MEMOIRS
OF THE
REVOLUTION
IN
_BENGAL_,
ANNO. DOM. 1757.
By which MEER JAFFEIR was raised to the Government of that Province,
together with those of _Babar_ and _Orixa_.
INCLUDING
The Motives to this Enterprize; the Method in which it was
accomplished; and the Benefits that have accrued from thence to
that Country, our United Company trading to the _East Indies_, and
to the _British_ Nation.
[Illustration]
_LONDON_:
Printed for A. MILLAR, in the _Strand_.
M.DCC.L.X.
[Illustration]
PREFACE.
The Success that has every where attended the Efforts of the _British_
Arms, during the Course of this just and necessary War, will render this
Period of our History resplendent, even to latest Ages. It seems,
therefore, requisite to give the most accurate and distinct Accounts
that can be obtained of these Successes in the remoter Parts of the
Globe, that the Nature and Consequences of them may be the better
understood here. The People of _Britain_ are as well entitled to know,
and will with equal Pleasure read, what has been effected for their
Service at _Bengal_, as at _Goree_; and accept as kindly the Laurels
brought them from _Asia_, as those that come from _Afric_ or _America_.
In this we follow only the Custom of other Nations. The _Portuguese_ and
the _Dutch_ have not only general Histories of their Atchievements in
the _Indies_, and separate Accounts of their respective Settlements, but
numerous Memoirs of particular Expeditions, in which they have been
exceeded by the _French_. We should therefore be wanting to ourselves,
if, having performed as great Things as they, and having as authentic
Vouchers, we should willfully suffer the Memory of them to be lost, and
the Merits of our deserving Countrymen swallowed up in Oblivion.
The following Pages will shew, how one of our finest Settlements in the
_East Indies_ was suddenly sacked and subverted by the Impetuosity of a
young Man, intoxicated with Sovereign Power; in what Manner it was
recovered and restored; the Peril to which it was again exposed from the
same Person; and the Means by which it was not only rescued from a
Second Destruction, but the Causes of these Calamities removed; the
_British_ Interest placed on a more solid Basis than ever; with
additional Advantages that were never hoped; so that Stability may be
truly said to have been extracted from intestine Troubles, and Public
Miseries rendered the Source of Public Safety and Public Benefits.
But as these Wonders could never have been performed but by the
Assistance of his Majesty's Fleets and Forces, and as this was derived
from the constant and laudable Concern of the Administration, for the
Fate of _British_ Subjects wherever disposed, it is but a just Tribute
of Gratitude to shew how Measures so wisely taken, proved so successful
in the Event, that Posterity may profit by the Example, and our Trade
ever meet with the like Support, under Officers (if they are to be
found) of equal Abilities.
Lastly, it will appear how far the Nation has reaped the Fruits of these
signal Events. The Settlement at _Calcutta_ being not only effectually
restored, but, as far as the Nature of Things will admit, its future
Safety as effectually secured, the Honour of the _British_ Name
repaired, and the Terror of her Arms diffused throughout the _East_. The
Fortunes of _British_ Subjects, ruined in the first Calamity, unprovided
for in the first Treaty, entirely recovered by the Second; many of which
being now brought over, are actually vested in the Funds or Lands of
_Great Britain_.
MEMOIRS
OF THE
REVOLUTION in _BENGAL_.
The late Revolution in _Bengal_ is so extraordinary in its Nature, of
such immediate Consequence to the _East India_ Company, and may possibly
be of such Importance to the Nation, that a short and perspicuous
Relation of this memorable Transaction cannot but be acceptable to the
Public. Such a Relation will give a distinct Idea of Things, as to which
the World has hitherto had but confused Notions; dispose all Events
relating thereto in their proper Places, so that their Motives and
Consequences may be clearly understood; and supply those Chasms, that
disturb the Order and destroy the Connection between the Narratives
which have been written occasionally of particular Points of Fact.
Besides, it will explain the Conduct of those who have been chiefly
instrumental in bringing such an hazardous, as well as arduous Attempt
as this to a happy Conclusion; will shew why it was thought necessary,
and on what Account it was originally undertaken; the many, and some of
them formidable, Obstacles that were in the Way; and how these were
either gradually removed, or gloriously overcome. In a Word, when
thoroughly and circumstantially explained, it will open as singular and
surprizing a Scene to the View of the inquisitive and judicious Reader,
as perhaps he will find in any History respecting our own Times, which,
let me have Leave to say, are those that concern us most.
But previous to the Narrative, it will be expedient to give a concise
Account of the Inhabitants, and the State of the Government in that
Country, where this surprizing Political Catastrophe fell out; and
without being well acquainted with which, these succinct Memoirs would
not only be less intelligible, but, which is yet worse, would become
also very liable to be misunderstood. The Nature of Things depends on
their Properties, alike discernable by all who will examine them with
equal Care, and with the same Degree of Attention. But the Nature of
Facts is determined by the Circumstances that attend them; and if these
be not fairly and fully represented, they must be falsely, or at least
imperfectly apprehended. In Cases relative to the Alteration of States,
a bare Recital of Events establishes only what Alteration they produced,
and does not at all inform us to what the Change was owing; gives us no
Grounds to conclude, as to the Advantages or Disadvantages flowing from
such a Mutation, and does not furnish us with the Means of framing any
probable Conjecture as to the Stability or Instability of the New
Government.
The two great Nations, inhabiting this Part of the _Indies_, differ
widely from each other in their Complexions, Language, Manners,
Disposition, and Religion. The _Moguls_ (_Moghuls_) who are commonly
called _Moors_ or _Moormen_, are a robust, stately, and, in respect to
the original Natives, a fair People. They speak what the _English_ in
_India_ commonly call the _Moors_ Tongue, which is in truth the
_Persian_, or at least a Dialect of the _Persian_. They are naturally
vain, affect Shew and Pomp in every thing, are much addicted to Luxury,
fierce, oppressive, and, for the most part, very rapacious. In respect
to Religion, they are _Mohammedans_; the common Sort of the Sect of
_Omar_ (in which they agree with the _Turks_), but those of Superior
Rank are mostly of the Sect of _Ali_ (which is followed by the
_Persians_), and some affect to be very devout. These have the Dominion,
and are possessed of all the Offices of Trust and Power, in virtue of
their Descent from the _Moguls_, whose Empire was established by
_Timûr_, commonly called _Tamerlane_ in this Country; but they are now a
very mixed People, composed of _Tartars_, _Arabs_, and _Persians_; more
especially of the last mentioned Nation; who for various Reasons have
quitted their own Country, but chiefly for the Sake of that Favour and
Preferment, which for many Ages they have met with at the Court of
(_Dehli_) _Delly_. The _Gentoows_, or Native _Indians_, are of a swarthy
Aspect, as their proper Appellation _Hindu_ implies; less warlike but
more active and industrious than the _Moors_. They are a mild, subtle,
frugal Race of Men, exceedingly superstitious, submissive in appearance,
but naturally jealous, suspicious, and perfidious; which is principally
owing to that abject Slavery they are kept in by the _Moors_; and their
Vices are such as innate Cunning, of which they have a great deal,
suggests to counteract those of their Masters. They are divided into
several Casts or Tribes, of which the most noble is that of the
_Bramins_, and there are also several Casts of these. Their Religion is
_Paganism_, gross and absurd among the Vulgar, but not so amongst the
wiser and better Sort. These Characters are not drawn through any Spirit
of Prejudice or Partiality, but from Experience and Observation, and the
Faults of both do not so much arise from any Want of Parts, or Defect in
their natural Talents, as from their respective Conditions, and the
barbarous Severity and perpetual Instability of their Governments.
The _Mogul_, or, as we commonly call him, the _Great Mogul_, is,
according to the Constitution of _Indostan_, if Despotism can with any
Propriety be stiled a Constitution, as absolute as a Monarch can be. He
is the sole Possessor of Property, the single Fountain of Honour, and
the supreme Oracle of Justice. The whole Country belongs to him; all
Honours are Personal, are bestowed by his Bounty, and resumed at his
Pleasure; his Subjects having no other Laws than the Dictates of his
Will. The Omrahs, or Great Lords of his Court, who discharge the high
Offices in his Household, exercise the Functions of Ministers of State,
or hold superior Commands in his Armies, are all Creatures of his own,
and so are the Governors of Provinces, stiled in the Language of the
Country _Nabobs_, who have again lesser Governments, to which they
appoint, called _Phousdaries_. Thus things actually stood under the long
Reign of _Aurengzebe_, and under the short one of his Son; but since the
Days of his unfortunate Grandson, _Mohammed Shah_, who was dethroned,
and restored by _Thamas Kouli Khan_, the _Moguls_ are no more than
Shadows of what they were; and their Prerogatives become rather Sounds
than Substance. Those Emirs or Nabobs, who govern great Provinces, are
stiled Subahs, which imports the same as Lord-Lieutenants or Vice-Roys.
These Vice-Roys have ever held their Provinces of the Mogul, by
rendering him a yearly Tribute, and furnishing their Contingent of
Troops, when demanded for his Service; each of them exacting the like
Services from their subordinate Governments; in both the Nabobs and
Phousdars were supreme, and executed a kind of Sovereign Authority,
subject only to those from whom it was delegated, and by whom it might
be again taken away when they thought fit. But now they affect a kind of
Independence, send their Tribute to Court when they esteem it
convenient, and that is but seldom: and devolve their Employments on
their Heirs, who having immediate Possession of the Means, find no great
Difficulty in getting themselves confirmed, by making proper Presents at
_Delly_. If the Mogul attempts to depose any of them, the Person to whom
he gives the Commission must raise an Army, and force a Passage to the
Government bestowed upon him with his Sword. The same thing happens with
regard to the Phousdars, removed by the Suba's; and hence the Confusions
that ensue, whenever the Pretenders to the same Post (who are also
sometimes supported, as their Interest leads them, by the different
trading Nations upon the Coast) to gratify their Ambition, create
implacable, ruinous, and endless civil Wars.
As to the _Gentoows_, though Multitudes of them live in the Cities and
Provinces governed by the Officers of the Mogul, yet in the mountainous
Countries, and in some others, there are many who still maintain their
Freedom, or rather are Slaves to Princes of their own, stiled Rajahs,
amongst whom the Mahah Rajah, or King of the Marattes, is the most
powerful. His Subjects inhabit the Mountains to the South-East of _Goa_,
and he has sometimes brought Armies of one Hundred, and sometimes of two
Hundred Thousand Men into the Field, composed mostly of Horse. These, as
well as the Troops of the lesser Rajahs, of whom there are many, are
employed chiefly in predatory Expeditions, and by making very rapid
Incursions, and no less rapid Retreats, do a great deal of Mischief in a
very little time. This has induced some of the wisest amongst the Mogul
Governors to consent to the Payment of an annual Tribute, stiled the
Chout, amounting to a fourth Part of the Revenue of the Province, to
prevent these Inroads. The Nabobs likewise frequently entertain the
Troops of these Rajahs in Pay, in order to increase the Strength of
their own Armies. From this concise Account of Things, it will
sufficiently appear, that the Power of the Mogul is rather nominal than
real; that a kind of Anarchy reigns through the Country; and that where
there is any Thing that resembles ever so imperfectly a Form of
Government, it has Force for its Basis, is supported by Fraud, and that
in Fact there is hardly any such thing as legal Authority subsisting in
any Part of the Empire; so that to measure the Rectitude of Men's
Actions in such a Country as this, and in relation to such Governors as
these, by the same Rules that take Place under regular Establishments,
where Laws are settled and known, and where Justice is duly administred,
is not at all founded either in Reason or Equity.
The English established their Presidency at _Calcutta_, towards the
Close of the last Century, in virtue of a Phirmaund (Firmân) from the
famous _Aurengzebe_, who much extended the Bounds of the Empire on this
Side. His Firmân was confirmed, and the Privileges of the _East India_
Company much augmented by his great Grandson _Mohammed Furruksîr_. It is
therefore indubitable, that having these Concessions made to them in the
most ample and honourable Manner, and when the _Mogul_ Empire was in its
most flourishing Condition, the _English_ Nation had as firm and solid a
Right to their Possessions and Immunities as that Constitution could
give. They were not therefore certainly to be disturbed or controuled by
the Governor of the Province, while they behaved themselves peaceably
and properly towards him.
The Company and the Servants of the Company had strictly observed the
Terms upon which they were bestowed, and were so modest, or rather so
cautious, as to keep much within the Bounds of those Concessions, and
chose rather to wave some of their Rights than run the Hazard, under so
unsettled a Government, of affording any Colour of Complaint. The same
Spirit prevailed; the same Care was taken in all the Factories
subordinate to this Presidency. When Injuries were done them, they
applied to the Suba's for Relief; when the Officers of those Vice-Roys,
either with or without their Knowlege, ventured upon Exactions, they
proceeded by Remonstrance. If this had its Effect, they thought
themselves happy; if not, they bore it with Patience, of which many
Instances might be given. They knew very well that Trade was their
Business, and that Disputes with the Country Government must be
detrimental to their Interests; and therefore studied to avoid them.
That this was really the Case, that they had no ambitious Views, that
they had not the smallest Intention to perplex or to interfere with the
late Suba, appears to Demonstration, from his not attempting to fix any
such thing upon them; and still more so, from the Condition in which he
found them.
The old Suba of the three Provinces of _Bengal_, _Bahar_, and _Orixa_,
who had advanced himself, and seized that Dignity in the usual Way, by a
fortunate Audacity, sticking at nothing to gratify his Thirst for Power,
_Aliverdy Cawn_, died much advanced in Years, _April_ the 9th, 1756, and
was succeeded by his adopted Son _Suraja Dowlat_ (_Sur Rajah al Dowlat_)
who began his Administration with Acts of Violence, and Breach of Faith
to some of his own Family; and by that time he had been a Month in
Possession of the high Office he assumed, manifested his Aversion to the
_English_.
On what his Resentment to the _British_ Nation was founded, he was
himself at a Loss to say; and the trivial, inconsistent, and in various
respects ill-grounded Pretences, he afterwards suggested, as the Motives
to his Conduct, evidently shew they were contrived rather to hide, than
to declare the Intentions from which he really acted. It has been
asserted, and very probably not without sufficient Foundation, that some
who knew his violent and rapacious Disposition, made their Court to him,
by representing, that the _Europeans_ settled in the Provinces he
possessed were immensely rich; that he might well expect considerable
Sums from them to merit his Favour and Protection upon his Accession to
the Government; that he had a Force much more than was adequate to the
crushing them absolutely, if he so pleased; that by compelling them,
under Colour of their coming as Merchants only into _Indostan_, to
desist from raising any new Fortifications, he would have them always at
his Mercy; and that in order to succeed effectually, and with little
Trouble, he should, to prevent their making it a common Cause, break
only with one Nation at a time; and first with the _British_, who could
pay him best, and whose Submission would prove an effectual Precedent to
the _French_ and _Dutch_. It is not unlikely, that the Authors of this
Advice might also undertake to negotiate a Compromise at a proper
Juncture. This, however, is certain; that, before he proceeded to
Hostilities, he had determined to reduce _Calcutta_, and had taken all
his Measures for that Purpose, and disposed his Instruments properly
with that View.
_Cassimbuzar_ being situated, as it were, at his Door, was of course the
first attacked. He caused the Place to be invested on the Twenty-second
of _May_, by a numerous Body of Troops, and then invited Mr. _Watts_,
who was Chief of the Factory, to a Conference, upon a Safe-Conduct. As
the Place (in the Opinion of the best Judges) was indefensible, and if
it had been defensible, was without a Garrison; as in point of Ceremony
it was the usual Custom for the Chief of that Factory to compliment
every new Suba on his assuming that Office, and Mr. _Watts_ had all
imaginable Reason to hope a good Reception, he accepted that Invitation,
and went to the Suba's Camp, where, contrary to his Faith, and in Breach
of those Engagements which are in that Country held sacred, he seized
and detained him, till by pursuing the same Conduct, and intermixing
Fraud and Force against those who had not the Means, and perhaps were
doubtful whether they had any Authority to resist, he possessed himself
of _Cassimbuzar_, on the fourth of _June_, and then made no farther
Secret of his Design to deprive the _English_ of all their Settlements,
to which, according to the Constitution of the _Mogul_ Empire, they had
a much better Right than he had to his Dominions. Thus the Troubles of
_Bengal_ were begun by him in whose Ruin they ended.
This Step taken, his next Enterprize was directly against _Calcutta_; to
reduce which, the Suba marched with an Army of Seventy thousand Men,
and, when he became Master of it, acted with a Degree of insolent
Cruelty, of which the World is too well apprized already, to need any
Detail of it here. Let it suffice then to say, that the Suba wreaked his
Malice, for Vengeance it could not be stiled, upon a Multitude of
innocent People, who had never given him the smallest Offence. Having
destroyed the Place, recalled, and then again dispersed the Inhabitants,
and with the same lawless Violence extorted large Sums from the _French_
and _Dutch_ Factories, that he might seem to manifest a general Distaste
to _Europeans_, he returned to _Muxadavad_ in Triumph.
He had full five Months from this Period to recollect himself, and to
consider the Effects of these bold and arbitrary Proceedings, and in
which he might have concerted either the Means of restoring the Peace of
the Province, or of fortifying his own Strength in such a manner as to
be able to make Head against all his Enemies; for he began to find, that
besides those this wanton Exercise of his Power had excited, he had
several amongst such as had been subject to the Authority, and even
sincerely attached to the Person of his Predecessor. But his extreme
Haughtiness, and his perpetual Suspicions, joined to the natural
Mutability of his Temper, and Want of Experience, being a very young
Man, rendered him equally incapable of correcting past Errors, or of
digesting any well-connected Plan, and supporting it with that Firmness,
without which Success is not to be expected. Sometimes obstinate, mostly
irresolute, he forfeited equally the Esteem of Foreigners and
Neighbours; and by an unaccountable Compound of Fickleness and Severity,
lost the Confidence of all, and excited the Secret Hatred of most of
those who were about him.
On the Fifth of _December_ Admiral _Watson_ anchored with his Squadron
in _Ballasore_ Road, to which Place Mr. _Watts_ and Mr. _Becher_, both
Gentlemen of the Council, were sent to congratulate his Arrival, and to
acquaint him with the Situation of their Affairs; Mr. _Watts_ having
been released by the Nabob in _July_. Ten Days after the Squadron
arrived at _Fulta_, where, without Loss of Time, Measures were concerted
for retrieving the Honour of the _English_ Nation, and restoring the
Affairs of the Company. The Force was not great, but it was directed by
Men of determined Courage, and of distinguished Capacities. Admiral
_Watson_, and the Commander in Chief of the Land Forces, Colonel
_Clive_, who, after performing Wonders in other Parts of the _Indies_,
came to perform still greater Wonders here, and brought with him a
Reputation that abundantly supplied the Want of Numbers. On the
Twenty-eighth, the Fleet proceeded up the River. On the Twenty-ninth,
Colonel _Clive_ landed; and the very next Day, with the Assistance of
the Squadron, made himself Master of the Fort of _Busbudgia_; which,
though a Place of great Strength, if it had been well defended, was
taken with little Loss, and proved the happy Omen of all the mighty
Things which afterwards followed.
On New-Year's-Day, 1757, some of his Majesty's Ships cannonaded the
Batteries, which had been constructed by the Enemy for the Defence of
_Calcutta_, where they had a considerable Force; and this with such
Success, that when the Troops debarked, they were abandoned. On the
Second, the _English_ re-possessed themselves of their demolished
Settlement; finding in the Fort, as they had done on the Batteries, a
numerous Artillery left behind, by those, who had not either Skill or
Courage to use them. After this Success, it was resolved to proceed up
the River to _Hughley_, a very populous Town, full of Warehouses and
Magazines; and in that, as well as other respects, a Place of
Consequence; and so much the safer from our Naval Force, as it could not
be reached by large Ships. On the Fifth, Captain _Smith_ in the
_Bridgewater_, and the Sloop of War, anchored within Reach, and fired
warmly upon the Town; and being seconded by all the armed Boats in the
Fleet, it was very soon reduced. The better to distress the Enemy, the
more to alarm the Province, and to work upon the Suba's governing
Passion, Fear; Orders were given, though with much Reluctance, for
burning the Houses, and for destroying, particularly, all the Magazines
on both Sides of the River; which Orders were very punctually executed,
and thereby speedily produced the desired Effects.
Both Vice-Admiral _Watson_ and Colonel _Clive_ had written, towards the
Close of the preceding Year, in as civil and polite Terms to the Suba,
as the Circumstances of Things would allow, with a View to bring about a
Treaty. But that Prince, who had an Army about him, and whose
Resentments ran as high as ever, was either not inclined, or did not
care to shew an Inclination, to come to any Terms. It was this, that
made the Expedition to _Hughley_ requisite; and upon the Loss of that,
and the Supplies he had there, his Confidence immediately abated, and he
condescended to answer the Letters, affirming that he had already
written, but that he had Reason to believe, those Letters had not been
delivered. Yet even now, when he found it was necessary to offer a
Negotiation, and to express a Willingness to reinstate the Company in
their Factories, he added, as if requisite to support his Character,
that if the _English_ thought they could reap greater Benefits by
pursuing the War, they might still proceed in their military Operations;
as if, by this Appearance of Indifference, he could conceal the Terror
he was under, from what had already happened. To support this Air of
Intrepidity, he made, at the same Time, a Motion with his Army towards
_Calcutta_.
Colonel _Clive_ having communicated these Proposals to the Select
Committee, entrusted with the Management of the Affairs of the Factory,
they sent Messieurs _Walsh_ and _Scrafton_, as Deputies, to the Camp of
the Suba, who, either deceived by this into an Opinion that he was still
formidable to the _English_, or desirous of imposing upon the Deputies,
behaved towards them with such a Mixture of Haughtiness and Contempt, as
gave little Hopes of their making any great Progress in their Business;
and therefore, after some Delay, the Vice-Admiral and the Colonel were
obliged to resume their former Measures, and to think of making a fresh
Impression on the Suba, that might convince him, he had as much to dread
from the Land-Forces as the Fleet. In order to this, it was concerted,
that a Detachment of Seamen, commanded by Captain _Warwick_, should land
and join the Army, and that Colonel _Clive_ should then force the
Nabob's Camp. The Captain accordingly debarked, upon the Fifth of
_February_, about One in the Morning: At Two they came up with the
Forces, which were under Arms. By Three, every Thing was in Order, and
they began to move towards the Enemy; the Sailors attending the Train,
which consisted of Six Field Pieces, and one Haubitzer. About Five, the
Action began, and the Artillery playing on the Right and Left, Colonel
_Clive_ marched his Troops directly through the Camp of the Suba; though
he had between Forty and Fifty thousand Men, and obliged him, with great
Loss, to dislodge, and even to abandon some of the Posts that he took
after his Retreat; and this, with very little Detriment to his very
small Army, not above Forty Men being killed, and not so many as Seventy
wounded. This brisk Attack, seconded by a Letter from Vice-Admiral
_Watson_, intimating, that this was a Specimen only of what the
_British_ Arms, when provoked, could perform, answered the Intention
perfectly. The Suba immediately desired to renew the Negotiation, which
went on with such Alacrity, that it was concluded and signed upon the
Ninth, by which an end was put to a War, that had subsisted about Nine
Months. This Treaty was conceived in the following Terms.
I. Whatever Rights and Privileges the King has granted the _English_
Company, in their Phirmaund, and the Hushulhoorums sent from
_Delly_, shall not be disputed, or taken from them; and the
Immunities therein mentioned, be acknowleged and stand good.
Whatever Villages are given the Company by the Phirmaund, shall
likewise be granted, notwithstanding they have been denied by former
Subahs. The Zemindars of those Villages not to be hurt or displaced,
without Cause.
Signed by the Nabob, in his own Hand.
_I agree to the Terms of the Phirmaund._
II. All Goods passing and repassing through the Country, by Land or
Water, with _English_ Dusticks, shall be exempt from any Tax, Fee,
or Imposition whatever.
_I agree to this._
III. All the Company's Factories, seized by the Nabob, shall be
returned. All Monies, Goods, and Effects, belonging to the Company,
their Servants and Tenants, and which have been seized and taken by
the Nabob, shall be restored; what has been plundered and pillaged
by his People, made good by the Payment of such a Sum of Money, as
his Justice shall think reasonable.
_I agree to restore whatever has been seized and taken by my
Orders, and accounted for in my Sincary._
IV. That we have Permission to fortify _Calcutta_, in such Manner as
we may think proper, without Interruption.
_I consent to this._
V. That we shall have Liberty to coin Siccas, both of Gold and
Silver, of equal Weight and Fineness with those of _Muxadavad_,
which shall pass in the Provinces.
_I consent to the_ English _Company's coining their own Imports
of Bullion and Gold into Siccas_.
VI. That a Treaty shall be ratified, by Signing and Sealing, and
swearing to abide by the Articles therein contained; not only by the
Nabob, but his principal Officers and Ministers.
_I have sealed and signed the Articles, before the Presence of
God._
VII. That Admiral _Watson_ and Colonel _Clive_, on the Part and
Behalf of the _English_ Nation, and of the Company, do agree to live
in a good Understanding with the Nabob, to put an End to these
Troubles, and to be in Friendship with him, while these Articles are
performed and observed by the Nabob.
_I have sealed and signed the foregoing Articles, upon these
Terms, that if the Governor and Council will sign and seal them,
with the Company's Seal, and will swear to the Performance on
their Part, I then consent and agree to them._
In this Treaty, the intelligent Reader will see, there were Three great
Points sufficiently explained, to shew the Injustice and Oppression of
the Suba, in his Attack upon the _English_ Settlements, even upon
Reflection in his own Opinion, tho' far from being as conclusive in
respect to the Remedies and Indemnifications, that, in consequence of so
full a Declaration, were to be procured. The First regarded the
Possessions, Immunities, and Privileges, conceded to the _East India_
Company, by the Royal Phirmaund, which _Suraja Dowlat_ acknowleged to
have violated, promised Restitution, and undertook, in the most solemn
Manner, not to invade them again. But as this was conceived only in
general Terms, these Rights, and the Limits of their respective
Possessions, required a thorough Discussion. The next was, as to the
Fortifications of _Calcutta_; the Legality and Expediency of which he
now admitted in their utmost Extent, as being plainly necessary to the
Security of the Place, the _British_ Inhabitants, and even of the
_Mogul_'s Subjects, living under its Protection; and to this was added,
the Coinage of their own Imports, in Gold and Silver, to which they had
always a Right, though it had not been exercised. The last was, the full
and immediate Compensation, which he stipulated, for all the Damages the
Company, and those dependent upon it, had sustained; but which he
contracted only to make, so far as the Produce of the Plunder should
appear to have come into his Hands. It was evident, therefore, that,
though in Words and in Appearance much had been obtained by the Peace,
this still depended, in a great Measure, as to the most material Part,
the Performance, on the proper Settling of these Articles, and the
Liquidation of the Damages, in reference to which, the Sincerity of the
Suba's Intention, and his Readiness to execute what he had undertaken,
was almost the sole Security. In order to adjust these Points, without
which the Treaty was of very little Consequence to those ruined and
undone by the War, the Select Committee very properly made choice of Mr.
_William Watts_, who had been their Chief at _Cassimbuzar_, who was one
of the Members of that Committee, a Person well known to the Nabob, and
who had been, as the Suba himself owned, the first innocent and
causeless Victim to his Resentment, or rather Caprice. His Acceptance of
this Commission, by which he was again to put himself into the Power of
this unsteady Prince, in so critical a Conjuncture, and charged with so
troublesome and intricate a Negotiation, was a very full Proof of his
Fidelity to, and Zeal for, the Interests of the Company; as it likewise
was an evident Testimony of the good Opinion of his Associates; who,
upon mature Deliberation, invested him solely with so great a Trust.
He was, indeed, in every respect, fittest for this Employment (had there
been any Competitor); an Employment, by far the weightiest, and of the
most Consequence, of any in _Bengal_. He had been many Years in the
Country; was well acquainted with the Language, as well as accustomed to
the Manners and Disposition of the Inhabitants; was much esteemed, and
had many Connections with them. He understood their Politics also, at
least as much as such fluctuating Politics as theirs could be
understood; the true Interest of the Province, and the Constitution of
_Indostan_ in general, and the State of the neighbouring Governments in
particular. Besides, he was personally known to all the Ministers, and
had received very singular Marks of Esteem from the Suba himself. Add to
all this, that the Company, in case of the Death or Resignation of Mr.
_Drake_, had appointed this Gentleman to the Government of _Calcutta_,
which, taken together, proves, that this Choice was not the Work of
Chance or Favour, but proceeded from mature Deliberation, and a just
Regard to the Consequence of that Negotiation, in which he was to be
employed.
The Perplexities springing from such a Variety and Complication of
Matters that were to be adjusted, the Mutability of the Suba's Nature,
and his Want of Judgment and Experience, and the Difficulties naturally
arising in settling the Concessions, which had been just extorted from
him by Treaty, were not the only Circumstances that embarrassed this
Negotiation. The _French_, perfectly well informed of every Step taken
or intended, and no less skilled in the Art of Intrigue, had most
effectually retained several of those whom the Suba frequently
consulted, or chiefly trusted, in their Interest by gratifying them with
Presents. They had still a more powerful Tie on them than this, being in
Debt Thirteen Lack of Rupees, or upwards of One hundred and Sixty
thousand Pounds Sterling, to _Juggut Seat_, the greatest Banker in the
Empire of _Indostan_, and the Second in Power in _Bengal_; to whose
Advice for many Years past the Subas paid the greatest Attention. They
very well knew, that Men might be false to their Benefactors; but they
rightly judged, that even the worst of Men, more especially when
avaricious, would be true, where they could not possibly be false,
without betraying their own Interest. Under Circumstances like these,
there was no Probability, indeed there was no Possibility, of so much as
attempting any Thing, but in the Mode of the Court; that is, by opposing
Corruption to Corruption, making Friends of the Mammon of
Unrighteousness, and getting upon even Ground with those, with whom they
were obliged to contend.
But in order to understand the whole of this Matter thoroughly, we must
consider the State that Affairs were then in, with respect to the two
contending Nations. Advice of the breaking out of the War, between
_Great Britain_ and _France_, arrived in _India_, the very Day after the
Treaty was concluded with the Suba; and of course opened a new Scene.
From being commercial and political Rivals, we were now become open
Enemies; a Circumstance which we were very sure the _French_ would
improve, and which therefore it was our Duty not to neglect. We had at
present a Fleet and an Army; for however small they might be, as Matters
stood, they both deserved those Titles, and this gave us great
Advantages. On the other Hand, the former was soon to quit the Coast,
and perhaps Part of the latter, which was a great Disadvantage. The
capital Point, therefore, was to avail ourselves of them, while they
remained, so as to settle Things upon a stable Foundation, with regard
to the _French_, as well as to the Nabob, before the Season came in
which the Fleet was to return. In respect to the former, the Admiral and
Colonel _Clive_, with the Assistance of the Select Committee, were to
take the best Measures they could; and Mr. _Watts_ was to regulate the
latter; and his Success, or Want of Success, must have apparently had
such an Influence upon the whole, that the Reader most certainly needs
not be informed, how much depended upon his Courage, Conduct, and
Capacity.
The Interest the _French_ had in the Court of the Suba, and their Method
of acquiring it, have been already stated. This they would have
understood to be barely for their own Support and Security; but however,
there were some Surmises, that it was also, and had ever been, not a
little to our Prejudice. It was whispered, that the Favour shewn them,
in Comparison of the _Dutch_, after the Destruction of our Settlements,
when he affected to fine both Nations for augmenting the Works about
their respective Factories, was, in Consideration of their having
secretly furnished Artillery, when he marched against _Calcutta_. This
was a Suspicion in the _Indies_, and as such only is mentioned; but it
is very certain, that the Letters wrote Home to _Europe_ were entirely
in _Suraja Dowlat_'s Favour, containing a very unfair, and, which was
much worse, a very plausible, but utterly false Representation of the
Grounds of the Quarrel, which was published to our Prejudice in all the
foreign Gazettes.
When Mr. _Watts_ set out for the Suba's Residence, he was accompanied by
_Omichund_, an eminent Merchant of _Calcutta_, who was well known to the
Suba, and his Ministers. This Merchant, Mr. _Watts_ sent to _Hughley_,
to discover, as far as he could, what were the real Intentions of the
_Moors_, in case we attacked _Chandenagore_. He returned the next Day,
_February_ the Eighteenth, with a very distinct Account. He had been
informed by _Nuncomar_, the Phousdar, or Governor of _Hughley_, that the
very Day before, Two Persons, _Seen Bawboo_ and _Montra Mull_, arrived
from the Nabob, with a Lack of Rupees, as a Present to the _French_
Factory; and also with Orders to the Phousdar, to assist the _French_,
if attacked; or if they were the Aggressors, to assist the _English_.
Mr. _Watts_ was too well acquainted with the Genius of the _Moors_, and
the Temper of the Suba, to be deceived by this Shew of Impartiality. He
considered the Present as a Declaration in Favour of the _French_; and
the Stile of his Orders as calculated to amuse the _English_. _Omichund_
was entirely of the same Opinion. Mr. _Watts_, therefore, advised the
Select Committee to attack _Chandenagore_ without Delay, assuring them,
that they had nothing to apprehend from the Resentment of the Suba; that
if once the two Nations were engaged in Hostilities, the _Moors_ would
not come to the Succour of either; and that after all, there were but
Three hundred Matchlock Men in _Hughley_. He saw from the Beginning the
Mischief that was to be feared; and the only Remedy that could be
applied. He therefore very freely pointed out the one, and very warmly
recommended the other. It had been a very happy Event, if his Counsel
had been then taken.
On the Twenty-first of _February_, in the Evening, Mr. _Watts_ arrived
in the Camp, and had his Audience of the Suba, who embraced him, gave
him the strongest Assurances that every thing should be adjusted
speedily, and to his Satisfaction; adding a Promise of the Surpau,
(Sirrapah) or Vest of Honour, which, however, Mr. _Watts_ declined
receiving, till they came to _Muxadavad_. He was very soon sensible of
the Difficulty of his Task, the Pains he must be at in tracing the Goods
taken from their several Factories, the procuring actual Restitution in
some Cases, an equitable Equivalent in others; the restoring a free
Commerce, which had been stopped, by express Orders, from the very
Beginning of the Troubles; and in doing all this, of the almost
insurmountable Obstacles that the Mutability of the Suba's Inclinations,
the Intrigues of the _French_, the Insinuations of Ministers, swayed
solely by their own Interests, would throw in his Way. But he saw, that
the true Source of all these Embarrassments was the Suba's Insincerity,
and the Scheme he had formed of resuming his Despotism, in regard to the
_Europeans_, by borrowing their own Assistance, and playing one Nation
against another, till, by the weakening of their Forces in such
Disputes, he became too strong for both. His Project was too great for
his Capacity; he did what he could to execute it, but it was beyond his
Force, and his very manner of managing it defeated his Design.
The public Declarations of this irresolute Prince, were diametrically
opposite to the whole Tenor of his Conduct. He had no sooner concluded
the Treaty with Us, than he wrote to Admiral _Watson_ in the warmest
Terms of Friendship, and in a very remarkable Letter to Colonel _Clive_
assures him, that our Enemies should be his, as he expected that we
should look upon his Enemies as ours; and that he depended upon the
Assistance of the _English_ for maintaining the future Tranquility of
his Dominions. But when Mr. _Watts_ communicated to him at large the
Reasons that might induce us to reduce the _French_ Settlement at
_Chandenagore_, he made no Scruple of altering his Language. He then
said, he would not suffer the Peace of his Territories to be violated by
either Nation; that he would protect both, while they remained quiet;
that he would assist the _French_ with all his Forces, if we, after
this, ever attacked them; and that he would join us in like Manner, if
we were attacked by the _French_. All this, however, was far from
imposing on those who were at the Head of our Affairs. Mr. _Watts_
framed his Precautions so well, that he knew exactly the Measures which
the Suba took, or was inclined to take, and gave the most early
Intelligence of them to the Select Committee, who, from thence, were
well enabled to take their own; by which his Schemes were disappointed
without Noise, and without so much as suspecting their having any such
Informations; though these came chiefly from his own Head-Spy, who, by
an Application these Sort of People rarely can resist, Mr. _Watts_ had
brought over entirely to the Company's Interests.
By comparing his private Intrigues with some of his more public
Transactions, there could not be a Shadow of Doubt left as to his real
Intentions, though he always dissembled, and often disavowed them.
Immediately after his Treaty with Us, and consequently after he knew
that they were our Enemies, he bellowed upon them very conspicuous Marks
of Kindness, and such as could not fail of affording Umbrage to the
_English_. He made them, as has been before-mentioned, a Present of a
Lack of Rupees in ready Money; he cancelled an Obligation they had given
him for twice that Sum; he promised them the Privileges of a Mint; he
proposed granting them a very considerable Augmentation of Territory;
and even went so far, as to offer them the Possession of the City of
_Hughley_. These were Circumstances that indicated their standing much
in his good Graces, or that he expected from them Services equivalent to
these substantial and extraordinary Benefits. The Truth, as far as it
could ever be discovered, was this. They, and his Ministers in their
Interest, made him believe their Strength in his Dominions to be very
far beyond what it really was. Besides this, they magnified their
Successes in other Parts, and took a great deal of Pains to persuade
him, that Mr. _Bussy_, with a very numerous Army, was within a little
Distance of his Territories, and might either fall upon, or come to his
Support against, any Enemy, according as he should behave towards them.
These Representations, the Nature of the Suba considered, may in some
measure, and only in some measure, account for the Part that he acted.
As Mr. _Watts_ was upon the Spot, watched every Motion of the Suba, knew
exactly the Character of his Courtiers and principal Ministers, and had
the most certain Intelligence of every thing that passed, he continued
to represent the Necessity of attacking _Chandenagore_. He saw that, as
far as his Timidity would suffer him to go, the Suba was already united
to the _French_. He was satisfied that he dealt deceitfully with the
_English_; more especially after Mr. _Watts_ prevailed on Colonel
_Clive_ to write to the Suba, in the strongest Terms, that he might
confide in him on every Occasion; and that on any Emergency he would
march at his Request to his Assistance, against all his Enemies. After
this, the Suba never mentioned any Desire or Thoughts of demanding Aid
from the _British_ Nation. Mr. _Watts_ was therefore convinced that we
could never gain him; and that, though now he temporized, he waited only
a fit Season to act against us, in Conjunction with the _French_, upon
whom he was daily heaping Favours, while it was with much Difficulty,
and in consequence of repeated Sollicitations, he was ever brought to do
common Justice to us. In this Situation Mr. _Watts_ exhorted the
Admiral, the Colonel, and the Select Committee, not to let slip this
favourable Opportunity, and to apprehend nothing from the Suba's
Resentment, who would never venture to give them any Succours, or take
an open Part in their Favour, or to our Prejudice. But if the Fleet was
once gone, and a fair Occasion offered, he would as certainly embrace
it, and begin a new War, with as little Scruple as he had done the last,
with more Advantage on his Side, and less on ours: Arguments, which,
though strong and self-evident, did not meet with general Acceptance.
The Select Committee, though they paid great Deference to the Advice,
and had a very just Sense of the Zeal, of Mr. _Watts_, for the Nation
and the Company's Service; yet they were very unwilling to venture again
upon Hostilities, from a strong Suspicion that the Suba, whether he
actually joined the Enemy or not, would suspend the Execution of the
Treaty, renew the Interruption of their Trade, and by that Means hinder
their Investments for another Year. They knew so well, and dreaded so
much, the Consequences that would have inevitably attended such an
Event, that, in spite of all Mr. _Watts_ could allege, they inclined to
a Neutrality. This was an Expedient the Suba had proposed, and was
another visible Indication of what were his secret and settled
Intentions. The Sentiments, or rather the Sollicitations of the Select
Committee, prevailed upon the Admiral and the Colonel to acquiesce in
this Plan; insomuch that the latter wrote in very strong and pathetic
Terms to the Suba, informing him, that whatever Representations of a
contrary Nature he might have received, yet himself was very confident,
that his Forces were able to reduce _Chandenagore_ in Two days;
nevertheless, in consideration of the great Repugnancy he shewed to the
disturbing the Tranquility of the Province, he would, out of pure Regard
to the Suba's Friendship, consent to such a Neutrality as he proposed,
provided it was guarantied by him, and he solemnly undertook to act with
all his Forces against that Nation by which it was first infringed.
When Mr. _Watts_ saw, that after all he had offered against it, this
Point was driven thus far, and that in all Probability it would be
speedily concluded, he turned his Thoughts to the giving it still
greater Security, and with that View advised, that _Juggut Seat_ should
undertake for the due Performance of whatever should be agreed upon by
the _French_; which, considering the Influence that his Debt gave him
over them, and the high Credit in which he stood with the Suba and his
Ministers, appeared to be the only Method of giving to this Measure the
utmost Consistency of which it was capable. This shews how perfectly
well-disposed Mr. _Watts_ was to facilitate any Step taken for the
Company's Service, though ever so contrary to his own Opinion; and at
the same Time affords a Proof of his thorough Knowlege of Men and Things
in that Country, by which he was enabled to devise the Means of
rendering this Convention more safe and more effectual, than any that
had been proposed by such as had originally planned, and now pressed its
Execution. But though he discovered so much Integrity, and so much
Abilities in suggesting this additional Strength to a Neutrality, he
still looked upon it as diametrically opposite to the Company's true
Interest, and as the single Step that could ever put it in the Power of
the Suba and the _French_, to bring their deep and dangerous Designs to
bear.