Aen_. iii. 320 foll. (the speech of Andromache): but
this was for the fate of a princess, and a mythical princess. No
Latin poet of that age shows any real sympathy with captives or with
slaves.]
[Footnote 313: Cic. _pro lege Manilia_ 12. 23. Plutarch, in his _Life
of Pompey_ 24, adds that Romans of good standing would join in the
pirates' business in order to make profit in this scandalous way.]
[Footnote 314: Suet. _Aug._ 32, of the period before Augustus.]
[Footnote 315: Varro, _R.R._ ii. 10; Diodorus xxxvi. 3. 1.]
[Footnote 316: Hor. _Epist_. i. 6. 39:--
"Mancipiis locuples eget aeris Cappadocum rex:
Ne fueris hic tu."
]
[Footnote 317: Varro, _R.R._ i. 17.]
[Footnote 318: _Ib_. 2. 10. 3.]
[Footnote 319: Hor. _Epode_ 2. 65. Cp. Tibull. ii. 1. 25 "turbaque
vernarum, saturi bona signa coloni."]
[Footnote 320: See Gummerus, _op. cit._ p. 63, who considers the
_obaeratus_ of Varro as the equivalent of the _addictus_ of the Roman
law of debt.]
[Footnote 321: See the well-known description of the Forum in Plautus'
_Curculio_, iv. 1: "pone aedem Castoris, ibi sunt subito quibu' credas
male"; Marq. _Privatleven_, p. 168; Wallon, _op. cit_. ch. ii.]
[Footnote 322: Gellius iv. 2 gives an extract from the edict of
the aediles drawn up with the object of counteracting such sharp
practice.]
[Footnote 323: Livy xxxix. 44.]
[Footnote 324: _N.H._. vii. 55. This story affords a good example
of the tricks of the trade: the boys were not twins, and came from
different countries, though exactly alike.]
[Footnote 325: _Bevölkerung_, p. 403.]
[Footnote 326: Cic. _Off_. ii. 21. 73.]
[Footnote 327: Galen v. p. 49, ed. Kuhn; Galen was a native of this
great city.]
[Footnote 328: Dr. Gummerus promises it.]
[Footnote 329: Sittengeschichte, i., ed. 5, p. 264.]
[Footnote 330: Probably by Clodius in 58.]
[Footnote 331: _Asconius ad Cic. pro Cornel_., ed. Clark, p. 75;
Waltzing, _Corporations professionelles_, i. p. 90 foll.]
[Footnote 332: Baking as a trade only came in, as we saw, in 174;
Plautus died in 184; some doubt is thus thrown on the Roman character
of the passage, or the allusion may not be to a public bakery.]
[Footnote 333: See a remarkable passage of Athenaeus (vi. 104) quoted
by Marquardt, _Privatleben_, p. 156, on the use of slaves at Rome for
unproductive labour.]
[Footnote 334: Sallust, e.g., says of his own life in retirement
that he would not engage in "agrum colendo aut venando, servilibus
officiis."--_Catil._ 4.]
[Footnote 335: Wallon, _Hist. de l'Esclavage_, vol. ii. ch. iii.]
[Footnote 336: Sall. _Catil_. 12.]
[Footnote 337: iv. 3. 11 and 12. Plutarch says that as military
tribune Cato the younger had fifteen slaves with him.--Cato minor 9.]
[Footnote 338: Cato, R.R. 2. I.]
[Footnote 339: In ch. 185 he mentions towns where many other objects
may be bought best and cheapest: at Rome, e.g., clothing and rugs, at
Cales and Minturnae farm-instruments of iron, etc. See also Gummerus,
_op. cit._ p. 36.]
[Footnote 340: _R.R._ 10 and 11.]
[Footnote 341: Assiduos homines quinquaginta praebeto, i.e. the
contractor: ch. 144.]
[Footnote 342: See the discussion of this word in Gummerus, p. 62
foll. Varro defines them as those "qui suas operas in servitutem dant
pro pecunia quam debebant" (_de Ling. Lat._ vii. 105), i.e. they give
their labour as against servitude.]
[Footnote 343: _R.R._ i. 22.]
[Footnote 344: Cp. Plut. _Cato the Elder_ 21; a slave must be at work
when he is not asleep.]
[Footnote 345: This is a point on which I cannot enter, but there can
hardly be a doubt that in the long run free labour is cheaper.
See Cairnes, _Slave Power in America_, ch. iii.; Salvioli, _Le
Capitalisme_, p. 253; Columella, _Praejatio_.]
[Footnote 346: Gummerus, p. 81. At the same time the small cultivator
is an obvious fact in Columella, cultivating his bit of land without
working for others.]
[Footnote 347: For Spartacus, Appian, _B.G._ i. 116; for Caelius,
Caesar, _B.C._ iii. 22; and cp. _B.C._ i. 56.]
[Footnote 348: _R.R._ ii. 10.]
[Footnote 349: Columella i. 8.]
[Footnote 350: Gaius ii. 15.]
[Footnote 351: For examples of slaves' devotion to their masters,
Appian, _B.C._ iv. 29; Seneca, _de Benef_. iii. 25.]
[Footnote 352: _ad Fam_. xvi. 1; read also the charming letters which
follow. Tiro was manumitted by Cicero at an unknown date.]
[Footnote 353: _ad Att_. xii. 10.]
[Footnote 354: See the article "Manumissio" in _Dict. of
Antiquities_.]
[Footnote 355: Only in exercising the jus suffragii he was limited
with all his fellow libertini to one of the four city tribes.]
[Footnote 356: Val. Max. viii. 6. 2.]
[Footnote 357: Sall. _Cat_. 24 and 56; Wallon, ii. p. 318 foll.]
[Footnote 358: See, e.g., Cic. _ad Att_. ii. 24. 3; Asconius, _in
Milonianam_ (ed. Clark, p. 31); Milo's host of slaves had gladiators
among them, and were organised in military fashion (an antesignanus,
p. 32), when he fell in with Clodius.]
[Footnote 359: _Pro Sestio_, 15. 34.]
[Footnote 360: _De Pet. Consulatus_, 5. 17.]
[Footnote 361: _ad Quint. Fratr._ i. 2 _ad fin_.]
[Footnote 362: Strabo, p. 381.]
[Footnote 363: Dion. Hal. iv. 23.]
[Footnote 364: Wallon, op. cit. ii. p. 436.]
[Footnote 365: See Otto Seeck, _Geschichte des Untergangs der antiken
Welt_, ch. iv. and v.]
[Footnote 366: See Marquardt, _Privatleben_, p. 172.]
[Footnote 367: Wallon (ii. p. 255 foll.) has collected a number of
examples. Plautus' slaves are as much Athenian as Roman, but the
conditions would be much the same in each case. Cp. Varro, _Men. Sat_.
ed. Riese, p. 220: "Crede mihi, plures dominos servi comederunt quam
canes."]
[Footnote 368: Petronius, _Sat_. 75.]
[Footnote 369: Diodorus xxxiv. 38.]
[Footnote 370: "Coli rura ab ergastulis pessimum est et quicquid
agitur a desperantibus," wrote Pliny (_Nat. Hist_. xviii. 36) in the
famous passage about latifundia.]
[Footnote 371: _R.R._ i. 17.]
[Footnote 372: See some excellent remarks on this subject in _Ecce
Homo_, towards the end of ch. xii. ("Universality of the Christian
Republic ").]
[Footnote 373: _The Slave Power_, ch. v., and especially p. 374 foll.
A living picture of the mean white may be found in Mark Twain's
_Huckleberry Finn_, drawn from his own early experience, particularly
in ch. xxi.]
[Footnote 374: "Regum nobis induimus animos," wrote Seneca in a
well-known letter about the claims of slaves as human beings, _Ep_.
47.]
[Footnote 375: _Life in Ancient Athens_, p. 55.]
[Footnote 376: For this view of the Lar see Wissowa, _Religion und
Kultus der Römer_, p. 148 foll.; and a note by the author in _Archiv
fur Religionswissenschaft_, 1906, p. 529.]
[Footnote 377: _Fasti_, vi. 299.]
[Footnote 378: Cato, _R.R._, ch. ii. init.; Horace, _Epode_ 2. 65;
_Sat_. ii. 6. 65.]
[Footnote 379: _Romische Religion_, p. 214.]
[Footnote 380: Or lectulus adversus, i.e. opposite the door; Ascon.
ed. Clark, p. 43, a good passage for the contents of an atrium.]
[Footnote 381: See Mau's _Pompeii_, p. 248.]
[Footnote 382: Mau, _Pompeii_, p. 240.]
[Footnote 383: The extent to which this could be carried can be
guessed from Sall. _Cat._ 12.]
[Footnote 384: Quintus Cicero, growing rich with Caesar in Gaul, had a
fancy for a domus suburbana: Cic. _ad Q. Fr._ iii. I. 7. Marcus tells
his brother in this letter that he himself had no great fancy for such
a residence, and that his house on the Palatine had all the charm of
such a suburbana. His villa at Tusculum, as we shall see, served the
purpose of a house close to the city.]
[Footnote 385: A great number of passages about the noise and crowds
of Rome are collected in Mayor's _Notes to Juvenal_, pp. 173, 203,
207.]
[Footnote 386: Some interesting remarks on the general aspect of the
city will be found in the concluding chapter of Lanciani's _Ruins and
Excavations_. For the bore elsewhere than in Rome, see below, p. 256.]
[Footnote 387: _ad Fam_. ii. 12: "Urbem, Urbem, mi Rufe, cole, et in
ista luce viva Omnis peregrinatio (foreign travel) obscura et sordida
est iis, quorum industria Roma potest illustris esse," etc.]
[Footnote 388: Lucr. ii. 22 foll.; iii. 1060 foll. Cp. Seneca, _Ep._
69: "Frequens migratio instabilis animi est!"]
[Footnote 389: _de Oratore_, ii. 22.]
[Footnote 390: These houses, with the coast on which they stood,
have long sunk into the sea, and we are only now, thanks to the
perseverance of Mr. R.T. Günther of Magdalen College, realising their
position and former magnificence. See his volume on _Earth Movements
in the Bay of Naples_.]
[Footnote 391: See Cic. _pro Caelio_, §§ 48-50.]
[Footnote 392: _Cicero's Villen_, Leipzig, 1889.]
[Footnote 393: Varro, _R.R._ iii. 13.]
[Footnote 394: The villa had once been Sulla's also: and the
aristocratic connection gave its owner some trouble. See above, p.
102.]
[Footnote 395: Schmidt, _op. cit._ p. 31.]
[Footnote 396: _de Finibus_, iii. 2. 7.]
[Footnote 397: _de Legibus_, ii. 1.]
[Footnote 398: _op. cit_. p. 15. I am assured by a travelling friend
that the Fibreno is a delicious stream.]
[Footnote 399: _ad Quint. Fratr_. iii. 1.]
[Footnote 400: _ad Att._ xiii. 19. 2.]
[Footnote 401: For further details of the amenities of the villa at
Arpinum see Schmidt, _op. cit._]
[Footnote 402: _ad Att._ ii. 14 and 15.]
[Footnote 403: O.E. Schmidt, _Briefwechsel Cicero's_, pp. 66 and 454;
but see his _Cicero's Villen_, p. 46, note.]
[Footnote 404: _ad Att_. xii. 19 init.]
[Footnote 405: See Seneca, _Epist_. 69, on the disturbing influence of
constant change of scene.]
[Footnote 406: There is an exception in the young Cicero's letter to
Tiro, translated above, p. 202.]
[Footnote 407: Censorinus, _De die natali_, 23. 6.; Pliny, _N.H._ vii.
213. On the whole subject of the division of the day see Marquardt,
_Privatlben_, p. 246 foll.]
[Footnote 408: In the XII Tables only sunrise and sunset were
mentioned (Pliny, _l.c._ 212). Later on noon was proclaimed by the
Consul's marshal (Varro, _de Ling. Lat_. vi. 5), and also the end of
the civil day. Cp. Varro, _L.L._ vi. 89.]
[Footnote 409: Cic. _pro Quinctio_, 18. 59.]
[Footnote 410: See the article "Horologium" in _Dict. of Antiquities_,
vol. i.]
[Footnote 411: Our modern hours are called equinoctial, because they
are fixed at the length of the natural hour at the equinoxes. This
system does not seem to have come in until late in the Empire period.]
[Footnote 412: For the water-clock see Marquardt, _op. cit_. p. 773
foll.]
[Footnote 413: The lines are so good that I may venture to quote them
in full from Gell. iii 3 (cp. Ribbeck, _Fragm. Gomicorum_, ii. p. 34):
"parasitus esuriens dicit:
Ut illum di perdant primus qui horas repperit,
Quique adeo primus statuit hic solarium.
Qui mihi comminuit misero articulatim diem,
Nam olim me puero venter erat solarium,
Multo omnium istorum optimum et verissimum:
Ubivis ste monebat esse, nisi quom nihil erat.
Nunc etiam quom est, non estur, nisi soli libet.
Itaque adeo iam oppletum oppidum est solariis,
Maior pars populi iam aridi reptant fame."
The fourth line contains a truth of human nature, of which
illustrations might easily be found at the present day.]
[Footnote 414: Pliny, _N.H._ xv. 1 foll, supplies the history of the
oil industry. For the candles see Marquardt, _Privatleben_, p. 690.]
[Footnote 415: See above, p. 93.]
[Footnote 416: Marq. _Privatleben_, p. 264.]
[Footnote 417: Cic. _ad Q.F._ ii. 3. 7. For the lippitudo, _ad Att._
vii. 14.]
[Footnote 418: Hor. _Epist_. ii. 1. 112; Pliny, _Ep_. iii. 5, 8, 9.]
[Footnote 419: Hor. _Epist._ ii. 1. 103: "Romae dulce diu fuit et
solenne reclusa Mane domo vigilare, clienti promere iura" etc. It is
curious that all our information on this early business comes from the
literature of the Empire. The single passage of Cicero which Marquardt
could find to illustrate it unluckily relates to his practice as
governor of Cilicia (_ad Att._ vi. 2. 5).]
[Footnote 420: e.g. _ad Q.F._ i. 2. 16.; and Q. Cic. _Commentariolum
petitionis_, sec. 17.]
[Footnote 421: See what he says of M. Manilius in _De Orat_. iii.
133.]
[Footnote 422: The word seems to be connected with ieiunium (Plant.
_Curculio_ I. i. 73; Festus, p. 346), and thus answers to our
break_fast_. The verb is ientare: Afranius: fragm. "ientare nulla
invitat."]
[Footnote 423: Galen, vol. vi. p. 332. I take this citation from
Marquardt, _Privatleben_, p. 257; others will be found in the notes
to that page. Marquardt seems to have been the first to bring the
evidence of the medical writers to bear on the subject of Roman
meals.]
[Footnote 424: See the interesting account of these (salutatores,
deductores, assectatores) in the _Commentariolum petitionis_ of Q.
Cicero, 9. 34 foll.]
[Footnote 425: See above, p. 109.]
[Footnote 426: Q. Cicero, _Comment. Pet._9. 37.]
[Footnote 427: See the author's _Roman Festivals_, pp. 125 foll.]
[Footnote 428: Plutarch, _C. Gracchus_, 6.]
[Footnote 429: Cic. _ad Fam._ ii. 12.]
[Footnote 430: Fragm. 9. Baehrens, _Fragm. Poet. Rom._ p. 141. Cp.
Galen, vol. x. p. 3 (Kuhn).]
[Footnote 431: Livy xlv. 36; Cic. _ad Fam_. i. 2; for a famous case of
"obstruction" by lengthy speaking, Gell. iv. 10.]
[Footnote 432: Festus, p. 54.]
[Footnote 433: _ad Fam._ vii. 30.]
[Footnote 434: _de Divinatione_, ii. 142, written in 44 B.C.]
[Footnote 435: Varro, _R.R._ i. 2; the words are put into the mouth
of one of the speakers in the dialogue. See, for examples from later
writers, Marq., _Privatleben_, p. 262.]
[Footnote 436: _ad Att_. xiii. 52; the habit may have often been
dropped in winter.]
[Footnote 437: Seneca, _Ep_. 86. The whole passage is most
interesting, as illustrating the difference in habits wrought in the
course of two centuries.]
[Footnote 438: Mau, _Pompeii_, p. 300. See above, p. 244.]
[Footnote 439: See the plan in Mau, p. 357; Marquardt, _Privatleben_,
p. 272.]
[Footnote 440: See Professor Purser's explanation and illustrations in
the _Dict. of Antiquities_, vol. i. p. 278.]
[Footnote 441: The subject of the public baths at Rome properly
belongs to the period of the Empire, and is too extensive to be
treated in a chapter on the daily life of the Roman of Cicero's time.
Public baths did exist in Rome already, but we hear very little of
them, which shows that they were not as yet an indispensable adjunct
of social life; but the fact that Seneca in the letter already quoted
describes the aediles as testing the heat of the water with their
hands shows (1) that the baths were public, (2) that they were of hot
water and not, as later, of hot air (_thermae_). The latter invention
is said to have come in before the Social war (Val. Max. ix. 1.
1.). Some baths seem to have been run as a speculation by private
individuals, and bore the name of their builder (e.g. balneae Seniae,
Cic. _pro Cael_. 25. 61). In summer the young men still bathed in the
Tiber (_pro Cael_. 15. 36). At Pompeii the oldest public baths (the
Stabian; Mau, p. 183) date from the second century B.C.]
[Footnote 442: The tradition was that the paterfamilias originally
also sat instead of reclining. See Marq. _Privatleben_, p. 292 note
3.]
[Footnote 443: Columella, ii. 1. 19, a very interesting chapter;
Plutarch, _Cato min_. 56.]
[Footnote 444: Plut. _Lucullus_ 40; see above, p. 242.]
[Footnote 445: Plut. _Quaest. Conv._ 1. 3 foll.; and Marq. p. 295.]
[Footnote 446: Hor. _Sat_. i. 4. 86; cp. Cic. _in Pisonem_, 27. 67.]
[Footnote 447: Cic. _de Senect_. 14. 46.]
[Footnote 448: Lucilius, fragm. 30; 120 foll.; 168, 327 etc. Varro
wrote a Menippean satire on gluttony, of which a fragment is preserved
by Gellius, vi. 16.]
[Footnote 449: See the interesting passage in _Cic. pro Murena_, 36.
75, about the funeral feast of Scipio Aemilianus.]
[Footnote 450: Catull. 47. 5: "vos convivia lauta sumptuose De die
facitis?"]
[Footnote 451: 26. 65 foll; Hor. _Od_. iii. 19, and the commentators.]
[Footnote 452: _ad Fam_. vii. 26, of the year 57 B.C. The sumptuary
law must have been a certain lex Aemilia of later date than Sulla.
(See Gell. ii. 24: "qua lege non sumptus cenarum, sed ciborum genus et
modus praefinitus est.") This chapter of Gellius, and Macrob. iii. 17,
are the safest passages to consult on the subject of the growth of
gourmandism.]
[Footnote 453: See Munro, _Elucidations of Catullus_, p. 92 foll.]
[Footnote 454: Tibull. ii. 1. 51 foll. Cp. ii. 5. 83 foll. Several are
also described by Ovid in his _Fasti_. A charming account of feste in
a Tuscan village of to-day will be found in _A Nook in the Apennines_,
by Leader Scott, chapters xxviii. and xxix.: a book full of value for
Italian rural life, ancient and modern.]
[Footnote 455: Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus_, p. 366. "Feriae" came
in time to be limited to public festivals, while "festus dies" covered
all holidays.]
[Footnote 456: de Legibus, ii. 8. 19: cp. 12. 29.]
[Footnote 457: Georg. i. 268 foll. Cato had already said the same
thing: _R.R._ ii. 4.]
[Footnote 458: Thus Ovid describes the rites performed by the Flamen
Quirinalis at the old agricultural festival of the Robigalia (Robigus,
deity of the mildew) as if it were a curious bit of old practice which
most people knew nothing about.--_Fasti_, iv. 901 foll.]
[Footnote 459: Greenidge, _Legal Procedure in Cicero's time_, p. 457.]
[Footnote 460: It is the same word as our _fair_.]
[Footnote 461: _Fasti_, iii. 523 foll.; Fowler, _Roman Festivals_, p.
51.]
[Footnote 462: _Roman Festivals_, p. 185. The custom doubtless had a
religious origin.]
[Footnote 463: _Ib_. p. 268. Augustus limited the days to three.]
[Footnote 464: Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus_, p. 170. The cult of
Saturn was largely affected by Greek usage, but this particular custom
was more likely descended from the usage of the Latin farm.]
[Footnote 465: See above, p. 172. Marquardt, _Privatleben_, p. 586;
Frazer, _Golden Bough_ (ed. 2), vol. iii. p. 188 foll.]
[Footnote 466: Cic. _Verr_. I. 10. 31; where Cicero complains of the
difficulties he experienced in conducting his case in consequence of
the number of ludi from August to November in that year.]
[Footnote 467: Fowler, _Roman Festivals_, p. 217 foll.]
[Footnote 468: See the account in Dion. Hal. vii. 72, taken from
Fabius Pictor.]
[Footnote 469: See Friedländer in Marquardt, _Staatsverwaltung_, iii.
p. 508, note 3.]
[Footnote 470: For full accounts of this procession, and the whole
question of the Ludi Romani, see Friedländer, _l.c._; Wissowa,
_Religion und Kultus_, p. 383 foll.; or the article "Triumphus" in
the _Dict. of Antiquities_, ed. 2. All accounts owe much to Mommsen's
essay in _Römische Forschungen_, ii. p. 42 foll.]
[Footnote 471: On the parallelism between the Ludi Plebeii and Romani
see Mommsen, _Staatsrecht_, ii. p. 508, note 4.]
[Footnote 472: Fowler, _Roman Festivals_, p. 179 foll.]
[Footnote 473: _Ib_. p. 69.]
[Footnote 474: _Ib_. p. 72 foll.]
[Footnote 475: Fowler, _Roman Festivals_, p. 91 foll.]
[Footnote 476: Livy xxii. 10.7; Dionys. vii. 71.]
[Footnote 477: Pliny, N.S. xxxiii. 138. The same thing happened once
or twice under Augustus.]
[Footnote 478: Livy xl. 44.]
[Footnote 479: ii. 16, 57 foll.]
[Footnote 480: We have some details of the ridiculously lavish
expenditure of this aedile in Pliny, N.H. xxxvi. 114. He built a
temporary theatre, which was decorated as though it were to be a
permanent monument of magnificence.]
[Footnote 481: Verr. v. 14. 36.]
[Footnote 482: Plut. Caes. 5.]
[Footnote 483: Cio. _ad Fam_. viii. 9.]
[Footnote 484: _ad Att_. vi. I. 21.]
[Footnote 485: There is no evidence that slaves were admitted under
the Republic. Columella, who wrote under Nero, is the first to mention
their presence at the games (_R.R._ i. 8. 2), unless we consider the
vilicus of Horace, _Epist_. i. 14. 15, as a slave. See Friedländer in
Marq. p. 491, note 4.]
[Footnote 486: See above, p. 13; Fowler, _Roman Festivals_, p. 208.]
[Footnote 487: _Roman Festivals_, p. 241.]
[Footnote 488: _Ib_. p. 77 foll.]
[Footnote 489: Dionys. Hal. in. 68 gives this number for Augustus'
time, and so far as we know Augustus had not enlarged the Circus.]
[Footnote 490: Gell. iii. 10. 16.]
[Footnote 491: Pliny, _N.H._ x. 71: he seems to be referring to an
earlier time, and this Caecina may have been the friend of Cicero. In
another passage of Pliny we hear of the red faction about the time of
Sulla (vii. 186; Friedl. p. 517). Cp. Tertullian, _de Spectaculis_,
9.]
[Footnote 492: For a graphic picture of the scene in the Circus in
Augustus' time see Ovid, _Ars Amatoria_, i. 135 foll.]
[Footnote 493: ch. 59.]
[Footnote 494: See Schol. Bob. on the _pro Sestio_, new Teubner ed.,
p. 105.]
[Footnote 495: Val. Max. ii. 3. 2. The conjecture as to the object
of the exhibition by the consuls is that of Bücheler, in _Rhein.
Mus._1883, p. 476 foll.]
[Footnote 496: The example was set, according to Livy, _Epit_. 16, by
a Junius Brutus at the beginning of the first Punic war.]
[Footnote 497: _ad Fam_. ii. 3.]
[Footnote 498: The origin of these bloody shows at funerals needs
further investigation. It may be connected with a primitive and savage
custom of sacrificing captives to the Manes of a chief, of which we
have a reminiscence in the sacrifice of captives by Aeneas, in Virg.
_Aen_. xi. 82.]
[Footnote 499: See Lucian Müller's _Ennius_, p. 35 foll., where he
maintains against Mommsen the intelligence and taste of the Romans of
the 2nd century B.C.]
[Footnote 500: Cic. _Brutus_, 28. 107, where he speaks of having known
the poet himself.]
[Footnote 501: _ad_ Att. ii. 19.]
[Footnote 502: _Pro Sestio_, 55. 117 foll.]
[Footnote 503: _ad Q. Fratr_. iii. 5.]
[Footnote 504: It is only fair to say that this information comes from
a letter of Asinius Pollio to Cicero (_ad Fam_. x. 32. 3), and as
Pollio was one who had a word of mockery for every one, we may
discount the story of the tears.]
[Footnote 505: Tibicines, usually mistranslated flute-players; this
characteristic Italian instrument was really a primitive oboe played
with a reed, and usually of the double form (two pipes with a
connected mouthpiece), still sometimes seen in Italy.]
[Footnote 506: See above, p. 70.]
[Footnote 507: Val. Max. ii. 4. 2; Livy, _Epit_. 48.]
[Footnote 508: Tacitus, _Ann_. xiv. 20.]
[Footnote 509: Tertullian, _de Spectaculis_, 10; Pliny, _N.H._ viii.
20.]
[Footnote 510: See the excellent account in Hülsen, vol. iii. of
Jordan's _Topographie_, p. 524 foll. Some of the arches of the
supporting arcade are still visible.]
[Footnote 511: _ad Fam_. vii. I. Professor Tyrrell calls this letter a
rhetorical exercise; is it not rather one of those in which Cicero is
taking pains to write, therefore writing less easily and naturally
than usual?]
[Footnote 512: I have used Mr. Shuckburgh's translation, with one or
two verbal changes.]
[Footnote 513: Pliny, _Nat. Hist_. viii. 21.]
[Footnote 514: _de Div_. i. 37. 80. Cp. the story in Plut. _Cic_. 5.]
[Footnote 515: Hor. _Ep_. ii. 82; Quintil. ii. 3. Ill.]
[Footnote 516: Val. Max. viii. 10. 2. Cicero was said to have learnt
gesticulation both from Aesopus and Roscius.--Plut. _Cic_. 5.]
[Footnote 517: Pliny, _N.H._ vii. 128.]
[Footnote 518: _Pro Archia_, 8.]
[Footnote 519: _De Oratore_, i. 28. 129.]
[Footnote 520: _De Oratore_, iii. 27, 59.]
[Footnote 521: A useful succinct account of the literature of
this difficult subject will be found in Schanz, _Gesch. der rom.
Litteratur_, vol. i. (ed. 3) p. 21 foll.]
[Footnote 522: This is the view of Mommsen, _Hist_. iii. p. 455, which
is generally accepted. For further information see Teuffel, _Hist. of
Roman Literature_, i. (ed. 2) p. 9. That they were in fashion before
the mimus is gathered from Cic. _ad Fam_. ix. 16.]
[Footnote 523: Plut. _Sulla_, 2: ep. 36.]
[Footnote 524: Political allusions in mimes, were, however, not
unknown. Cp. Cic. _ad Alt_. xiv. 3, written in 44 B.C., after Caesar's
death.]
[Footnote 525: All the passages about Publilius are collected in Mr.
Bickford Smith's edition of his _Sententiae_, p. 10 foll. On mimes
generally the reader may be referred to Professor Purser's excellent
article in Smith's _Diet. of Antiq_. ed. 2.]
[Footnote 526: Animo aequissimo, _ad Fam_. xii. 19. He means perhaps
rather that flattering allusions to Caesar did not hurt his feelings.]
[Footnote 527: See Ribbeck, _Fragm. Comic. Lat_. p. 295 foll.]
[Footnote 528: Seneca, _Epist_. 108. 8.]
[Footnote 529: See another excellent article of Professor Purser's in
the _Dict. of Antiq_.]
[Footnote 530: See the _Hibbert Journal_ for July 1907, p. 847. In the
second sense Cicero often uses the plural "religiones," esp. in _de
Legibus_, ii.]
[Footnote 531: See Middleton, _Rome in 1887_, p. 423; Horace, _Sat_.
i. 8. 8 foll.; Nissen, _Italische Landeskunde_, ii. p. 522.]
[Footnote 532: Fowler, _Roman Festivals_, p. 336 foll.]
[Footnote 533: _Monumentum Ancyranum_ (Lat.), 4. 17.]
[Footnote 534: _de Nat. Deor._ i. 29. 82.]
[Footnote 535: Valerius Maximus, _Epit._ 3. 4; Wissowa, _Rel. und
Kult._ p. 293.]
[Footnote 536: See, e.g. Dill, _Roman Society from Nero to Marcus
Aurelius_, ch. v.]
[Footnote 537: See, e.g., _pro Sestio_, 15. 32; _in Vatinium_, 7. 18.]
[Footnote 538: Augustine, _Civ. Dei_, iv. 27.]
[Footnote 539: Cp. i. 63 foll.; iii. 87 and 894; v. 72 and 1218; and
many other passages.]
[Footnote 540: iii. 995 foll.; v. 1120 foll.]
[Footnote 541: iii. 70; v. 1126.]
[Footnote 542: ii. 22 foll.; iii. 1003; v. 1116.]
[Footnote 543: _Roman Poets of the Republic_, p. 306.]
[Footnote 544: The secret may be found in the last 250 lines of Bk.
iii., and at the beginning and end of Bk. v.]
[Footnote 545: v. 1203; ii. 48-54.]
[Footnote 546: v. 1129.]
[Footnote 547: "Philosophy has never touched the mass of mankind
except through religion" (_Decadence_, by Rt. Hon. A.J. Balfour, p.
53). This is a truth of which Lucretius was profoundly, though not
surprisingly, ignorant.]
[Footnote 548: See above, p. 115.]
[Footnote 549: e.g. xxi. 62.]
[Footnote 550: Ribbeck, _Fragm. Trag. Rom._ p. 54: Ego deum genus esse
semper dixi et dicam coelitum, Sed eos non curare opinor quid agat
humanum genus.]
[Footnote 551: See above, p. 114.]
[Footnote 552: See H.N. Fowler, _Panaetii et Hecatonis librorum
fragmenta_, p. 10; Hirzel, _Untersuchungen zu Cicero's philosophischen
Schriften_, i. p. 194 foll.]
[Footnote 553: See above, p. 115.]
[Footnote 554: Schmekel, _Die Mittlere Stoa_, p. 85 foll.; Hirzel,
_Untersuchungen_, etc., i. p. 194 foll.]
[Footnote 555: The fragments are collected by E. Agahd, Leipzig, 1898.
The great majority are found in St. Augustine, _de Civitate Dei_.]
[Footnote 556: As Wissowa says (_Religion und Kultus der Römer_, p.
100), Jupiter does not appear in Roman language and literature as a
personality who thunders or rains, but rather as the heaven itself
combining these various manifestations of activity. The most familiar
illustration of the usage alluded to in the text is the line of Horace
in _Odes_ i. 1. 25: "manet sub Iove frigido venator."]
[Footnote 557: ap. Aug. _Civ. Dei_, iv. 11.]
[Footnote 558: _Ib._ vii. 9.]
[Footnote 559: ap. Aug. _Civ. Dei_, vii. 13: animus mundi is here so
called, but evidently identified with Jupiter.]
[Footnote 560: _Ib._ vii. 9.]
[Footnote 561: _Ib._ iv. 11, 13.]
[Footnote 562: Aug. _de consensu evangel._ i. 23, 24. Cp. _Civ. Dei_,
iv. 9.]
[Footnote 563: _Ib._ i. 22. 30; _Civ. Dei_, xix. 22.]
[Footnote 564: See Wissowa, _Religion und Kultus_, p. 103.]
[Footnote 565: _de Rep_. iii. 22. See above, p. 117.]
[Footnote 566: _de Legilus_, ii. 10.]
[Footnote 567: _de Nat. Deor._. i. 15. 40: "idem etiam legis perpetuae
et eternae vim, quae quasi dux vitae et magistra officiorum sit, Iovem
dicit esse, eandemque fatalem necessitatem appellat, sempiternam rerum
futurarum veritatem." Chrysippus of course was speaking of the Greek
Zeus.]
[Footnote 568: e.g. _de Off._ iii. 28; _de Nat. Deor._ i. 116.]
[Footnote 569: Glover, _Studies in Virgil_, p. 275.]
[Footnote 570: It is interesting to note that in the religious revival
of Augustus Jupiter by no means has a leading place. See Carter,
_Religion of Numa_, p. 160, where, however, the attitude of Augustus
towards the great god is perhaps over-emphasised. On the relation of
Virgil's Jupiter to Fate, see E. Norden, _Virgils epische Technik_, p.
286 foll. Seneca, it is worth noting, never mentions Jupiter as the
centre of the Stoic Pantheon.--Dill, _Roman Society from Nero to M.
Aurelius_, p. 331.]
[Footnote 571: See an article by the author in _Hibbert Journal_, July
1907, p. 847.]
[Footnote 572: Plut. _Sulla_, 6.]
[Footnote 573: Valerius Maximus ii. 3.]
[Footnote 574: _de Div_. i. 32. 68.]
[Footnote 575: Plut. _Brutus_, 36, 37.]
[Footnote 576: Sall. _Cat._ 51; Cic. _Cat._ iv. 4. 7.]
[Footnote 577: Cic. _de Rep._ iv. 24.]
[Footnote 578: Reid, _The Academics of Cicero_, Introduction, p. 18.]
[Footnote 579: _ad Att._ xii. 36.]
[Footnote 580: ad Att. xii. 37.]
[Footnote 581: Suetonius, _Jul_. 88. See E. Kornemann in _Klio_, vol.
i. p. 95.]
[Footnote 582: We do not know exactly when this preface was written.
Prefaces are now composed, as a rule, when a work is finished: but
this does not seem to have been the practice in antiquity, and
internal evidence is here strongly in favour of an early date.]
[Footnote 583: _Epode_ 16. 54; cp. 30 foll.]
[Footnote 584: Sir W.M. Ramsay, quoted in _Virgil's Messianic
Eclogue_, p. 54.]
[Footnote 585: Dr. J.B. Mayor, in _Virgil's Messianic Eclogue_, p. 118
foll.]