[597] The Storax officinalis of Linnæus, a tree found in the south of

Europe and the Levant. The variety found in France, and known as the

Aliboufier, produces no storax, or at least a very small proportion.

The storax of commerce appears in three states—grain storax, with which

Pliny does not appear to have been acquainted; amygdalite, which is

perhaps the sort which he speaks of as adulterated with bitter almonds;

and lump storax, of reddish brown colour, which is frequently mixed

with wood dust, or worm dust, as mentioned by Pliny, and is but little

esteemed. The tree is also called Liquidambar styraciflua.

[598] A shrub of the family of Ombelliferæ, belonging to the genus

bubon. It is a native of Asia Minor and Syria.

[599] See B. xix. c. 52, and B. xx. c. 75.

[600] This was a common notion with the Romans. Virgil, Georg. B. iii.

l. 415, says:—

“Galbaneoque agitare graves nidore chelydros.”

Though considered to produce a pleasant perfume by the ancients, it is

no longer held in estimation for that quality, and is only employed in

some slight degree for medical purposes.

[601] The produce of the Pastinaca opopanax of Linnæus, or the Panax

Copticum of Bauhin, an umbelliferous plant which abounds in the East,

and is not uncommon in the south of France. The gum called Opopanax

was formerly used, and its supposed virtues are indicated by its name,

which signifies “the juice which is the universal remedy.”

[602] The umbelliferous plant known as the Heracleum spondylium

of Linnæus. It is commonly found in France, where it is called

Berce-branc-ursine. It received its name from the resemblance of its

smell to that of the sphondyle, a fetid kind of wood-beetle.

[603] Some suppose this tree to be the Laurus cassia of Linnæus,

or wild cinnamon; others take it for the betel, the Piper betel of

Linnæus. Clusius thinks that the name is derived from the Indian

Tamalpatra, the name given from time immemorial to the leaf of a

tree known by the Arabs as the Cadegi-indi, possibly the same as the

Katou-carua of the Malabars.

[604] From the Greek ὀμφάκιον, being made of unripe grapes. As Fée

remarks, that made from the olive is correctly described as a kind

of oil, but that made from the grape must have been a rob, or pure

verjuice. These two liquids must have had totally different qualities,

and resembled each other in nothing but the name. That extracted from

the olive is mentioned again in B. xxiii. c. 4, in reference to its

medicinal properties.

[605] These grapes are described in B. xiv. c. 4 and c. 11.

[606] “Reliquum corpus.” It is not clear what is the meaning of this.

The passage is either in a corrupt state, or defective.

[607] A singular metal, one would think, for keeping verjuice in.

[608] From the Greek βρύον, “moss.” He speaks again of these grapes

of the white poplar in B. xxiv. c. 34; also in c. 51 of the present

Book. Hardouin thinks that he is speaking of moss. Fée is of opinion,

that the blossoms or buds of the tree are meant, which have a fragrant

smell. This is the more probable, as we find Pliny here speaking of

the œnanthe, or vine-flower, by which Fée supposes that he means the

blossom of the Vitis vinifera of Linnæus, which exhales a delightful

perfume.

[609] The bud, probably, of the Juniperus Lycia.

[610] See B. vi. c. 31.

[611] Said to have been a surname given by some nations to the god

Bacchus.

[612] It is generally supposed by the commentators, that Pliny makes

a mistake here, and that the elate or spathe was not a tree, but the

envelope or capsule, containing the flowers and fruit of a tree, which

is supposed by some to have been really the Phœnix dactylifera, or

date-palm. There can be little doubt that he is mistaken in his mention

of the abies or fir-tree here. See B. xxiii. c. 53.

[613] Bauhin thinks that this juice or oil was extracted from the

nutmeg, the Myristica moschata of Thunberg, and Bonastre is of the

same opinion. But, as Fée observes, the nutmeg is a native of India,

and Pliny speaks of the Comacum as coming from Syria. Some authors, he

adds, who are of this opinion, think also that the other cinnamomum

mentioned by Pliny was no other than the nutmeg, which they take to be

the same as the chrysobalanos, or “golden nut,” of Galen.

[614] See end of B. ii.

[615] See end of B. ii.

[616] See end of B. vii.

[617] Fabianus Papirius: see end of B. ii.

[618] See end of B. ii.

[619] See end of B. iii.

[620] The son of a freedman; some further particulars are given of him

by Pliny in B. xxxiii. c. 1. By his talents and eloquence, he attained

considerable distinction at Rome. He was made a senator by Appius

Claudius, and was curule ædile B.C. 303. He published a collection of

legal rules, entitled the “Jus Flavianum.”

[621] See end of B. viii.

[622] See end of B. iii.

[623] See end of B. vii.

[624] See end of B. v.

[625] See end of B. ii.

[626] Probably the same as the Niger mentioned by Dioscorides as a

writer on Materia Medica. He is also mentioned by Epiphanius and Galen;

but Dioscorides charges him with numerous blunders in his accounts of

vegetable productions.

[627] A compiler of Roman history, who wrote at the beginning of the

second century before Christ. He wrote Annals of Rome from the earliest

to his own times: only a few fragments of his work have survived.

[628] See end of B. ii.

[629] C. Sempronius Tuditanus, consul of Rome, B.C. 129. He wrote a

book of historical Commentaries. He was maternal grandfather of the

orator Hortensius.

[630] See end of B. ii.

[631] See end of B. iii.

[632] See end of B. ii.

[633] A native of Olynthus. His mother, Hero, was a cousin of the

philosopher Aristotle, under whose tutelage he was educated. It is

generally supposed that he was put to death by order of Alexander

the Great, but in what manner is a matter of uncertainty. He wrote a

History of Greece, and numerous other learned works. Some MSS. are

still extant, professing to be his writings; but they are generally

looked upon as spurious.

[634] See end of B. vii.

[635] See end of B. vii.

[636] A native of Lampsacus, and disciple of Diogenes the Cynic. He

accompanied Alexander the Great in his Asiatic expedition. He wrote a

history of the reigns of Philip and Alexander, and a history of Greece,

in twelve books. Only a few fragments of his works are left.

[637] See end of B. vii.

[638] See end of B. vi.

[639] See end of B. ii.

[640] There was a native of Mendæ, in Sicily, of this name, who wrote

a history of Dionysius, the tyrant of Syracuse. It was, probably, a

different person of this name who wrote a work on the East; if such is

the case, Pliny most probably quotes from the work of the latter.

[641] Nothing seems to be known of this writer; but it is suggested

that he may have accompanied Nearchus and Onesicritus in the East.

[642] See end of B. vi.

[643] Nothing is known of him; but Hardouin suggests that he may have

accompanied Alexander the Great in his Eastern expedition.

[644] See end of B. iv.

[645] An officer at the court of Alexander the Great, who wrote a

collection of anecdotes respecting the private life and reign of that

emperor, some fragments of which are preserved by Athenæus.

[646] See end of B. iv.

[647] He is supposed to have been the same with the person of that name

who wrote a history of Alexander the Great; but nothing further is

known of him.

[648] A physician of Neapolis, who is supposed to have lived in the

early part of the first century after Christ.

[649] A writer on medicine, of whom all further particulars have

perished.

[650] Possibly Ephippus of Olynthus, a Greek historian of the reign of

Alexander the Great.

[651] See end of B. viii.

[652] An ancient Greek historian, mentioned also by Strabo; but no

further particulars are known of him.

[653] The founder of the dynasty of the Egyptian Ptolemies, which ended

in Cleopatra, B.C. 38: he wrote a narrative of the wars of Alexander,

which is frequently quoted by the later writers, and served as the

groundwork for Arrian’s history.

[654] A native of Pella, who wrote a history of Macedonia down to the

wars of Alexander the Great. There was another writer of the same name,

a native of Philippi, who also wrote a treatise, either geographical or

historical, relative to Macedonia.

[655] A native of Amphipolis, though some make him to have been an

Ephesian. The age in which he lived is not exactly known. He attacked

the writings of Homer with such uncalled-for asperity, that his name

has been proverbial for a snarling, captious critic. He is said to have

met with a violent death. His literary productions were numerous, but

none of them have come down to us.

[656] See end of B. ii.

[657] See end of B. viii.

[658] See end of B. xi.

[659] See end of B. iii.

[660] See end of B. v.

[661] See end of B. xi.

[662] A physician of Heraclea, near Ephesus. He wrote commentaries on

the works of Hippocrates.

[663] Nothing is known of him; but it has been suggested that he may

have been the author of a few fragments on veterinary surgery which

still exist.

[664] There were many physicians and surgeons of this name, but

probably Dionysius of Samos is meant, or else Sallustius Dionysius,

quoted by Pliny, B. xxxii. c. 26.

[665] Also called Democedes, a physician of Crotona, who practised at

Ægina. He was afterwards physician to Polycrates, the tyrant of Samos,

and King Darius, whose foot he cured. His work on medicine has perished.

[666] Nothing whatever is known of this writer.

[667] Nothing is known relative to this writer.

[668] Nothing is known of him.

[669] Or Iölaus, a native of Bithynia, who wrote a work on Materia

Medica. He was probably a contemporary of Heraclides of Tarentum, in

the third century B.C.

[670] A physician of Tarentum, who belonged to the Empiric sect. He

wrote several medical works, and is highly commended by Galen. Only a

few fragments of his writings remain.

[671] An historical and geographical writer, frequently quoted by

Pliny. From the mention made of him in B. xxxvii. c. 2, it would appear

that he flourished during the time of Pliny, or very shortly before.

[672] See end of B. ii.

[673] Fée remarks, that most of the unguents and perfumes of which

Pliny here speaks would find but little favour at the present day.

[674] This does not appear to be exactly the case, for in the

twenty-third Book of the Iliad, l. 186, we find “rose-scented” oil

mentioned, indeed, Pliny himself alludes to it a little further on.

[675] “Nidorem.” This term was used in reference to the smell of burnt

or roasted animal substances. It is not improbable that he alludes to

the stench arising from the burnt sacrifices.

[676] The “Thuya articulata.” See c. 29 of the present Book.

[677] “Scrinium.” See B. vii. c. 30.

[678] The use of perfumes more probably originated in India, than among

the Persians.

[679] But of seeds or plants.

[680] The perfumes of Delos themselves had nothing in particular to

recommend them; but as it was the centre of the worship of Apollo, it

is not improbable that exquisite perfumes formed a large proportion of

the offerings brought thither from all parts of the world.

[681] In Egypt. See B. v. c. 11. The unguents of Mendes are again

mentioned in the present Chapter.

[682] Or flower-de-luce. This perfume was called Irinum. The Iris

Florentina of the botanists, Fée says, has the smell of the violet. For

the composition of this perfume, see Dioscorides, B. i. c. 67.

[683] Rhodinum.

[684] See B. v. c. 26.

[685] Crocinum; made from the Crocus sativus of naturalists.

[686] See B. xii. c. 62. It was made from the flowers of the vine,

mixed with omphacium.

[687] Amaracinum. The amaracus is supposed to have been the Origanum

majoranoides of the moderns. Dioscorides, B. i. c. 59, says that the

best was made at Cyzicus.

[688] Melinum. See B. xxiii. c. 54.

[689] Cyprinum. See B. xii. c. 51. The cyprus was the modern Lawsonia

inermis.

[690] Made from the oil of bitter almonds. See B. xv. c. 7.

[691] Or “all Athenian.” We find in Athenæus, B. xv. c. 15, the

composition of this unguent.

[692] From what is said by Apollonius in the passage of Athenæus last

quoted, it has been thought that this was the same as the unguent

called nardinum. It is very doubtful, however.

[693] Narcissinum. See B. xxi. c. 75. Dioscorides gives the composition

of this unguent, B. i. c. 54.

[694] Among the stymmata, Dioscorides ranges the sweet-rush, the

sweet-scented calamus and xylo-balsamum; and among the hedysmata

amomum, nard, myrrh, balsam, costus, and marjoram. The latter

constituted the _base_ of unguents, the former were only added

occasionally.

[695] Cinnabar is never used to colour cosmetics at the present day,

from its tendency to excoriate the skin. See B. xxiii. c. 39.

[696] This is still used for colouring cosmetics at the present day.

See B. xxii. c. 23.

[697] Fée remarks, that salt can be of no use; but by falling to the

bottom without dissolving, would rather tend to spoil the unguent.

[698] See B. xii. c. 60. The name “bryon” seems also to have been

extended to the buds of various trees of the Conifera class and of the

white poplar. It is probably to the buds of the last tree that Pliny

here alludes.

[699] Oil of ben. See B. xii. c. 48.

[700] Or metopium. See Note [690] above.

[701] Made from olives. See B. xii. c. 60.

[702] See B. xii. c. 29.

[703] The modern Andropogon schœnanthus. See B. xii. c. 48.

[704] See B. xii. c. 48.

[705] Carpobalsamum. See. B. xii. c. 54.

[706] See B. xii. c. 56.

[707] Fluid resin of coniferous trees of Europe.

[708] See B. xv. c. 35.

[709] Cupressus semper-virens. He does not say what part of the tree

was employed.

[710] See B. xii. c. 36.

[711] See c. 34 of the present Book.

[712] The alkanet and cinnabar were only used for colouring.

[713] “Sampsuchinum.” It is generally supposed that the sampsuchum, and

the amaracus were the same, the sweet marjoram, or Origanum marjorana

of Linnæus. Fée, however, is of a contrary opinion. See B. xxi. c.

35. In Dioscorides, B. i. c. 59, there is a difference made between

sampsuchinum and amaracinum, though but a very slight one.

[714] The bark of the Cassia lignea of the pharmacopœa, the Laurus

cassia of botany. See B. xii. c. 43.

[715] See B. xii. c. 26. The Andropogon nardus of Linnæus.

[716] See B. xii. c. 41.

[717] See B. xxiii. c. 54, also B. xv. c. 10. The Malum struthium, or

“sparrow quince,” was an oblong variety of the fruit.

[718] Sesamum orientale of Linnæus. See B. xviii. c. 22, and B. xxii.

c. 54.

[719] Balm of Gilead. See B. xii. c. 54.

[720] Southernwood. The Artemisia abrotonum of Linnæus.

[721] Or lily unguent, made of the lily of Susa, which had probably

a more powerful smell than that of Europe. Dioscorides gives its

composition, B. i. c. 63.

[722] The Crocus sativus of Linnæus.

[723] Cyprinum. It has been previously mentioned in this Chapter.

[724] See B. xii. c. 52.

[725] The gum resin of the Pastinaca opopanax of Linnæus. See B. xii.

c. 57.

[726] Or unguent of fenugreek, from the Greek τῆλις, meaning that

plant, the Trigonella fœnum Græcum of Linnæus. See B. xxiv. c. 120.

[727] See B. ii. c. 26, and B. xxi. c. 68-70.

[728] The Trifolium melilotus of Linnæus. See B. xxi. c. 30.

[729] See B. xii. c. 53.

[730] He would imply that it was so called from the Greek μεγὰς,

“great;” but it was more generally said that it received its name from

its inventor, Megalus.

[731] See B. xii. c. 5.

[732] Fée does not appear to credit this statement. By the use of the

word “ventiletur,” “fanned” may be possibly implied.

[733] See B. xii. c. 59.

[734] The Agnus castus of Linnæus. See B. xxiv. c. 38. The leaves are

quite inodorous, though the fruit of this plant is slightly aromatic.

[735] “Externa.” The reading is doubtful, and it is difficult to say

what is the exact meaning of the word.

[736] Cinnamomino.

[737] Nardinum.

[738] Or leaf unguent, so called from being made of leaves of nard. See

B. xii. c. 27.

[739] See B. xii. c. 25.

[740] See B. xii. c. 28.

[741] See B. xii. c. 26, 27, where the list is given.

[742] See B. xii. c. 35.

[743] Susinum. See p. 163.

[744] Summa auctoritas rei.

[745] See B. xii. c. 46.

[746] See B. xii. c. 53.

[747] See B. xii. c. 55.

[748] See B. xii. c. 37.

[749] See B. xii. c. 48.

[750] See B. xii. c. 48.

[751] See B. xii. c. 45.

[752] Fée suggests that this may be the Nymphæa cœrulea of Savigny, a

plant that is common in the Nile, and the flowers of which exhale a

sweet odour.

[753] The diapasmata were dry, odoriferous powders, similar to those

used at the present day in sachets and scent-bags.

[754] “Fæcem unguenti.”

[755] This word is still used in pharmacy to denote the husks or

residuary matter left after the extraction of the juice.

[756] See B. xxxvi. c. 12. See also Mark xiv. 7, and John xii. 3.

Leaden boxes were also used for a similar purpose.

[757] Odores.

[758] “Heres.” The person was so called who succeeded to the property,

whether real or personal, of an intestate.

[759] See B. xvii. c. 3, where he quotes this passage from Cicero at

length. It appears to be from De Orat. B. iii. c. 69. Both Cicero

and Pliny profess to find a smell that arises from the earth itself,

through the agency of the sun. But, as Fée remarks, pure earth is

perfectly inodorous. He suggests, however, that this odour attributed

by the ancients to the earth, may in reality have proceeded from the

fibrous roots of thyme and other plants. If such is not the real

solution, it seems impossible to suggest any other.

[760] By giving preference to the more simple odours.

[761] “Crassitudo.”

[762] Or “thick” unguent.

[763] We learn from Athenæus, and a passage in the Aulularia of

Plautus, that this was done long before Nero’s time, among the Greeks.

[764] Who succeeded Galba. He was one of Nero’s favourite companions in

his debaucheries.

[765] Caligula.

[766] Solium.

[767] After victories, for instance, or when marching orders were given.

[768] This is said in bitter irony.

[769] Sub casside.

[770] Asia Minor more particularly.

[771] Exotica.

[772] The organs of taste and of smell.

[773] We have this fact alluded to in the works of Plautus, Juvenal,

Martial, and Ælian. The Greeks were particularly fond of mixing myrrh

with their wine. Nard wine is also mentioned by Plautus. Miles Gl. iii.

2, 11.

[774] Or Lucius Plautius Plancus. He was proscribed by the triumvirs,

with the sanction of his brother. In consequence of his use of

perfumes, the place of his concealment “got wind;” and in order to save

his slaves, who were being tortured to death because they would not

betray him, he voluntarily surrendered himself.

[775] Attaching to the triumvirate.

[776] Capua, its capital, was the great seat of the unguent and perfume

manufacture in Italy.

[777] The Phœnix dactylifera of Linnæus. See also B. xii. c. 62, where

he seems also to allude to this tree.

[778] At the present day this is not the fact. The village of La

Bordighiera, situate on an eminence of the Apennines, grows great

quantities of dates, of good quality. At Hieres, Nice, San Remo, and

Genoa, they are also grown.

[779] This, too, is not the fact. The dates of Valencia, Seville, and

other provinces of Spain, are sweet, and of excellent quality.

[780] Pliny is wrong again in this statement. The date of Barbary,

Tunis, Algiers, and Bildulgerid, the “land of dates,” is superior in

every respect to that of the East.

[781] The Æthiopians, as we learn from Theophrastus, B. ii. c. 8.

[782] Or in a wild state.

[783] “Tectorii vicem.” They were probably planted in rows, close to

the wall.

[784] This mode of ascending the date-palm is still practised in the

East.

[785] See B. xvi. c. 37.

[786] “Umbracula.” The fibres of the leaves were probably platted or

woven, and the “umbracula” made in much the same manner as the straw

and fibre hats of the present day.

[787] Most of this is borrowed from Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. ii. 9.

[788] Fée remarks, that this account is quite erroneous.

[789] This he copies also from Theophrastus, B. ii. c. 8.

[790] Theophrastus, B. ii. c. 8, mentions this as a kind of date

peculiar to Cyprus.

[791] This is said solely in relation to the date of Cyprus.

[792] Or “dwellers in tents;” similar to the modern Bedouins.

[793] Fée remarks, that in these words we find the first germs of

the sexual system that has been established by the modern botanists.

He thinks that it is clearly shown by this account, that Pliny was

acquainted with the fecundation of plants by the agency of the pollen.

[794] In allusion to the pollen, possibly. See the last Note.

[795] “Lanugine.” It is possible that in the use of this word, also, he

may allude to the pollen. Under the term “pulvis,” “dust,” he probably

alludes in exaggerated terms to the same theory.

[796] The same methods of propagating the palm are still followed in

the East, and in the countries near the tropics.

[797] In c. 7 of the present Book. See also B. xvii. c. 3.

[798] Fée mentions one near Elvas in Spain, which shot up into seven

distinct trees, as it were, from a single trunk. The Douma Thebaica, he

says, of Syria and Egypt, a peculiar kind of palm, is also bifurcated.

The fruit of it, he thinks, are very probably the Phænico-balanus of B.

xii. c. 47.

[799] “Spado.” Represented by the Greek εὔνουχος and ἔνορχος.

[800] “Cæduæ.” Though this is the fact as to some palm-trees, the

greater part perish after being cut; the vital bud occupying the

summit, and the trunk not being susceptible of any increase.

[801] Cerebrum.

[802] The Chamæreps humilis of the modern botanists. It is found, among

other countries, in Spain, Morocco, and Arabia.

[803] Vitilia.

[804] “Vivaces.” Perhaps it may mean that the wood retains the fire for

a long time, when it burns.

[805] Fée suggests that Pliny may possibly have confounded the fruit of

other palms with the date.

[806] This seems to have been a general name, as Pliny says, meaning an

eunuch; but it is evident that it was also used as a proper name, as in

the case of the eunuch who slew Artaxerxes, Ochus, B.C. 338, by poison,

and of another eunuch who belonged to Darius, but afterwards fell into

the hands of Alexander, of whom he became an especial favourite. The

name is sometimes written “Bagoüs,” and sometimes “Bagoas.”

[807] Dominantis in aula.

[808] From the Greek σύαγρος, “a wild boar,” as Pliny afterwards

states; they being so called from their peculiar wild taste.

[809] See B. vi. c. 39.

[810] Said to have been so called from the Greek κάρη, “the head,” and

ὑωδία, “stupidity,” owing to the heady nature of the wine extracted

from the fruit.

[811] See B. vi. c. 32, and B. xiv. c. 19.

[812] The Jericho of Scripture.

[813] Athenæus, B. xiv. c. 22, tells us that these dates were thus

called from Nicolaus of Damascus, a Peripatetic philosopher, who,

when visiting Rome with Herod the Great, made Augustus a present of

the finest fruit of the palm-tree that could be procured. This fruit

retained its name of “Nicolaän,” down to the middle ages.

[814] Pliny would imply that they are so called from the Greek ἀδέλφια,

“a sister,” as being of sister quality to the caryotæ; but it is much

more probable, as Fée remarks, that they got this name from being

attached in pairs to the same pedicle or stalk.

[815] Pliny certainly seems to imply that they are so called from the

Greek πατέω, “to tread under foot,” and Hardouin is of that opinion.

Fée, however, thinks the name is from the Hebrew or Syriac “patach,”

“to expand,” or “open,” or else from the Hebrew “pathah,” the name of

the first vowel, from some fancied resemblance in the form.

[816] From the Greek χυδαῖος, “vulgar,” or “common,” it is supposed.

The Jews probably called them so, as being common, or offered by the

Gentiles to their idols and divinities. Pliny evidently considers that

in the name given to them no compliment was intended to the deities of

the heathen mythology.

[817] From its extreme driness, and its shrivelled appearance.

[818] From Theophrastus, B. i. c. 16.

[819] Κύκως in the Greek. It is supposed by Sprengel to be the same as

the Cycas circinnalis of Linnæus; but, as Fée remarks, that is only

found in India.

[820] From the Greek, meaning “sweetmeats,” or “dessert fruit:” he

probably means that in Syria and some parts of Phœnicia they were thus

called.

[821] This story, which is borrowed from Theophrastus, B. iv. c. 5,

is doubted by Fée, who says that in the green state they are so hard

and nauseous, that it is next to impossible to eat sufficient to be

materially incommoded by them.

[822] The Pistacia vera of Linnæus. It was introduced into Rome in the

reign of Tiberius. The kernel is of no use whatever in a medical point

of view, and what Pliny says about its curing the bite of serpents is

perfectly fabulous.

[823] See B. xv. c. 19. The “carica” was properly the “Carian” fig.

“Ficus carica” is, however, the name given to the common fig by the

modern botanists.

[824] The parent of our Damascenes, or damsons. See B. xv. c. 13.

[825] Supposed to be the Corda myxa of Linnæus. See B. xv. c. 15.

[826] The Juniperus communis of Linnæus.

[827] The Juniperus Lycia, and the Juniperus Phœnicia, probably, of

Linnæus. It has been supposed by some, that it is these trees that

produce the frankincense of Africa; but, as Fée observes, the subject

is enveloped in considerable obscurity.

[828] The “sharp-leaved” cedar. The Juniperus oxycedrus of Linnæus.

[829] The “Pinus cedrus” of Linnæus. The name “cedrus” was given by the

ancients not only to the cedar of Lebanon, but to many others of the

Coniferæ as well, and more particularly to several varieties of the

juniper.

[830] See B. xxxvi. c. 4.

[831] Pistacia terebinthus of Linnæus.

[832] These varieties, Fée says, are not observed by modern naturalists.

[833] Garidel has remarked, that the trunk of this tree produces

coriaceous vesicles, filled with a clear and odoriferous terebinthine,

in which pucerons, or aphides, are to be seen floating.

[834] “Rhus.” The Rhus coriaria of Linnæus. Pliny is wrong in

distinguishing this tree into sexes, as all the flowers are

hermaphroditical, and therefore fruitful.

[835] It is still used by curriers in preparing leather.

[836] See B. xxiv. c. 79. The fruit, which has a pleasant acidity, was

used for culinary purposes by the ancients, as it is by the Turks at

the present day.

[837] The Ficus sycamorus of Linnæus. It receives its name from being

a fig-tree that bears a considerable resemblance to the “morus,” or

mulberry-tree.

[838] This is not the case.

[839] This appears to be doubtful, although, as Fée says, the fruit

ripens but very slowly.

[840] This, Fée says, is a fallacy.

[841] “Aliam omnem.” This reading seems to be very doubtful.

[842] This wood was very extensively used in Egypt for making the outer

cases, or coffins, in which the mummies were enclosed.

[843] This account is borrowed almost entirely from Theophrastus, Hist.

Plant. B. iv. c. 2. A variety of the sycamore is probably meant. It is

still found in the Isle of Crete.

[844] He seems to mean that the buds do not shoot forth into leaves;

the reading, however, varies in the editions, and is extremely doubtful.

[845] Grossus.

[846] The Ceratonia siliqua of Linnæus. It is of the same size as the

sycamore, but resembles it in no other respect. It is still common in

the localities mentioned by Pliny, and in the south of Spain.

[847] Theophrastus in the number, Hist. Plant. i. 23, and iv. 2.

It bears no resemblance to the fig-tree, and the fruit is totally

different from the fig. Pliny, too, is wrong in saying that it does not

grow in Egypt; the fact being that it is found there in great abundance.

[848] See B. xviii. c. 74.

[849] Fée identifies it with the Egyptian almond, mentioned by Pliny

in B. xv. c. 28; the Myrobalanus chebulus of Wesling, the Balanites

Ægyptiaca of Delille, and the Xymenia Ægyptiaca of Linnæus. Schreber

and Sprengel take it to be the Cordia Sebestana of Linnæus; but that

is a tree peculiar to the Antilles. The fruit is in shape like a date,

enclosing a large stone with five sides, and covered with a little

viscous flesh, of somewhat bitter, though not disagreeable flavour. It

is found in the vicinity of Sennaar, and near the Red Sea. The Arabs

call it the “date of the Desert.”

[850] See B. xviii. c. 68.

[851] See B. xv. c. 34.

[852] Or ben. See B. xii. cc. 46, 47.

[853] Many have taken this to be the cocoa-nut tree; but, as Fée

remarks, that is a tree of India, and this of Egypt. There is little

doubt that it is the _doum_ of the Arabs, the Cucifera Thebaica of

Delille. The timber of the trunk is much used in Egypt, and of the

leaves carpets, bags, and panniers are made. In fact, the description

of it and its fruit is almost identical with that here given by Pliny.

[854] The seed or stone of the doum is still used in Egypt for making

the beads of chaplets: it admits of a very high polish.

[855] Materies crispioris elegantiæ.

[856] See B. xxiv. c. 67. This is, no doubt, the Acacia Nilotica of

Linnæus, which produces the gum Arabic of modern commerce.

[857] This is from Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. B. iv. c. 3. Fée suggests

that it may have been a kind of myrobalanus. Sprengel identifies it

with the Cordia sebestana of the botanists.

[858] “Fuit.” From the use of this word he seems uncertain as to its

existence in his time; the account is copied from Theophrastus, Hist.

Plant. B. iv. c. 3. Fée suggests that he may here allude to the Baobab,

the Adansonia digitata, which grows in Senegal and Sennaar to an

enormous size. Prosper Alpinus speaks of it as existing in Egypt. The

Arabs call it El-omarah, and the fruit El-kongles.

[859] The Mimosa polyacanthe, probably. Fée says that the mimosæ,

respectively known as casta, pudibunda, viva, and sensitiva, with many

of the inga, and other leguminous trees, are irritable in the highest

degree. The tree here spoken of he considers to be one of the acacias.

The passage in Theophrastus speaks of the leaf as shrinking, and not

falling, and then as simply reviving.

[860] The Acacia Nilotica of Linnæus, from which we derive the gum

Arabic of commerce; and of which a considerable portion is still

derived from Egypt.

[861] These gums are chemically different from gum Arabic, and they are

used for different purposes in the arts.

[862] The vine does not produce a gum; but when the sap ascends, a

juice is secreted, which sometimes becomes solid on the evaporation

of the aqueous particles. This substance contains acetate of potassa,

which, by the decomposition of that salt, becomes a carbonate of the

same base.

[863] This is not a gum, but a resinous product of a peculiar nature.

It is known to the moderns by the name of “olivine.”

[864] The sap of the elm leaves a saline deposit on the bark,

principally formed of carbonate of potassa. Fée is at a loss to

know whether Pliny here alludes to this or to the manna which is

incidentally formed by certain insects on some trees and reeds. But,

as he justly says, would Pliny say of the latter that it is “ad nihil

utile”—“good for nothing”?

[865] A resinous product, no doubt. The frankincense of Africa has been

attributed by some to the Juniperus Lycia and Phœnicia.

[866] The Penæa Sarcocolla of Linnæus. The gum resin of this tree is

still brought from Abyssinia, but it is not used in medicine. This

account is from Dioscorides, B. iii. c. 99. The name is from the Greek

σὰρξ, “flesh,” and κόλλα, “glue.”

[867] See B. xxiv. c. 78.

[868] Three denarii per pound.

[869] It is hardly necessary to state that this is not the fact. This

plant is the Cyperus papyrus of Linnæus, the “berd” of the modern

Egyptians.

[870] Il. B. vi. l. 168. See B. xxxiii. c. 4, where the tablets which

are here called “pugillares,” are styled “codicilli” by Pliny.

[871] His argument is, that paper made from the papyrus could not

be known in the time of Homer, as that plant only grew in certain

districts which had been rescued from the sea since the time of the

poet.

[872] Od. B. iv. l. 355.

[873] See B. ii. c. 87.

[874] There is little doubt that parchment was really known many years

before the time of Eumenes II., king of Pontus. It is most probable

that this king introduced extensive improvements in the manufacture

of parchment, for Herodotus mentions writing on skins as common in

his time; and in B. v. c. 58, he states that the Ionians had been

accustomed to give the name of skins, διφθέραι, to books.

[875] Brachiali radicis obliquæ crassitudine.

[876] This was a pole represented as being carried by Bacchus and his

Bacchanalian train. It was mostly terminated by the fir cone, that tree

being dedicated to Bacchus, in consequence of the use of its cones and

turpentine in making wine. Sometimes it is surmounted by vine or fig

leaves, with grapes or berries arranged in form of a cone.

[877] This is not the fact: it has seed in it, though not very easily

perceptible. The description here given is otherwise very correct.

[878] Among the ancients the term papyrus was used as a general

appellation for all the different plants of the genus Cyperus, which

was used for making mats, boats, baskets, and numerous other articles:

but one species only was employed for making paper, the Cyperus

papyrus, or Byblos. Fée states that the papyrus is no longer to be

found in the Delta, where it formerly abounded.

[879] See B. xii. c. 48.

[880] Sometimes translated _hemp_. A description will be given of it in

B. xix. c. 7.

[881] “Intexere.” This would almost appear to mean that they

embroidered or interwove the characters. The Persians still write on a

stuff made of white silk, gummed and duly prepared for the purpose.

[882] Or “holy” paper. The priests would not allow it to be sold,

lest it might be used for profane writing; but after it was once

written upon, it was easily procurable. The Romans were in the habit

of purchasing it largely in the latter state, and then washing off

the writing, and using it as paper of the finest quality. Hence it

received the name of “Augustus,” as representing in Latin its Greek

name “hieraticus,” or “sacred.” In length of time it became the common

impression, as here mentioned, that this name was given to it in honour

of Augustus Cæsar.

[883] Near the amphitheatre, probably, of Alexandria.

[884] He alludes to Q. Remmius Fannius Palæmon, a famous grammarian

of Rome, though originally a slave. Being manumitted, he opened a

school at Rome, which was resorted to by great numbers of pupils,

notwithstanding his notoriously bad character. He appears to have

established, also, a manufactory for paper at Rome. Suetonius, in his

treatise on Illustrious Grammarians, gives a long account of him. He is

supposed to have been the preceptor of Quintilian.

[885] Fanniana.

[886] In Lower Egypt.

[887] Ex vilioribus ramentis.

[888] Of Alexandria, probably.

[889] “Shop-paper,” or “paper of commerce.”

[890] Otherwise, probably, the rope would not long hold together.

[891] Fée remarks, that this is by no means the fact. With M. Poiret,

he questions the accuracy of Pliny’s account of preparing the papyrus,

and is of opinion that it refers more probably to the treatment of some

other vegetable substance from which paper was made.

[892] Primo supinâ tabulæ schedâ.

[893] “Scapus.” This was, properly, the cylinder on which the paper was

rolled.

[894] Augustan.

[895] Or “long glued” paper: the breadth probably consisted of that of

two or more sheets glued or pasted at the edges, the seam running down

the roll.

[896] Scheda. One of the leaves of the papyrus, of which the roll of

twenty, joined side by side, was formed.

[897] This passage is difficult to be understood, and various attempts

have been made to explain it. It is not unlikely that his meaning is

that the breadth being doubled, the tearing of one leaf or half breadth

entailed of necessity the spoiling of another, making the corresponding

half breadth.

[898] He perhaps means a portion of an elephant’s tusk.

[899] Meaning a damp, musty smell.

[900] See B. vii. c. 18, and B. xiv. c. 6. Also the Life of Pliny, in

the Introduction to Vol. i. p. vii.

[901] This story, no doubt, deserves to be rejected as totally

fabulous, even though we have Hemina’s word for it.

[902] See B. xvi. c. 70.

[903] B. xii. c. 7, and B. xiii. c. 31. It was thought that the leaves

and juices of the cedar and the citrus preserved books and linen from

the attacks of noxious insects.

[904] And because, as Livy says, their doctrines were inimical to the

then existing religion.

[905] Val. Maximus says that there were some books written in Latin, on

the pontifical rights, and others in Greek on philosophical subjects.

[906] Humanæ Antiquitates.

[907] See B. xxxiv. c. 11.

[908] See B. xxxiii. c. 5.

[909] He implies that it could not have been written upon paper, as the

papyrus and the districts which produced it were not in existence in

the time of Homer. No doubt this so-called letter, if shown at all, was

a forgery, a “pia fraus.” See c. 21 of the present Book.

[910] Il. B. vi. l. 168.

[911] “Codicillos,” as meaning characters written on a surface of wood.

πίναξ, as Homer calls it.

[912] It was probably then that the supply of it first began to fail;

in the sixth century it was still used, but by the twelfth it had

wholly fallen into disuse.

[913] The cotton-tree, Gossypium arboreum of Linnæus.

[914] See B. xii. c. 21, 22.

[915] In c. 9 of the present Book.

[916] See B. vi. c. 36, 37.

[917] Desfontaines observed in the vicinity of Atlas, several trees

peculiar to that district. Among others of this nature, he names the

Pistacia Atlantica, and the Thuya articulata.

[918] See B. v. c. 1.

[919] Generally supposed to be the Thuya articulata of Desfontaines,

the Cedrus Atlantica of other botanists.

[920] This rage for fine tables made of the citrus is alluded to, among

others, by Martial and Petronius Arbiter. See also Lucan, A. ix. B.

426, _et seq._

[921] It is a rather curious fact that it is in Cicero’s works that

we find the earliest mention made of citrus tables, 2nd Oration ag.

Verres, s. 4:—“You deprived Q. Lutatius Diodorus of Lilybæum of a

citrus table of remarkable age and beauty.”

[922] Somewhere about £9000.

[923] This is considered nothing remarkable at the present day, such is

the skill displayed by our cabinet-makers.

[924] Called “Nomiana.”

[925] Tuber.

[926] The European Cyprus, the Cupressus sempervirens of Linnæus.

[927] These veins were nothing in reality but the lines of the layers

or strata lignea, running perpendicularly in the trunk, and the number

of which denotes the age of the tree.

[928] “Tigrinæ.”

[929] “Pantherinæ.” The former tables were probably made of small

pieces from the trunk, the latter from the sections of the tubers or

knots.

[930] “Crispis.”

[931] Or “parsley-seed” tables. It has also been suggested that the

word comes from “apis,” a bee; the wood presenting the appearance of

being covered with swarms of bees.

[932] “Mulsum.” This mixture will be found frequently mentioned in the

next Book.

[933] Lignum.

[934] Fée remarks that this is incorrect, and that this statement

betrays an entire ignorance of the vegetable physiology.

[935] Θύον, “wood of sacrifice.”

[936] Od. B. v. l. 60. Pliny makes a mistake in saying “Circe;” it

should be “Calypso.”

[937] Θύον.

[938] Crispius.

[939] He alludes to the citron, the Citrus Medica of Linnæus. See B.

xii. c. 7.

[940] The Rhamnus lotus of Linnæus; the Zizyphus lotus of Desfontaines.

[941] The Celtis australis of Linnæus. Fée remarks that Pliny is in

error in giving the name of Celtis to the lotus of Africa.

[942] The Lotophagi. See B. v. c. 7.

[943] A kind of grain diet. See B. xviii. c. 29, and B. xxii. c. 61.

[944] The Melilotus officinalis of Linnæus.

[945] The Nymphæa Nelumbo of Linnæus, or Egyptian bean.

[946] He speaks of the indentations on the surface of the poppy-head.

[947] See B. xxii. c. 28.

[948] Fée remarks that there is nothing singular about it, the sun more

or less exercising a similar influence on all plants.

[949] The same as the Nymphæa Nelumbo of the Nile, according to Fée.

[950] Probably the Rhamnus paliurus of Linnæus; the Spina Christi of

other botanists.

[951] The pomegranate, the Punica granatum of botanists.

[952] Or “grained apple.”

[953] From the Greek ἀπύρηνον, “without kernel.” This Fée would not

translate literally, but as meaning that by cultivation the grains had

been reduced to a very diminutive size. See B. xxiii. c. 57.

[954] This variety appears to be extinct. Fée doubts if it ever existed.

[955] See B. xxiii. c. 57.

[956] See B. xxiii. c. 60.

[957] “Puniceus,” namely, a kind of purple.

[958] See B. xxvii. c. 52. Sprengel thinks that this is the Neottia

spiralis of Schwartz; but Fée is of opinion that it has not hitherto

been identified.

[959] Probably the Erica arborea of Linnæus, or “heath” in its several

varieties.

[960] Granum Cnidium. The shrub is the Daphne Cnidium of Linnæus.

[961] The “thyme-olive.”

[962] The “ground olive,” or “small olive.” Dioscorides makes a

distinction between these two last; and Sprengel has followed it,

naming the last Daphne Cnidium, and the first Daphne Cneorum.

[963] See B. xxvii. c. 115.

[964] He says elsewhere that it is like the juniper, which, however,

is not the case. Guettard thinks that the tragion is the Androsæmon

fetidum, the Hyperium hircinum of the modern botanists. Sprengel also

adopts the same opinion. Fée is inclined to think that it was a variety

of the Pistacia lentiscus.

[965] Goat’s thorn. The Astragalus Creticus of Linnæus.

[966] He speaks of gum tragacanth.

[967] See B. xxvii. c. 116. Sprengel identifies it with the Salsola

tragus of Linnæus.

[968] Probably the Tamarix Gallica of Linnæus. Fée says, in relation

to the myrica, that it would seem that the ancients united in one

collective name, several plants which resembled each other, not in

their botanical characteristics, but in outward appearance. To this,

he says, is owing the fact that Dioscorides calls the myrica a tree,

Favorinus a herb; Dioscorides says that it is fruitful, Nicander and

Pliny call it barren; Virgil calls it small, and Theophrastus says that

it is large.

[969] Fée thinks that it is the Tamarix orientalis of Delille.

[970] “Infelix,” meaning “sterile.” He seems to say this more

particularly in reference to the brya, which Egypt produces. As to this

use of the word “infelix,” see B. xvi. c. 46.

[971] Sprengel and Fée identify this with the Ostrya vulgaris of

Willdenow, the Carpinus ostrya of Linnæus.

[972] Or the “luckily named.” It grew on Mount Ordymnus in Lesbos. See

Theophrastus, B. ii. c. 31.

[973] The Evonymus Europæus, or else the Evonymus latifolius of

botanists, is probably intended to be indicated; but it is a mistake

to say that it is poisonous to animals. On the contrary, Fée says that

sheep will fatten on its leaves very speedily.

[974] “Statim pestem denuntians.” Pliny appears to be in error here. In

copying from Theophrastus, he seems to have found the word φόνος used,

really in reference to a blood-red juice which distils from the plant;

but as the same word also means slaughter, or death, he seems to have

thought that it really bears reference to the noxious qualities of the

plant.

[975] Fée censures the use of the word “siliqua,” as inappropriate,

although the seed does resemble that of sesamum, the Sesamum orientale

of Linnæus.

[976] Or eonis. Fée suggests that in this story, which probably belongs

to the region of Fable, some kind of oak may possibly be alluded to.

[977] In the former editions, “adrachne”—the Arbutus integrifolia, Fée

says, and not the Arbutus andrachne of Linnæus, as Sprengel thinks.

[978] “Porcillaca.” The Portulaca oleracea of Linnæus.

[979] The Rhus cotinus of Linnæus, a sort of sumach.

[980] This is not the fact; the seeds when ripe are merely lost to view

in the large tufts of down which grow on the stems.

[981] Generally supposed to be the same as the alaternus, mentioned in

B. xvi. c. 45. Some writers identify it with the Phyllirea angustifolia

of Linnæus.

[982] Probably the Ferula communis of Linnæus, the herb or shrub known

as “fennel giant.”

[983] The Ferula glauca of Linnæus.

[984] The Ferula nodiflora of Linnæus.

[985] It is still used for that purpose in the south of Europe. The

Roman schoolmasters, as we learn from Juvenal, Martial, and others,

employed it for the chastisement of their scholars. Pliny is in error

in reckoning it among the trees, it really having no pretensions to be

considered such. It is said to have received its name from “ferio,” to

“beat.”

[986] Sprengel thinks that this is the Thapsia asclepium of the

moderns; but Fée takes it to be the Thapsia villosa of Linnæus.

[987] It was valued, Dioscorides says, for its cathartic properties.

[988] Either the Thapsia garganica of Willdenow, or the Thapsia

villosa, found in Africa and the south of Europe, though, as Pliny

says, the thapsia of Europe is mild in its effects compared with that

of Africa. It is common on the coast of Barbary.

[989] Pastillos.

[990] Nocturnis grassationibus.

[991] It is still used in Barbary for the cure of tetter and ringworm.

[992] The story was, that Prometheus, when he stole the heavenly fire

from Jupiter, concealed it in a stalk of narthex.

[993] The “caper-tree,” the Capparis spinosa of Linnæus. Fée

suggests that Pliny may possibly allude, in some of the features

which he describes, to kinds less known; such, for instance, as the

Capparis inermis of Forskhal, found in Arabia; the Capparis ovata of

Desfontaines, found in Barbary; the Capparis Sinaica, found on Mount

Sinai, and remarkable for the size of its fruit; and the Capparis

Ægyptiaca of Lamarck, commonly found in Egypt.

[994] The stalk and seed were salted or pickled. The buds or unexpanded

flowers of this shrub are admired as a pickle or sauce of delicate

flavour.

[995] Fée remarks that this is not the truth, all the kinds possessing

the same qualities. There may, however, have been some difference

in the mode of salting or pickling them, and possibly productive of

noxious effects.

[996] Probably from its thorns, that being the name of the sweet-briar,

or dog-rose.

[997] “Serpent grapes.”

[998] Sprengel and Fée take this to be the Cyperus fastigiatus of

Linnæus, which Forskhal found in the river Nile.

[999] Spina regia. Some writers have considered this to be the same

with the Centaurea solstitialis of Linnæus. Sprengel takes it to be the

Cassyta filiformis of Linnæus, a parasitical plant of India. We must

conclude, however, with Fée, that both the thorn and the parasite have

not hitherto been identified.

[1000] The Makron Teichos. See B. iv. c. 11.

[1001] From the various statements of ancient authors, Fée has come

to the conclusion that this name was given to two totally different

productions. The cytisus which the poets speak of as grateful to bees

and goats, and sheep, he takes to be the Medicago arborea of Linnæus,

known to us as Medic trefoil, or lucerne; while the other, a tree with

a black wood, he considers identical with the Cytisus laburnum of

Linnæus, the laburnum, or false ebony tree.

[1002] A kind of vetch or tare. See B. xviii.

[1003] “Frutex.” When speaking of it as a shrub, he seems to be

confounding the tree with the plant.

[1004] Evidently in allusion to the tree.

[1005] He alludes to various kinds of fucus or sea-weed, which grows to

a much larger size in the Eastern seas.

[1006] The Mediterranean.

[1007] Whence the word “fucus” of the naturalists.

[1008] Fée suggests that this may be the Laminaria saccharina of

Linnæus, being one of the “ulvæ” often thrown up on the coasts of

Europe.

[1009] The “green” plant.

[1010] The “girdle” plant.

[1011] The Fucus barbatus, probably, of Linnæus, or else the Fucus

eroïdes.

[1012] They are in reality more long-lived than this.

[1013] Fée suggests that it is the Roccella tinctoria of Linnæus.

[1014] The Zostera marina of Linnæus, according to Fée.

[1015] The Ulva lactuca of the moderns, a very common sea-weed.

[1016] The Fucus ericoïdes, Fée suggests, not unlike a fir in

appearance.

[1017] Quercus. According to Gmellin, this is the Fucus vesiculosus of

Linnæus. Its leaves are indented, somewhat similarly to those of the

oak.

[1018] Polybius, as quoted by Athenæus, says that in the Lusitanian Sea

there are oaks that bear acorns, on which the thunnies feed and grow

fat.

[1019] On the contrary, Theophrastus says, B. iv. c. 7, that the

sea-vine grows _near_ the sea, from which Fée is disposed to consider

it a phanerogamous plant. If, on the other hand, it is really a fucus,

he thinks that the Fucus uvarius may be meant, the vesicles of which

resemble a grape in shape.

[1020] He speaks of a madrepore, Fée thinks, the identity of which it

is difficult to determine. Professor Pallas speaks of an Alcyonidium

ficus, which lives in the Mediterranean and in the ocean, and which

resembles a fig, and has no leaves, but its exterior is not red.

[1021] Fée queries whether this may not be the Gorgonia palma of

Linnæus, which has received its name from its resemblance to a small

palm-tree.

[1022] These three, Fée thinks, are madrepores or zoophytes, which it

would be vain to attempt to identify.

[1023] That is, they dry up to the consistency of pumice.

[1024] “Sitiens.” Delille considers this as identical with his Acacia

seyal, a thorny tree, often to be seen in the deserts of Africa.

[1025] Probably zoophytes now unknown.

[1026] Fée suggests that he may allude to the Madrepora fungites of

Linnæus, the Fungus lapideus of Bauhin. These are found in the Red Sea

and the Indian Ocean; but, of course, the story of their appearance

during rain is fabulous.

[1027] Sharks; see B. ix. c. 70.

[1028] The companions of Onesicritus and Nearchus.

[1029] Fée hazards a conjecture that this may be the Gorgonia scirpea

of Pallas, found in the Indian Seas.

[1030] One of the Gorgoniæ, Fée thinks; but its characteristics are not

sufficiently stated to enable us to identify it.

[1031] A fable worthy of Sinbad the Sailor!

[1032] “Isidis crinem.” Fée says that this is evidently black coral,

the Gorgonia antipathes of Linnæus.

[1033] “The eyelid of the Graces.” Fée is almost tempted to think that

he means red coral.

[1034] Amatoriis.

[1035] Spatalia. Armlets or bracelets.

[1036] By this apparently fabulous story, one would be almost inclined

to think that he is speaking of a zoophyte.

[1037] See end of B. ii.

[1038] See end of B. ii.

[1039] See end of B vii.

[1040] Papirius Fabianus. See end of B. ii.

[1041] See end of B. ii.

[1042] See end of B. iii.

[1043] Fabius Pictor. See end of B. x.

[1044] See end of B. viii.

[1045] See end of B. iii.

[1046] Trogus Pompeius. See end of B. vii.

[1047] See end of B. v.

[1048] See end of B. ii.

[1049] See end of B. xii.

[1050] See end of B. xii.

[1051] See end of B. ii.

[1052] See end of B. xii.

[1053] See end of B. ii.

[1054] See end of B. iii.

[1055] See end of B. ii.

[1056] See end of B. xii.

[1057] See end of B. vii.

[1058] See end of B. vi.

[1059] See end of B. xii.

[1060] See end of B. vii.

[1061] See end of B. vi.

[1062] See end of B. ii.

[1063] See end of B. xii.

[1064] See end of B. xii.

[1065] See end of B. vi.

[1066] See end of B. iv.

[1067] See end of B. iv.

[1068] See end of B. xii.

[1069] See end of B. iv.

[1070] See end of B. viii.

[1071] See end of B. xii.

[1072] See end of B. xii.

[1073] See end of B. xii.

[1074] See end of B. viii.

[1075] Nothing certain is known of him; but he appears to be the

geographer, a native of Lampsacus, mentioned by Strabo in B. xiii.

[1076] See end of B. xii.

[1077] See end of B. xii.

[1078] See end of B. xii.

[1079] See end of B. ii.

[1080] See end of B. viii.

[1081] See end of B. iii.

[1082] A writer on Agriculture, or domestic economy; but nothing

further is known of him.

[1083] See end of B. v.

[1084] Perhaps the same writer that is mentioned at the end of B. xi.

[1085] For two physicians of this name, see end of B. xii.

[1086] One of his prescriptions is preserved in the works of Galen.

Nothing else is known of him.

[1087] See end of B. xii.

[1088] See end of B. xii.

[1089] See end of B. xii.

[1090] See end of B. xii.

[1091] See end of B. xii.

[1092] See end of B. xii.

[1093] See end of B. xii.

[1094] See end of B. xii.

[1095] See end of B. xii.

[1096] This must be understood with considerable modification—many

of the tropical trees and plants have been naturalized, and those of

America more particularly, in Europe.

[1097] He is probably wrong in looking upon the vine as indigenous

to Italy. It was known in very early times in Egypt and Greece, and

it is now generally considered that it is indigenous throughout the

tract that stretches to the south, from the mountains of Mazandiran on

the Caspian to the shores of the Persian Gulf and the Indian Sea, and

eastward through Khorassan and Cabul to the base of the Himalayas.

[1098] The art of printing, Fée remarks, utterly precludes the

recurrence of such a fact as this.

[1099] In allusion to his poem, the “Works and Days,” the prototype of

Virgil’s Georgics.

[1100] He alludes to the legacy-hunters with which Rome abounded in his

time. They are spoken of by Seneca, Tacitus, and Juvenal, in terms of

severe reprobation.

[1101] This seems to be the meaning of “captatio;” much like what we

call “toadying,” or “toad-eating.”

[1102] The “liberales artes,” were those, the pursuit of which was not

considered derogatory to the dignity of a free man.

[1103] Vita ipsa desiit.

[1104] Humilitas.

[1105] In the Georgics.

[1106] Theophrastus reckons it among the trees; Columella, B. ii.,

considers it to occupy a middle position between a tree and a shrub.

Horace, B. i. Ode 18, calls it a tree, “arbor.”

[1107] Or “layers,” “propagines.”

[1108] Nubunt, properly “marry.” This is still done in Naples, and

other parts of Italy. The use of vine stays there are unknown.

[1109] “Mustum.” Pure, unfermented juice of the grape.

[1110] See B. vii. c. 24.

[1111] Italia Transpadana.

[1112] See B. xxiv. c. 112. The Bauhins are of opinion that this is the

Acer opulus of Willdenow, common in Italy, and very branchy.

[1113] “Tabulata in orbem patula.” He probably alludes to the branches

extending horizontally from the trunk.

[1114] “In palmam ejus.”

[1115] There is no doubt that the whole of this passage is in a most

corrupt state, and we can only guess at its meaning. Sillig suggests

a new reading, which, unsupported as it is by any of the MSS., can

only be regarded as fanciful, and perhaps as a very slight improvement

on the attempts to obtain a solution of the difficulty. Pliny’s main

object seems to be to contrast the vines that entwine round poles and

rise perpendicularly with those that creep horizontally.

[1116] By throwing out fresh shoots every here and there. Fée, however,

seems to think that he means that the grapes themselves, as they trail

along the ground, suck up the juices with their pores. These are known

in France as “running vines,” and are found in Berry and Anjou.

[1117] He must evidently be speaking of the size of the _bunches_. See

the account of the grapes of Canaan, in Numbers xiii. 24.

[1118] “Durus acinus,” or, according to some readings, “duracinus.”

[1119] From the Greek βουμαστὸς, a cow’s teat, mentioned by Virgil,

Georg. ii. 102.

[1120] Or finger-grape.

[1121] From the Greek λεπτορᾶγες, “small-berried.”

[1122] Pensili concamaratæ nodo.

[1123] We have no corresponding word for the Latin “dolium.” It was an

oblong earthen vessel, used for much the same purpose as our vats; new

wine was generally placed in it. In times later than that of Pliny the

dolia were made of wood.

[1124] Hardouin speaks of these grapes as still growing in his time in

the Valtelline, and remarkable for their excellence.

[1125] “A patientia.” Because they have _suffered_ from the action of

the heat.

[1126] From the thinness of the skin.

[1127] See c. 24, also B. xxiii. c. 24.

[1128] See B. iii. c. 5, and B. xxxiii. c. 24.

[1129] He died in the year B.C. 19.

[1130] A vine sapling was the chief mark of the centurion’s authority.

[1131] The reading “elatas,” has been adopted. If “lentas” is retained,

it may mean, “promotion, slow though it be,” for the word “aquila” was

often used to denote the rank of the “primipilus,” who had the charge

of the eagle of the legion.

[1132] Because it was the privilege solely of those soldiers who were

Roman citizens to be beaten with the vine sapling.

[1133] He alludes to the “vinea” used in besieging towns; the first

notion of which was derived from the leafy roof afforded by the vines

when creeping on the trellis over-head. It was a moveable machine,

affording a roof under which the besiegers protected themselves against

darts, stones, fire, and other missiles. Raw hides or wet cloths

constituted the uppermost layer.

[1134] See B. xxiii. c. 19.

[1135] Many years ago, there were in the gardens of the Luxembourg one

thousand four hundred varieties of the French grape, and even then

there were many not to be found there; while, at the same time, it was

considered that the French kinds did not form more than one-twentieth

part of the species known in Europe.

[1136] This vine was said to be of Grecian origin, and to have been

conveyed by a Thessalian tribe to Italy, where it was grown at Aminea,

a village in the Falernian district of Campania. It is supposed to

have been the same as the _gros plant_ of the French. The varieties

mentioned by Pliny seem not to have been recognized by the moderns.

[1137] Fée does not give credit to this statement.

[1138] In allusion to the cotton-tree, or else the mulberry leaves

covered with the cocoons of the silkworm. See B. vi. c. 20, and B. xii.

c. 21. Virgil, in the Georgics, has the well-known line:

“Velleraque ut foliis depectant tenuia Seres.”

[1139] See B. iii. c. 9, There are many vines, the wood of which is

red, but this species has not been identified.

[1140] From “apis,” a “bee.” He alludes, it is thought, to the muscatel

grape, said to have had its name from “musca,” a “fly;” an insect which

is greatly attracted by its sweetness.

[1141] Græcula.

[1142] Fée is inclined to think that he alludes to the vine of Corinth,

the dried fruit of which are the currants of commerce.

[1143] From the Greek εὐγένεια.

[1144] How Taormina, in Sicily, where, Fée says, it is still to be

found. The grapes are red, similar to those of Mascoli near Etna, and

much esteemed.

[1145] Picata. See p. 221.

[1146] _I. e._, pale straw colour.

[1147] It has been supposed that this vine received its name from

“fæx;” the wine depositing an unusually large quantity of lees.

[1148] It is doubtful whether this vine had its name from being grown

in the district now called Bourges, or that of Bourdeaux. Dalechamps

identifies it with the _plant d’Orleans_.

[1149] The origin of its name is unknown. The text is evidently

defective.

[1150] By this name it would be understood that they were of an

intermediate colour between rose and white, a not uncommon colour in

the grape. Pliny, however, says otherwise, and he is supported by

Columella.

[1151] C. Bauhin took this to mean one of the garden currant trees,

the Ribes uva crispa of Linnæus, called by Bauhin Grossularia simplici

acino, or else Spinosa agrestis. But, as Fée observes, the ancients

were not so ignorant as to confound a vine with a currant-bush.

[1152] Like the Portuguese grapes of the present day.

[1153] Crisped and indented.

[1154] This variety, according to Christian de la Vega, was cultivated

abundantly in Grenada. The word _cocolab_, according to some, meant

cock’s comb. It is mentioned as a Spanish word by Columella.

[1155] Dalechamps says, that a similar wine was made at Montpellier,

and that it was called “piquardant.”

[1156] See B. xxiii. cc. 20, 21.

[1157] Probably from “albus,” “white.” Poinsinet thinks that it may

have been so called from the Celtic word _alb_, or _alp_, a mountain,

and that it grew on elevated spots. This, however, is probably fanciful.

[1158] Called by the Greeks ἀμέθυστον, from its comparatively harmless

qualities.

[1159] Or “sober” vine.

[1160] Hardouin says that in his time it was still cultivated about

Macerata, in the Roman States. Fée thinks that it may be one of the

climbing vines, supported by forks, cultivated in the central provinces

of France. See also B. xxiii. c. 19, as to the effects produced by its

wine.

[1161] Poinsinet gives a Celto-Scythian origin to this word, and says

that it means “injured by fogs.” This appears to be supported in some

measure by what is stated below.

[1162] See B. xvii. c. 37.

[1163] Or “thorny” vine. Fée queries why it should be thus called.

[1164] This humid, marshy locality was noted for the badness of its

grapes, and consequently of its wine.

[1165] Hardouin thinks that this is the “Marze mina” of the Venetians:

whence, perhaps, its ancient name.

[1166] “Testis.” See B. xxxv. c. 46.

[1167] From Murgentum, in Sicily. See B. iii. c. 14.

[1168] From Pompeii, afterwards destroyed. See B. iii c. 9.

[1169] Hardouin, as Fée thinks, without good reason, identifies this

with the “Arelaca” of Columella.

[1170] Georgics, ii. 99.

[1171] This seems to be the meaning of “ultro solum lætius facit.”

These two lines have been introduced by Sillig, from one of the MSS.,

for the first time.

[1172] Hardouin thinks that it is so called from Tuder, a town of

Etruria. See B. iii. c. 19.

[1173] Sillig suggests that the reading here is corrupt, and that Pliny

means to say that the vine called Florentia is particularly excellent,

and merely to state that the talpona, &c., are peculiar to Arretium:

for, as he says, speaking directly afterwards in disparagement of

them, it is not likely he would pronounce them “opima,” of “first-rate

quality.”

[1174] From “talpa,” a “mole,” in consequence of its black colour.

[1175] “Album.”

[1176] Probably so called from the Etesian winds, which improved its

growth.

[1177] Perhaps meaning “double-seeded.” We may here remark, that the

wines of Tuscany, though held in little esteem in ancient times, are

highly esteemed at the present day.

[1178] The leaves of most varieties turn red just before the fall.

[1179] And Baccius thinks that this is the kind from which the raisins

of the sun, common in Italy, and more particularly in the Valley of

Bevagna, the Mevania of Pliny, are made.

[1180] Perhaps from “pumilio,” a dwarf.

[1181] The “royal” vine, according to Poinsinet, who would derive it

from the Sclavonic “ban.”

[1182] Previously mentioned, p. 228.

[1183] The residence of Horace, now Tivoli.

[1184] Baccius says that the wine of this grape was thin like water,

and that the vine was trained on lofty trees, a mode of cultivation

still followed in the vicinity of Rome. Laurentum was situate within a

short distance of it, near Ostia.

[1185] See B. iii. c. 9.

[1186] So called from the smoky or intermediate colour of its grapes.

Fée suggests that this may be the slow-ripening grape of France, called

the “verjus,” or “rognon de coq.”

[1187] Possibly meaning the “mouthful.”

[1188] Perhaps so called from Prusa in Bithynia, a district which bore

excellent grapes.

[1189] Or the “turning” grape. A fabulous story no doubt, originating

in the name, probably. Fée suggests that it may have originated in the

not uncommon practice of letting the bunches hang after they were ripe,

and then twisting them, which was thought to increase the juice.

[1190] In the modern Marches of Ancona.

[1191] Georgics, ii. 91, _et seq._

Sunt Thasiæ vites, sunt et Mareotides albæ:

* * * * *

Et passo Psithia utilior, tenuisque Lageos,

Tentatura pedes olim, vincturaque linguam,

Purpuræ, Preciæque——

[1192] A muscatel, Fée thinks.

[1193] Or “hard-berried.” Fée thinks that the maroquin, or Morocco

grape, called the “pied de poule” (or fowl’s foot), at Montpellier, may

be the duracinus.

[1194] Or “upright vine.” In Anjou and Herault the vines are of similar

character.

[1195] The “finger-like” vine.

[1196] The “pigeon” vine.

[1197] Though very fruitful, it does not bear in large clusters

(racemi), but only in small bunches (uvæ).

[1198] The “three-foot” vine.

[1199] Perhaps meaning the “rush” grape, from its shrivelled appearance.

[1200] See c. 3 of this Book.

[1201] The ordinary number of pips or stones is five. It is seldom that

we find but one. Virgil mentions this grape, Georg. ii. 95.

[1202] “Chium.” This reading is doubtful. Fée says that between Narni

and Terni, eight leagues from Spoleto, a small grape is found, without

stones. It is called “uva passa,” or “passerina.” So, too, the Sultana

raisin of commerce.

[1203] “Grown for the table.”

[1204] Or “hard-berry.”

[1205] Mentioned by Virgil, Georg. ii. 101.

[1206] Or pitch-grape.

[1207] Perhaps the “noirant,” or “teinturier” of the French.

[1208] Or “garland-clustered” vine.

[1209] Fée says that this is sometimes accidentally the case, but is

not the characteristic of any variety now known.

[1210] Or “market-grapes.”

[1211] The “ash-coloured.”

[1212] The “russet-coloured.”

[1213] Probably so called from its grey colour, like that of the ass.

[1214] Or “fox” vine. This variety is unknown.

[1215] So called from Alexandria, in Troas, not in Egypt. Phalacra was

in the vicinity of Mount Ida.

[1216] As the leaves of the vine are universally divided, it has been

considered by many of the commentators that this is not in reality a

vine, but the Arbutus uva ursi of Linnæus. The fruit, however, of that

ericaceous plant is remarkably acrid, and not sweet, as Pliny states.

Fée rejects this solution.

[1217] Aubenas, in the Vivarais, according to Hardouin; Alps, according

to Brotier. We must reject this assertion as fabulous.

[1218] In B.C. 194, for his successes in Spain.

[1219] Mode of culture, locality, climate, and other extraneous

circumstances, work, no doubt, an entire change in the nature of the

vine.

[1220] Probably the first of the five that he has mentioned in c. 4.

[1221] He has only mentioned one sort in c. 4.

[1222] See c. 4.

[1223] See c. 4.

[1224] We have no corresponding word for this beverage in the English

language—a thin, poor liquor, made by pouring water on the husks and

stalks after being fully pressed, allowing them to soak, pressing

them again, and then fermenting the liquor. It was also called “vinum

operarium,” or “labourer’s wine.” As stated in the present instance,

grapes were sometimes stored in it for keeping.

[1225] A variety of the Aminean, as stated below.

[1226] See B. iii. c. 9.

[1227] The elder Africanus. He retired in voluntary exile to his

country-seat at Liternum, where he died.

[1228] Mercis.

[1229] The suggestion of Sillig has been adopted, for the ordinary

reading is evidently corrupt, and absurd as well—“not in the very worst

part of a favourite locality”—just the converse of the whole tenor of

the story.

[1230] The philosopher, and tutor of Nero.

[1231] Said to have been so called from Maron, a king of Thrace, who

dwelt in the vicinity of the Thracian Ismarus. See B. iv. c. 18. Homer

mentions this wine in the Odyssey, B. ix. c. 197, _et seq._ It was red,

honey-sweet, fragrant. The place is still called Marogna, in Roumelia,

a country the wines of which are still much esteemed.

[1232] See B. vii. c. 57.

[1233] Thus making “mulsum.”

[1234] B. ix. c. 208.

[1235] Indomitus.

[1236] By “black” wines he means those that had the same colour as our

port.

[1237] Il. xi. 638. Od. x. 234.

[1238] Cybele. A wine called “Pramnian” was also grown in the island

of Icaria, in Lesbos, and in the territory of Ephesus. The scholiast

on Nicander says that the grape of the psythia was used in making it.

Dioscorides says that it was a “protropum,” first-class wine, made of

the juice that voluntarily flowed from the grapes, in consequence of

their own pressure.

[1239] B.C. 121.

[1240] “Cooking,” literally, or “boiling.”

[1241] The wines of Burgundy, in particular, become bitter when

extremely old.

[1242] See B. vii. c. 18.

[1243] Caligula.

[1244] By some remarkable and peculiar quality, such as in the Opimian

wine.

[1245] “Testa,” meaning the amphora.

[1246] See c. 3 of the present Book, where these “picata,” or

“pitched-wines,” have been further described.

[1247] On the contrary, Fée says, the coldest wines are those that

contain the least alcohol, whereas those of Vienne (in modern Dauphiné)

contain more than the majority of wines.

[1248] He implies that wine is an antidote to the poisonous effects

of hemlock. This is not the case, but it is said by some that vinegar

is. It is the plant hemlock (cicuta) that is meant, and not the fatal

draught that was drunk by Socrates and Philopœmen. See further in B.

xxiii. c. 23, and B. xxv. c. 95.

[1249] Clitus and Callisthenes.

[1250] Lacus.

[1251] The testa or amphora, made of earth.

[1252] As the wife of Augustus is meant, this reading appears

preferable to “Julia.”

[1253] Dion Cassius says “eighty-sixth.”

[1254] See B. iii. c. 22, and B. xvii. c. 3. Pucinum was in Istria,

and the district is said still to produce good wine; according to

Dalechamps, the place is called Pizzino d’Istria.

[1255] The hills of Setia, looking down on the Pomptine Marshes: now

Sezza, the wine of which is of no repute.

[1256] See B. iii. c. 9.

[1257] See B. iii. c. 9. Between Fundi and Setia; a locality now of no

repute for its wines. In B. xxiii. c. 19, Pliny says, that the Cæcuban

vine was extinct: but in B. xvii. c. 3, he says that in the Pomptine

Marshes it was to be found.

[1258] This was the case, it has been remarked, with Madeira some years

ago.

[1259] This is the most celebrated of all the ancient wines, as being

more especially the theme of the poets.

[1260] See B. xi. c. 97. The wines of the Falernian district are no

longer held in any esteem; indeed, all the Campanian wines are sour,

and of a disagreeable flavour.

[1261] It appears to have been exceedingly rich in alcohol.

[1262] But in B. xxiii. c. 20, he assigns the first rank to the

Albanum; possibly, however, as a medicinal wine. The wines of Latium

are no longer held in esteem.

[1263] See B. xxiii. c. 21.

[1264] From Surrentum, the promontory forming the southern horn of the

Bay of Naples. Ovid and Martial speak in praise of these wines; they

were destitute of richness and very dry, in consequence of which they

required twenty-five years to ripen.

[1265] Or “dead vinegar.” “Vappa” was vinegar exposed to the air, and

so destitute of its properties, and quite insipid.

[1266] Excellent wines are still produced in the vicinity of this

place. Massicum was one of the perfumed wines. Gaurus itself produced

the “Gauranum,” in small quantity, but of high quality, full-bodied and

thick.

[1267] For the Calenian Hills, see B. iii. c. 9; see also B. xxiii. c.

12, for some further account of the wines of Stata. The wines of that

district are now held in no esteem.

[1268] From Fundi. See B. iii. c. 9.

[1269] Now Castel del Volturno: although covered with vineyards, its

wines are of no account. This wine always tasted as if mixed with some

foreign substance.

[1270] Now Piperno. It was a thin and pleasant wine.

[1271] Now Segni, in the States of the Church.

[1272] Written to the Senate, also to Cicero. We learn from Suetonius

that they were partly written in cipher.

[1273] Messina, at the present day, exports wines of very good quality,

and which attain a great age.

[1274] It was sound, light, and not without body.

[1275] “Lagenæ.” The same spot, now Taormina in Sicily, between Catania

and Messina, still produces excellent wines.

[1276] See B. iii. c. 18. Fée says that this is thought to have been

the wine of Syrol, of last century, grown near Ancona.

[1277] “Palma.” Notwithstanding this suggestion, it is more generally

supposed that they had their name from the place called Palma, near

Marano, on the Adriatic. Its wines are still considered of agreeable

flavour.

[1278] The wines of modern Cezena enjoy no repute, owing, probably, to

the mode of making them.

[1279] Probably so called because it was brought into fashion by

Mæcenas.

[1280] See Georg. ii. 95. The wines of the Tyrol, the ancient Rhætia,

are still considered as of excellent quality.

[1281] Of Adria, or the Adriatic Sea.

[1282] See B. iii. c. 20. These wines are of little repute.

[1283] In Latium. See B. iii. c. 9.

[1284] From Graviscæ. See B. iii. c. 8.

[1285] See B. ii. c. 96, B. iii. c. 9, and B. xxxvi. c. 49.

[1286] The wines of Genoa are of middling quality only, and but little

known.

[1287] Or “juicy” wine.

[1288] Now Beziers, in the south of France. The wines of this part are

considered excellent at the present day. That of Frontignan grows in

its vicinity. Fée is inclined to think, from Pliny’s remarks here, that

the ancients and the moderns differed entirely in their notions as to

what constitutes good or bad wine.

[1289] He means, beyond modern Provence, and Languedoc: districts

famous for their excellent wines, more particularly the latter.

[1290] Fée deems all this quite incredible. Our English experience,

however, tells us that it is by no means so; much of the wine that is

drunk in this country is indebted for flavour as well as colour to

anything but the grape.

[1291] The wines of modern Otranto are ordinarily of good quality.

[1292] Baccius reads “Seberiniana,” but is probably wrong. If he is

not, it might allude to the place now known as San Severino, and which

produces excellent wine. Fée thinks that these wines were grown in the

territory of Salerno, which still enjoys celebrity for its muscatel

wines.

[1293] See B. iii. c. 10. The wines of modern Cosenza still enjoy a

high reputation.

[1294] M. Valerius Messala Corvinus, the writer and partisan of

Augustus. See end of B. ix.

[1295] A place supposed to have been situated near Thurii.

[1296] See B. iii. c. 15.

[1297] Said by Galen to be very wholesome, as well as pleasant. The

wines of the vicinity of Naples are still held in high esteem.

[1298] Galen says that it was very similar to the Falernian.

[1299] See B. iii. c. 9.

[1300] The Trifoline territory was in the vicinity of Cumæ. It is

possible that the wine may have had its name from taking three years to

come to maturity; or possibly it was owing to some peculiarity in the

vine.

[1301] They have been already mentioned in c. 4. See B. iii. c. 9.

[1302] Twelve o’clock in the day.

[1303] See B. iii. c. 4.

[1304] In Catalonia, which still produces abundance of wine, but in

general of inferior repute.

[1305] The wines of Tarragona are still considered good.

[1306] A place in the province of Hispania Tarraconensis, destroyed by

Sertorius.

[1307] They still enjoy a high repute. The fame of their Malvoisie has

extended all over the world.

[1308] He means to illustrate the capricious tastes that existed as to

the merits of wines.

[1309] In c. 6 of this Book.

[1310] The Chian held the first rank, the Thasian the second.

[1311] From Arvisium, or Ariusium, a hilly district in the centre of

the island. The wine of Chios still retains its ancient celebrity.

[1312] It was remarkable for its sweetness, and aromatics were

sometimes mixed with it. Homer calls it harmless. Lesbos still produces

choice wines.

[1313] Near Smyrna. Probably similar to the Pramnian wine, mentioned in

c. 6.

[1314] See B. v. c. 30. This wine is mentioned again in the next page;

it is generally thought, that he is wrong in making the Tmolites and

the Mesogites distinct wines, for they are supposed to have been

identical.

[1315] If drunk by itself, and not as a flavouring for other wines.

[1316] Bacchus had a temple there.

[1317] The wines of Cyprus are the most choice of all the Grecian wines

at the present day.

[1318] In Lycia.

[1319] In Syria. Wine is no longer made there, but the grapes are

excellent, and are dried for raisins.

[1320] Now Beyrout. It does not seem that wine is made there now. The

Mahometan religion may have tended to the extinction of many of these

wines.

[1321] At the village of Sour, on the site of ancient Tyre, the grape

is only cultivated for raisins.

[1322] See also c. 22: probably introduced from Thasos.

[1323] The “smoky” grape.

[1324] The “pitchy” grape.

[1325] A strong wine, Hardouin thinks, from whence its name—“strong

enough to subdue a horse.”

[1326] From the small island of Mystus, near Cephallenia.

[1327] So called from the vine the name of which was “canthareus.”

[1328] Made, as already stated, from the juice that flowed

spontaneously from the grapes. See also p. 250.

[1329] Or the “burnt up” country, a volcanic district of Mysia, which

still retains its ancient fame for its wine. Virgil alludes to this

wine in Georg. iv. l. 380:—

—Cape Mæonii carchesia Bacchi.

[1330] Perhaps from Petra in Arabia: though Fée suggests Petra in the

Balearic Islands.

[1331] See B. iv. c. 22. In the island of Myconos in the Archipelago an

excellent wine is still grown.

[1332] From Mount Mesogis, which divides the tributaries of the Caÿster

from those of the Meander. It is generally considered the same as the

Tmolites.

[1333] Must or grape-juice boiled down to one half.

[1334] See B. v. c. 29.

[1335] “Mulsum,” or honied wine, was of two kinds; honey mixed with

wine, and honey mixed with must or grape-juice.

[1336] From its Greek name, it would seem to mean “of first quality.”

[1337] So called from a place in Eubœa, the modern Negropont. See. B.

iv. c. 20. Negropont produces good wines at the present day.

[1338] The locality is unknown.

[1339] From Leucadia, or Leucate; see B. iv. c. 2; the vine was very

abundant there.

[1340] From Ambracia. See B. iv. c. 2.

[1341] From the island of Peparethus. See B. iv. c. 23, where he says

that from its abundance of vines it was called εὐοινὸς, or “Evenus.”

[1342] B. xxiii. c. 1, and c. 26.

[1343] “Cadis.”

[1344] Fée remarks that this method is still adopted in making several

of the liqueurs.

[1345] White wine of Cos. Fée thinks that Pliny means to say that the

sea water turns the must of a white or pale straw colour, and is of

opinion that he has been wrongly informed.

[1346] “Sea-water” wine.

[1347] “Sea-seasoned” wine.

[1348] Fée says, that if the vessels were closed hermetically this

would have little or no appreciable effect; if not, it would tend to

spoil the wine.

[1349] Athenæus says that the Rhodian wine will not mix so well with

sea-water as the Coan. Fée remarks that if Cato’s plan were followed,

the wine would become vinegar long before the end of the four years.

[1350] Sillig thinks that the proper reading is “in six” only.

[1351] The sweet wines, in modern times, have the most bouquet or aroma.

[1352] “Albus,” pale straw-colour.

[1353] “Fulvus,” amber-colour.

[1354] Bright and glowing, like Tent and Burgundy.

[1355] “Niger,” the colour of our port.

[1356] Supposed to be a species of Pramnian wine, mentioned in c. 6.

This was used, as also the Aminean, for making omphacium, as mentioned

in B. xii. c. 60. See also c. 18 of this Book.

[1357] “Black psythian.”

[1358] Mentioned by Galen among the sweet wines.

[1359] See B. iii. c. 14. Now Solana in Sicily, which produces

excellent wine.

[1360] Honied wine.

[1361] This was evidently a kind of grape sirop, or grape jelly. “Rob”

is perhaps, as Hardouin suggests, a not inappropriate name for it.

[1362] When cold, they would have nearly the same consistency.

[1363] The raisin wine of Crete was the most prized of all as a class.

[1364] Mentioned in c. 4. Probably a muscatel grape.

[1365] See c. 4 of this Book.

[1366] Or “vat.” The common reading was “oleo,” which would imply

that they were plunged into boiling oil. Columella favours the latter

reading, B. xii. c. 16.

[1367] The reading is probably defective here.

[1368] Passum secundarium.

[1369] Or “always sweet.”

[1370] “Always must.”

[1371] Fervere, “boil,” or “effervesce.”

[1372] “Sweet” drink. Fée seems to think that this sweet wine must have

been something similar to champagne. Hardouin says that it corresponds

to the vin doux de Limoux, or blanquette de Limoux, and the vin Muscat

d’Azile.

[1373] See c. 3 of this Book.

[1374] “Poured,” or “strained through.”

[1375] “Honey wine.” A disagreeable medicament, Fée thinks, rather than

a wine.

[1376] Somewhat similar to the vin de premiere goutte of the French. It

would seem to have been more of a liqueur than a wine. Tokay is made in

a somewhat similar manner.

[1377] Or “second” press wines.

[1378] De Re Rust. c. 153.

[1379] Vinum operarium.

[1380] This method is still adopted, Fée says, in making “piquette,” or

“small wine,” throughout most of the countries of Europe.

[1381] Or “wine-lee drink.” It would make an acid beverage, of

disagreeable taste.

[1382] “Nobilia.” In c. 29 he speaks of 195 kinds, and, reckoning all

the varieties, double that number.

[1383] Fée observes that the varieties of the modern wines are quite

innumerable. He remarks also that Pliny does not speak of the Asiatic

wines mentioned by Athenæus, which were kept in large bottles, hung

in the chimney corner; where the liquid, by evaporation, acquired the

consistency of salt. The wines of other countries evidently were little

known to Pliny.

[1384] “Circa pericula arbusti.” This is probably the meaning of this

very elliptical passage. See p. 218.

[1385] Called Metellus, by Valerius Maximus, B. vi. c. 3.

[1386] See B. xvii. c. 11.

[1387] Over the Celtiberi.

[1388] The younger Pliny, B. ii. Ep. 2, censures this stingy practice.

See also Martial, B. iii. Epig. 60.

[1389] That this, however, was not uncommonly done, we may judge from

the remark made by the governor of the feast, John ii. 10, to the

bridegroom.

[1390] Called “myrrhina.” Fée remarks that the flavour of myrrh is

acrid and bitter, its odour strong and disagreeable, and says that it

is difficult to conceive how the ancients could drink wine with this

substance in solution.

[1391] As the “Persa” has come down to us, we find no mention of myrrh

in the passage alluded to.

[1392] See B. xii. c. 49. This is mentioned in the Persa, A. i. sc. 3,

l. 7.

[1393] Aromatic or perfumed wines.

[1394] Murrhinam.

[1395] The Cheat or Impostor: a play of Plautus. See A. ii. sc. 4, l.

51, _et seq._

[1396] Must boiled down to half its original quantity.

[1397] Apothecas. The “apothecæ” were rooms at the top of the house,

in which the wines were placed for the purpose of seasoning. Sometimes

a current of smoke was directed through them. They were quite distinct

from the “cella vinaria,” or “wine-cellar.” The Opimian wine is

mentioned in c. 4.

[1398] This writer is unknown.

[1399] Or amphora.

[1400] Vessels containing a congius, or the eighth of an amphora,

nearly six pints English.

[1401] As to this malady, see B. xi. c. 71.

[1402] B.C. 46.

[1403] B. xii. c. 61.

[1404] Or “labrusca.” “Œnanthinum” means “made of vine flowers.” The

wild vine is not a distinct species from the cultivated vine: it is

only a variety of it, known in botany as the Vitis silvestris labrusca

of Tournefort. Fée thinks that as the must could only be used in

autumn, when the wild vine was not flowering, the flowers of it must

have been dried.

[1405] “Solstitiales.” Because they withstand the heat of the solstice.

Marcellus Empiricus calls them “caniculati,” because they bear the heat

of the Dog-star.

[1406] Fée remarks that this assertion is quite erroneous.

[1407] From the Greek, meaning “without strength.” The mixture, Fée

remarks, would appear to be neither potable nor wholesome.

[1408] See B. xviii. c. 24. A kind of beer might be made with it, Fée

says; but this mixture must have been very unpalatable.

[1409] See B. xiii. c. 32.

[1410] A vinous drink may be made in the manner here stated; but

the palm-wine of the peoples of Asia and Africa is only made of the

fermented sap of the tree. See B. xiii. c. 9.

[1411] He says “caryotæ,” and not chydææ, in B. xiii. c. 4. The modius

was something more than our peck.

[1412] From the Greek σύκη, a “fig.” This wine was made, Fée thinks,

from the produce of some variety of the sycamore. See B. xiii. c. 14.

[1413] “Prime palm” apparently.

[1414] Tortivum, probably: the second squeezing.

[1415] See B. xiii. c. 15.

[1416] See B. xiii. c. 14.

[1417] See B. xiii. c. 16.

[1418] From ῥόα, a “pomegranate.”

[1419] Dioscorides calls it “strobilites.” Fée says that they could be

of no service in producing a vinous drink.

[1420] See B. xv. c. 37.

[1421] Or “myrtle wine.”

[1422] Myrtle will not make a wine, but simply a medicament, in which

wine is the menstruum.

[1423] Artemisia abrotonum of Linnæus.

[1424] Ruta graveolens of Linnæus.

[1425] Nepeta cataria of Linnæus.

[1426] Thymus serpyllum of Linnæus.

[1427] Marrubium vulgare of Linnæus.

[1428] Grape-juice boiled down to one-third.

[1429] Brassica napus of Linnæus.

[1430] Scilla marina of Linnæus.

[1431] Nardus Gallicus, or Valeriana Celtica of Linnæus. See B. xii. c.

26.

[1432] Nardus silvestris or baccaris.

[1433] Aromatic wines.

[1434] In c. 15 of this Book.

[1435] Valeriana Celtica.

[1436] Convolvulus scoparius of Linnæus.

[1437] Andropogon schœnanthus of Linnæus.

[1438] Costus Indicus of Linnæus.

[1439] Andropogon nardus of Linnæus.

[1440] See B. xiii. c. 2.

[1441] See B. xii. c. 43.

[1442] Crocus sativus of Linnæus.

[1443] Asarum Europæum of Linnæus.

[1444] See B. xii. c. 59.

[1445] Condita.

[1446] Piperata.

[1447] Inula helenium of Linnæus. See B. xxi. c. 91.

[1448] Medicago sativa of Linnæus.

[1449] Symphytum officinale of Linnæus, being all different varieties.

[1450] “Absinthites” made of the Artemisia Pontica of Linnæus. A

medicinal wine is still prepared with wormwood; and “apsinthe,” a

liqueur much esteemed in France, is made from it.

[1451] Hyssopites.

[1452] Hyssopites officinalis of Linnæus.

[1453] Helleborites.

[1454] Scammonites.

[1455] Fée says that this is not the fact; and queries whether the

vulgar notion still entertained on this subject, may not be traced up

to our author. It is a not uncommon belief that roses smell all the

sweeter if onions are planted near them.

[1456] Lavendula stœchas of Linnæus. See B. xxvii. c. 107.

[1457] Gentiana lutea of Linnæus. See B. xxv. c. 34. Gentian wine is

still made.

[1458] Thymus tragoriganum of Linnæus. See B. xx. c. 68.

[1459] Origanum dictamnus of Linnæus. See B. xxv. c. 63.

[1460] Asarum Europæum of Linnæus. See B. xii. c. 27.

[1461] Query, if not carrot? See B. xxv. c. 64.

[1462] A variety of salvia or sage: it will be mentioned again, further

on.

[1463] Laserpitium hirsutum of Linnæus. See B. xxv. cc. 11, 12, and 13.

[1464] Acorus calamus of Linnæus. See B. xxv. c. 100.

[1465] See B. xxi. c. 32.

[1466] See B. xxi. c. 31.

[1467] Atrapora mandragora of Linnæus. This wine would act as a

narcotic poison, it would appear.

[1468] Andropogon schœnanthus of Linnæus. See B. xxi. c. 72.

[1469] The origin and meaning of these names are unknown.

[1470] See B. xii. c. 11. Juniperus Lycia, and Juniperus Phœnicea of

Linnæus.

[1471] Cupressus sempervirens of Linnæus.

[1472] Laurus nobilis of Linnæus. See B. xv. c. 39.

[1473] Juniperus communis of Linnæus.

[1474] See B. xiii. c. 12. The Pistacia terebinthus of Linnæus.

[1475] See B. xii. c. 36. The Pistacia lentiscus of Linnæus.

[1476] “Chamelæa.” The Granium Cnidium, Daphne Cnidium, and Daphne

cneorum of Linnæus. See B. xiii. c. 35. Venomous plants, which, taken

internally, would be productive of dangerous results.

[1477] Chamæpitrys. The Teucrium chamæpitrys of Linnæus. See B. xxv. c.

20.

[1478] Chamædrys. The Teucrium chamædrys of Linnæus. See B. xxiv. c.

80. Dioscorides mentions most of these so-called wines.

[1479] Mead, or metheglin. See B. xxii. c. 51.

[1480] There is no ground, Fée says, for this recommendation.

[1481] Stoves are now used for this purpose.

[1482] “Hydromēlum,” on the other hand, made of water and apples, was

the same as our modern cider.

[1483] See B. xxiii. c. 9.

[1484] “Subfervefactis.” “Just come on the boil.”

[1485] The oxymel of modern times contains no salt, and is only used as

a medicament.

[1486] As drinks, no doubt; and with good reason, as to most of them.

[1487] Coactus.

[1488] Our medicinal wines will mostly keep longer than this, owing

probably to the difference in the mode of making the real wines that

form their basis.

[1489] There is little doubt that this is fabulous: wine taken in

excess, we know, is productive of loss of the senses, frenzy in the

shape of delirium tremens.

[1490] This is not unlikely; for, as Fée remarks, the red wines,

containing a large proportion of alcohol, act upon the brain and

promote sleep, while the white wines, charged with carbonic gas, are

productive of wakefulness.

[1491] Or healing vine. See B. xxiii. c. 11.

[1492] “Libanios.” Probably incense was put in this wine, to produce

the flavour.

[1493] From ἀ, “not,” and σπένδειν, “to make libation.”

[1494] See c. 9 of this Book. It was introduced, probably, from Thasos.

[1495] From ἐκβάλλω, “to eject.”

[1496] Apothecis.