I shall refer more particularly to this deed presently.

As an example of further deeds the following may be quoted.

January 5th, 1660, Nickanoose out of free voluntary love for Edward

Starbuck gave him “Coretue”, which was reassigned by Edward Starbuck,

August 30th, 1668.

May 10th, 1660, Wanackmamack and Nicornoose, Head Sachems of Nantucket,

sold unto the first purchasers between west end of island and pond

called by the Indians Waqutuquat (Waquittaquah)—then on a straight

line to pond by Monomoy harbour; also half of remainder of meadows and

marshes on all other parts of the island.

Witnessed by Peter Folger, Edward Starbuck and Felix Kuttashamaquat.

June 22d, 1662, Wanackmamack signed a deed conveying a neck of land

in the eastern section of the island known as Pocomo Neck. This was

witnessed by the younger Wauwinet, son of Nickanoose and by Peter

Folger. The purchase was made by Tristram Coffin and Thomas Macy.

February 20th, 1661, Wanackmamack, Head Sachem, sold the west half of

Nantucket.[9]

[9] See note 13 page 22.

November 18th, 1671, shows that Tristram Coffin bought of Wanackmamack

and Nicornoose from Monomoy to Waquittaquage pond, Nanahumack Neck, and

all from Wesco to the West end of Nantucket.

June 20th, 1682, Deed of Nicornoose, Sachem, to James Coffin, William

Worth and John Swain—the grass and herbage of all his lands from Indian

harvest to first of May.

And thus the land sales go on, until 1774, when the sachems and Indians

had virtually sold every spot in their possession to the English.

As Mr. H. B. Worth aptly points out, “Nickanoose signed deeds only

of territory belonging to some other sachem; the fact is true of

Wanackmamack. Neither signed a deed of any portion of the territory

under his direct control. The Sachem Attapehat (Autopscot), as far as

has been found never signed any deed.”

I can only account for these facts, by assuming that these Chief

Sachems thought it beneath their dignity to sign deeds conveying their

own property, while, at the same time they permitted no deeds to be

signed without their approval and attestation. This may appear a lame

suggestion, but it is the best I can offer.

The Provincial Governor of New York in 1671, (Lord Lovelace), thought

it desirable to obtain a new deed from the Sachems, attesting the

legality of the land sales, and an assurance that the stipulated terms

had been duly complied with, before issuing a new patent. The necessary

proofs were furnished in that year by Wanackmamack the Chief Sachem.

It may be stated here that Mr. Thomas Mayhew,—the original purchaser

of the island, had acquired a good knowledge of the Indian language in

association with the Indians of the more western island; and that Peter

Folger who also resided at Martha’s Vineyard, was, in 1663, engaged

by Tristram Coffin as interpreter, and to officiate in Nantucket, as

miller, weaver and surveyor.

What has been written thus far will, it is hoped, serve to illustrate

the conditions under which the white settlers became established on

Nantucket, and I now propose to deal briefly with the Indians whom they

found there on their arrival. It may be noted that the names of many of

the original white settlers are perpetuated in teeming numbers among

the inhabitants of Nantucket until the present day.

With regard to the number of Indians occupying the island when the

whites arrived the statements vary considerably, some writers alleging

3000, others 1500, and some still less. There is some difficulty in

forming a correct estimate, but it is known as a fact that they only

numbered about 360 before they became victims to the epidemic which

destroyed so many of them.

When Nantucket was purchased by the colonists in 1659, there were

two Chief Sachems Wanackmamack and Nicornoose (acting probably for

Wauwinet), and at least two other Sachems, Autopscot (or Attapehat)

and Potconet—besides a few petty Sachems—governing all the Indians on

Nantucket and Tuckernuck. It may be assumed that at this time Wauwinet

was old and feeble, and that his eldest son, known as Nicornoose, acted

as his deputy, inasmuch as among several of the earliest deeds we

find Nicornoose signing as Sachem, and there are no signatures by his

father. Mr. Zaccheus Macy, in his valuable letter to the Massachusetts

Historical Society, dated October 2d, 1792[10] mentions Wauwinet as

living when the settlers arrived, but alludes to him as “the old

Sachem.”

[10] =Vide Macy’s History of Nantucket=.

Among the Indian tribes there were generally one or two Sachems

who controlled all the others. These were known as Chief or Head

Sachems, and they exercised absolute control. Such in Nantucket were

Wanackmamack and Wauwinet or his son and successor, Nicornoose.

According to Zaccheus Macy, Wanackmamack’s territory represented the

southeast of the island and was bounded by a line running from Toupchue

pond in the south, northward, roughly to Gibbs’ pond, and so over

toward Podpis swamp, and then eastward to Sesacacha pond.[11]

[11] These, and the boundaries of the other Sachems’ property are

clearly delineated on Dr. Ewer’s map of Nantucket.

=Wanackmamack= had one son, Saucoauso or Jeptha, who married Eastor.

Saucoauso had two sons, Cain and Abel.

Cain had one daughter, Jemima, who married James Shay, Shea or Shaa.

Abel had two sons, Ben Abel and Eben Abel.

Wanackmamack died before June 9th, 1682, because his son, Saucoauso,

on this date, “having understood that his father Wanackmamack =now

deceased=, had granted (to) English pasturage on east end of island,

also sells same.”

Wauwinet’s boundary-line adjoined that of Wanackmamack on the north,

extending due north to Coatue and Nauma, westward to Wesco (now

Nantucket), and hence, almost due south to Weeweder pond.

=Wauwinet= had two sons, Isaac or Nicornoose, (also known as

Nickanoose) and Waupordongga, and one daughter, Wonoma, who married

Autopscot.

Nicornoose had two sons, Joshua and Isaac Wauwinet, and one daughter,

Askommopoo, by his wife. Askommopoo married Spoospotswa, known as

“Spotso.”

Nicornoose forsook his wife and, by another woman, had two sons, Wat

and Paul Noose.

Joshua Nicornoose was so disgusted by his father’s leaving his mother

that he left home altogether, and did not return until after an absence

of over 50 years, when he claimed his inheritance and after some delay,

it was restored to him.

Autopscot’s jurisdiction extended over the southwest of the island

from Weeweder pond northerly to Monomoy, and then westward to the

Popsquatchet hills and to Hummock pond.

=Autopscot= had a son, Harry Poritain, or Beretan, by Wonoma, his wife,

who was the daughter of Wauwinet.

Harry Poritain had a son named Isaac Masauquet.

Masauquet had a son named Peter.

Peter had a son known as Lame Isaac, who ceded the last rights of his

sachemdom.

Autopscot had also grandchildren named Tashama, of whom more anon.

Potconet’s (or Pottacohannet’s) dominions are uncertain, and there

is some doubt as to their limitations. It is at least certain that

he was Sachem of the adjacent island of Tuckernuck, but Zaccheus

Macy, in his well known letter, states that his bounds extended from

Madaket down eastward to Wesko and Capaum pond, thus lying north of

Autopscot’s possessions, and that they also included the western coast.

Moreover, Dr. Ewer’s map,—probably based upon the information supplied

by Macy—delineates the northwestern section of the island as having

belonged to Potconet; but no proof is in evidence, and although it

seems reasonable to suppose that some sachem must have represented this

section of the island, no deed has been found to cover it. Macy also

asserts that Potconet sold all his rights to the English settlers, save

those reserved and secured to some of the old natives, known as the

Hoights and Jafets—in the neighborhood of Wannacomet or Capaum pond.

Be this as it may, from a foot-note to Hough’s =Nantucket Papers=,

it appears that, on February 20th, 1661, Wanackmamack, Head-Chief of

Nantucket, sold to Tristram Coffin, Sr., Peter Coffin, Tristram Coffin,

Jr., and James Coffin, for £10, half of the island of Tuckernuck—one

half down, and the other, when Thomas Mayhew decides =who is the proper

owner=.

=Potconet, or Pottacohannet= had two sons, Akeamong, or Ahkeiman, and

Jacob.

Why did neither of these sons claim his rights until 1672—a period of

11 years? Was Potconet living in 1661? These questions have still to be

answered, although I have unsuccessfully sought in every direction for

a satisfactory reply.

In the Registry of Nantucket Deeds, under date June 20, 1672, is the

following entry: “Ahkeiman laying claim to part of Tuckanuck his claim

thereto is found no other but as he was a =duke or principal man upon

Nantucket=; the Nantucket Sachems, =together with his father=, having

sold =Tuckanuck=, it is ordered that he shall have such a part or

portion of land for his use at Nantucket of the present Sachems as will

become one of such quality, and a portion of the whales.”

On page 211 of the Book of Town Records, dated March, 1681, there is a

record of a bargain between James Coffin, Peter Coffin, John Coffin,

and Stephen Coffin, and Ackeamong and Jacob, sons of Pottacohannet

(Potconet), concerning Tuckanuckett, said Ackeamong and Jacob claiming

half of it. The said Coffins having delivered them 40 acres arable

land on Nantucket and £5, and disclaiming any right to any whale, the

said Ackeamong and Jacob renounce any claim to any part of Tuckernuck,

reserving liberty to save their whale that may come ashore.

To this is affixed the marks of Ackeamong and Jacob, James Coffin and

Stephen Coffin, 6th of March, 1681.

Witnessed by William Worth and Richard Pincom (Pinkham), and

acknowledged on the same date before William Worth, magistrate.

It does not appear, however, why the order of the Court made in 1672,

was not carried out until 1681—a period of nine years.

Potconet must therefore, have died before March 6th, 1681, or his sons

could not have made the above agreement; if, indeed, he was not dead

before 1672, when Akeamong made his first claim.

Some confusion has arisen as to the standing of Nanahuma, who signed

the first Indian deed with Nickanoose. Mr. H. Barnard Worth[12] says:

... “They (the English) obtained a deed, dated June 20th, 1659, from

the Sachems Nickanoose and Nanahuma, of a tract comprising the

section of Nantucket west of Hummock Pond.[13] George Nanahuma was

the sachem of the Indians that lived in this section but =Nickanoose

held some sway over him=, and joined in the conveyance.” With this

I am in perfect accord, with the exception of Mr. Worth’s using the

definite instead of the indefinite article, as indicated in boldface in

the above quotation. I believe that it should read thus: “Comprising

a section of Nantucket west of Hummock Pond”; and further, “George

Nanahuma was a sachem of the Indians, etc.” The force of this will be

seen presently.

[12] Bulletin 3. Vol. II, p. 112. =Nantucket Historical Association’s

Publications=.

[13] The western half of Nantucket was sold by Wanackmamack, February

20th, 1661.

There is no deed to prove who was the legitimate sachem, if any

existed, of the Western section of Nantucket, but a section west of

Hummock pond apparently belonged to Nanahuma, viz: the neck which bears

his name, part of the woods to the north of it, and he possibly may

have had a proprietary interest in the =large plain= further west. I

think this view is borne out in the “first Indian Deed.”

In this deed “the plain” is evidently immediately west of Nanahuma’s

Neck from the use of the word Acamy in the deed (“on the other side of

the water”), and its locality is further fixed by the description of

its position, which agrees almost mathematically with its exact actual

position.[14] I am sorry to differ from Mr. Worth when he says: “the

deed of Nanahuma indicates that at the time he was sachem over the west

end of Nantucket.” It might as truly be said that the co-signer was

sachem over the west end of Nantucket, which we know he never was.

[14] =Vide= Ewer’s Map.

I believe that Nanahuma was a subsidiary or petty local sachem,

tributary to Nickanoose, and that all the property he owned as a sachem

was restricted within the limitations already indicated. This is

confirmed by his only subsequent deed, dated June 24th, 1678, by which

he disposes of “all his interest in the West plains, and to the Neck or

long woods” to the English. Besides, according to the delimitation of

the other Sachems as already given, none of them interfered with those

just mentioned as belonging to Nanahuma.

Indeed, it is doubtful whether Nanahuma at this time owned the Neck

which bore his name, for, on July 4th, 1664, “all the fields belonging

to the Neck” were sold to the English by Pakapanessa, Jonas Kimmo and

Harry, son of Wapakowet, who were probably residents of the identical

“plain” which was sold by Nanahuma in 1659. Moreover, in 1667, we find

Nanahuma associated with “Mr. Larry Ahkeramo” and Obadiah in a plea to

the Court that “whereas the sachems had sold the ground they formerly

lived on to the English, the said sachems would not entertain them on

the land unsold.” Curiously enough, in 1678, we find George Nanahuma,

alias Cowpohanet, selling to the English “all his interest in the West

plains, and to the Neck or long woods.” There, verily, seems to have

been a joint stock company in these lands!

If Potconet had no jurisdiction over the northwest section of

Nantucket, and if no evidence is in existence as to any other sachem

holding predominant rights over it, may it not be suggested that

it was mainly divided up into reallotments for the Indians who

were dispossessed by the requirements of the whites, and over whom

subsidiary sachems or sagamores were appointed, of whom there were

several? Of course, this is a mere suggestion.

We talk glibly and deprecatingly of the poor Indians as “mere

savages”, but the annals of American history afford but few instances

of really nobler men than Massassoit, Passaconaway, Samoset, and

Wanackmamack, the controlling Head Sachem of Nantucket. Had it not been

for the high personal qualities of such men New England might not have

occupied today the proud position which she now holds among the United

States.

The venerable Chief Wanackmamack was not only the pride and glory

of his insular braves, but the tried, true, and loyal friend of the

English immigrants. He was as kind-hearted and judicious as he was

courageous and high principled, and he governed his home-land so ably

and satisfactorily as to justify his memory in history as an exemplary

ruler.

Of Wauwinet little is known but that he was very old and much respected

when the settlers arrived, and nothing, so far as I have been able to

ascertain, has been said against him.

Nicornoose, his eldest son and successor, has not a good record, as he

deserted his wife and children, and had two children by another woman.

Beyond the fact that Autopscot was called “a great warrior and got his

land by his bow”, and that he permanently established peace throughout

the island, little further is recorded of him. Nor does history mention

anything concerning Potconet, the sachem ruling the proximate western

islands, with the exception of a record of the sale of his lands to the

settlers, in 1659. Such were the rulers of Nantucket when the settlers

arrived.

What a revelation the incoming of the whites must have been to the red

men, who had lived on the island, probably from a very early age, among

their own people, under their own laws, perpetuating their own habits

and customs—living close to Nature—for the most part in peace and

amity—simple in their lives, and knowing nothing, caring nothing for

the external world beyond them!

Yet, on the arrival of the new people who had come to supplant them,

they received them amicably, treated them justly, and as they treated

one another, relying upon what they recognized as the instinctive and

inalienable principles of humanity to govern their relationships and to

promote the mutual good and harmony of all. I cannot stop to inquire

who first took advantage of the racial differences which distinguished

these two peoples, or how the greater intellectuality and experience of

the one eventually overcame the other, but Time tells the story; and

today, while the whites glory in the beauties of, and the opportunities

afforded by their island home, where are the poor Indians, the

aborigines? All gone—melted away like dew-drops in the sun, and not

even one remains to tell the story of their past history!

The number of settlers who had arrived from Salisbury in 1660 and 1661

soon began to make themselves comfortable in their new and strange

environment, while the Indians could not but admire the novel type of

dwelling houses which the new-comers had set up in strange contrast

with the humble wigwams of the aborigines; indeed the new procedure

which was being introduced in many directions must have caused them

much surprise.

For a time the English and the Indians—the civilized and the

uncivilized—worked together amicably for the agricultural development

of the island. Together they cleared and tilled the land (for the most

part existing as a primeval wilderness), settling the allotments,

cutting down the timber, which is said to have almost covered the

island, and mutually performing the numerous farming operations

involved in the reclamation and cultivation of the soil. In addition to

farming they engaged also in fishing, in which art the natives were

expert. Much time was also devoted to the raising of sheep, and thus

while mutual forbearance was exercised, mutual trust was generated, and

while the settlers acted faithfully and justly with the Indians, the

latter were equally loyal in the discharge of their duties in their new

relationships.

When King Philip visited the island in 1665 and tried to induce

the natives to join in his contemplated war with the English, they

emphatically refused to do so, expressing themselves as perfectly

satisfied and desiring to be at peace with the whites. Indeed, at a

town meeting, on October 10th, 1665, Attaychat (Autopscot) “signified

that himself with all the Tomokommoth Indians subject to the English

Government in Nantucket, acknowledge subjection to King Charles II.

This was done in the presence of Metacomet, alias Philip, Sachem of

Mount Hop.”

Unfortunately, civilization has too often brought in its wake habits

and customs which have ever proved degenerative, if not destructive to

the uncivilized races of the earth, and so they proved to the Indians,

who were sober, industrious, and happy before the settlers introduced

among them the iniquitous “fire-water,” to the abuse of which they

fell a prey. Acting under its pernicious influence their primitive

instincts were aroused within them, and never afterwards were they the

same people. Discontent soon spread among them, and litigation in the

Courts—to which they had equal access with the whites—became so very

frequent that the records extend from 1673 to 1754.

I do not say that alcohol was at the bottom of all these cases, but

that it made the natives excitable, litigious and dissatisfied I avow,

without any reference to the misconduct and crime which it often

prompted, and which frequently resulted from its influence. In many

cases they found that the Courts decided against them, and they became

discouraged. Moreover, they were astounded at the fastly-increasing

number of whites on the island (so that offensive measures were out

of the question), and as a matter of fact they never could be made to

understand that the execution of a sale-deed of their property involved

its absolute surrender to the purchaser, however many attempts they

made to regain their land.

Mr. Thomas Macy wrote a forceful letter to the Governor, in May, 1676,

as to the pernicious effects of drink upon the natives, but every

effort made to mitigate the evil by legislative measures failed; the

natives who craved for it would sacrifice all they possessed, and one

way and another, they generally found means of obtaining it. Fines and

whipping were the modes inflicted for drunkenness and misdemeanors,

but the death-penalty was never exacted except in cases of deliberate

murder. It is recorded that, between 1704 and 1769, ten natives were

executed for capital crimes.[15]

On the other hand it has been stated that Quibby—who murdered Harry

Gardner—was the first and only Indian executed in Nantucket since

its settlement by the whites. Macy’s instances, however, seem well

substantiated.[16]

[15] Obed Macy; =opus cit.=

[16] “Miriam Coffin.”

In thus alluding to the misconduct of the natives I am merely

mentioning facts which I should have preferred to pass over, but in

justice to their memory it must be said that perhaps the majority of

them were exemplary in their lives—many of them pious—and good steady

husbandmen and craftsmen. As a race they have been much misrepresented,

and if revengeful, it was only when their subduers had treated them

cruelly or unjustly.

Spirited efforts had been made to introduce Christianity among the

natives, and the results on Nantucket were probably more successful

than in any other section of New England. Thus, Barber (in his

=Historical Collections=, page 448) says: “Soon after the English had

settled on the island, attempts were made to convert the Indians to

the faith of the Gospel, and, in course of years, all of them became

nominal Christians.”

Soon after 1680, all the old Sachems, who were alive when the English

arrived had passed away, and their successors reigned in their stead.

As Macy says: “The Indians were instructed in the mode of fishing

practised by the whites, and, in return, the whites were assisted by

the Indians in pursuing the business.” Another writer says: “There

is no doubt that the Natick Indians hunted the whale in canoes, in a

manner somewhat similar to that practised today by the Bow-Meaders

of the north coast of Siberia.” Moreover, I have been personally

informed by a gentleman of much culture and experience who knows as

much about the Nantucket Whaling industry as any man now alive, that

“hunting the whale was well-known and long practised by the Nantucket

Indians.” If any further evidence is deemed necessary it may be found

in the following quotation from =Weymouth’s Voyage=: “One especial

thing in their manner of killing a whale which they (the Indians) call

=powdawe=, and will describe his form, how he bloweth up the water,

and that he is twelve fathoms long, and that they go in company with

their King, with a multitude of their boats, and strike him with a

bone made in the fashion of a harping iron, fastened to a rope, which

they make great and strong of the bark of trees which they veer out

after him; that all their boats come about him, and as he riseth above

water, with their arrows they shoot him to death. When they have

killed him and dragged him to shore, they call all their chief lords

together, and sing a song of joy, and these chief lords, whom they call

sagamores, divide the spoil and give to every man a share; which pieces

so distributed they hang up about their houses for provision, and when

they boil them they blow off the fat, and put in their pease, maize and

other pulse which they eat.”

There can be no doubt that the Nantucket Indians joined gladly in the

chase of whales, and that they were fully as dexterous as the whites,

not only in securing, but in dealing with the carcasses afterwards.

The year 1763–4 was, indeed, a sad one for the Indians of Nantucket,

inasmuch as, from August in the former year to February in the latter,

they suffered from a malignant form of epidemic which, even yet, has

not been identified, although the probability is that it was either

typhus or typhoid fever, small-pox or yellow fever. Curiously enough,

of the English who visited them daily, caring for and nursing the

afflicted natives, not one was affected by the pestilence, which ceased

suddenly, without previous abatement, on the 16th of February, 1764.

Before the epidemic broke out there were 358 Indians on the island, of

whom 222 perished, leaving only 136 natives to represent the race.[17]

[17] Obed, Macy; =opus cit.=

In 1791 there were but four male Indians and sixteen females left on

the island, and in 1809 there were only three or four persons of pure

blood and a few of mixed race.

From 1664 to 1774 the records consist mainly of land-sales from the

Indians to the English; of complaints of one Indian against another,

or others in relation to landsales, and of controversies about their

respective claims to whales. Within this period also one repeatedly

notices the names of the successors of the old sachems, for several

generations; but, concurrently with these, up to 1754, are the records

of many attempts on the part of some of the Indians to regain their

lands.

The perusal of these is very interesting, but I can only refer those

who may desire to obtain a full knowledge of such matters to the ample

and careful reports given by Mr. Henry B. Worth in the Bulletins of the

Nantucket Historical Association.[18]

[18] =Vide= Vol II. Bulletin 3.

In 1693 the island of Nantucket, ceded from the Provincial Government

of New York, was incorporated in the State of Massachusetts.

=Names of Some of the Nantucket Indians Occurring in the

Registry of Deeds, Petitions, Etc.=

Wanackmamack, Head Sachem of Nantucket in 1659.

Wauwinet, aged Head Sachem of Northeastern section.

Nicornoose, successor to Wauwinet.

Autopscot (Attapechat or Attaychat), Sachem of Southwestern section.

Potconet (or Pottacohannet), Sachem of Tuckernuck, etc.

Nanahuma, probably a petty Sachem.

Harry, a witness, son of Wapakowet.

Wauwinnesit, or Amos, second son of Nicornoose.

Saucoauso, alias Jeptha, son of Wanackmamack.

Joshua Jethro, eldest son of Nicornoose.

Wat Noose, bastard son of Nicornoose.

Paul Noose, bastard son of Nicornoose.

Masauquet, son of Autopscot.

Harry Poritain, alias Beretan, son of Masauquet.

Isaac Masauquet, son of Harry Poritain.

Askommopoo, daughter of Nicornoose and wife of Spotso or Spoospotswa.

Felix Kuttashamaquah, an interpreter.

Cain, son of Saucoauso or Jeptha.

Abel, son of Saucoauso or Jeptha.

Ben Abel, son of Abel.

Eben Abel, son of Abel.

Jemima, daughter of Cain, and wife of James Shea.

Pakapanessa, Indian associated with Nanahuma.

Jonas Kimmo, Indian associated with Nanahuma.

Tequamomany, sold lands to English in 1604.

Mekowakim, sold lands to English in 1604.

Peteson, a complainer, 1667.

Larry Akkeramo, a complainer, 1667.

Obadiah, a complainer, 1667.

Wequakesuk, a sachem, 1673.

Isaac Wauwinet, son of Nicornoose, successor of father.

Heattohanen, another name for one of Nicornoose’s sons.

Wohwaninwot, another name for one of Nicornoose’s sons.

Cowpohanet, another name of Nanahuma.

Spotso, son-in-law of Nicornoose, signed also as Spoospotswa.

Sasapana Will, sold land to the English, 1687.

Henry Britten, Sachem, 1701.

Eastor, wife of Saucoauso, 1709.

Joshiah or Josiah, son of Spotso.

James Shay, Shea, or Shaa, husband of Jemima.

Esau Cook, an Indian who sold land, 1742.

Isaac Woosco, an Indian who sold land, 1745.

Samuel Chegin, an Indian who sold land, 1747.

Titus Zekey, an Indian who sold land, 1762.

John Jethro, a descendant of Nicornoose.

Abigail Jethro, a descendant of Joshua Jethro, son of Nicornoose.

Jacob, son of Potconet, 1672.

Ahkeiman, son of Potconet, 1676.

Desire, or Desiah, a partner of Washaman, in whales, 1676.

Waquaheso, related to Nicornoose.

Wakeikman, Sessanuquis, Wienakisoo, three associated Indians, 1678.

Nautakagin, a companion of Nanahuma, 1678.

Quench, an Indian who divorced his wife, 1677.

Mequash, an Indian with whaling rights, 1678.

Machoogen, an Indian burglar, 1677.

Debdekcoat, a fraudulent creditor, 1677.

Shaakerune, an anti-prohibitionist, 1677.

Seikinow, a complainer, 1699–1700.

Titus Mamack, Joshua Mamack, John Mamack, descendants of Wanackmamack.

Jouab, descendant of Wanackmamack.

John Jouab, a disgruntled complainer.

Jonathan, a disgruntled complainer.

James Asab, a disgruntled complainer.

John Tashime (Tashama), a descendant of Autopscot.

John Jethro, a petitioner.

Paul Jouab, a petitioner.

Richard Napanah, a petitioner.

Solomon Zachariah, a petitioner.

Naubgrachas, a petitioner.

Abel Nanahoo, a petitioner.

John Asab, a petitioner.

Barnabas Spotso, Sachem.

James Papamoo, son of Barnabas Spotso.

John Quass, the choice of Lakedon Indians for Sachem, when they

repudiated Ben Abel, the legitimate chief.

Sanchimaish, a witness to Isaac Wauwinett’s will.

Abram Tashama, son of John Tashama, 1741.

Old Hannah, a witness.

Ben Jouab, grandson of Pampason, 1752.

Memfopooh, a messenger, 1752.

Oowamassen, a witness to Isaac Wauwinnett’s will, 1670.

Joshua of Chappoquiddick, same as Joshua Jethro, eldest son of

Nicornoose, 1706.

Talagamomos, Keostahhan, Wumoanohquin, Quaquahchoonit, witnesses to

Nicornoose’s will, 1668.

Ben Joab Pampushom, a claimant to Sachemdom of Occawa, 1745.

Peter Tuphouse, witness to Pampushom’s petition.

Peleg Tuphouse, witness to Pampushom’s petition.

David Pompasson, said to have been a grandson of Nicornoose.

Samuel Humbrey, a witness to John Jouab’s petition, 1752.

* * * * *

Petty crimes and misdemeanors on the part of the Indians—too often

caused by “fire-water”—frequently resulted in producing considerable

trouble and annoyance to the proprietors, and when they found that the

imposition of fines and the infliction of whipping in graver cases

were inadequate to permanently restrain them, they at length appointed

a superior Indian to undertake the office of superintendent and local

magistrate, and with considerable success. The officer appointed was

James Shouel, better known as Korduda and he soon became a terror to

evil-doers, his usual procedure being, when one Indian complained of

another, to order both the complainant and the defendant to be well

whipped. This subsequently became known as “Korduda’s law,” and in

many, if not in most cases, it was found very effective. He was also in

the habit of having delinquents whipped for neglecting the cultivation

of their corn, for drunkenness, etc.

A few other special Indians are referred to in Zaccheus Macy’s

well-known letter, viz.: “Old Aesop,” the weaver, who was also a

schoolmaster; “Old Saul,” “a stern-looking old man;” Richard Nominash

and his brother Sampson and little Jethro, who are described as “very

substantial and very trusty men;” Zacchary Hoite, a minister who told

his hearers “they must do as he said, but not as he did!” There were

also some members of the old Hoight and Jafet families, and Benjamin

Tashama, an Indian of strong individuality, to whom I shall now refer

in detail.

Benjamin Tashama, or Tashima, was, perhaps, the most noted Indian

within the bounds of Autopscot. He was a grandson of Sachem Autopscot,

and was distinguished as a good and worthy man, an esteemed preacher,

and a successful schoolmaster. “A portion of the industrious life of

Tashima,” says the author of “Miriam Coffin,” “had been devoted to

study; and he had succeeded, with infinite labour, in adapting his

literary acquirements to the language and capacity of his tribe. He

had nourished the vain hope of preserving the nation without a cross

in its blood, and the language of his people in its pristine purity.

It was a magnificent conception! The design was worthy of the last, as

he was the greatest, chief of his tribe. He was the last, because none

succeeded him; he was the greatest, for he was the most benevolent.”

While few details of his life are known it is attested that he latterly

lived on the eastern boundary of Gibbs’ swamp, about forty rods

northeast of the fifth milestone on the ’Sconset road. Here, some years

ago, the cellar of his dwelling still remained, and the large stone

which formed the entrance may now be seen in the rooms of the Nantucket

Historical Association.

Here Tashama, often called “the last Sachem of Nantucket,” dwelt with

his son Isaac and his daughter Sarah. Benjamin Tashama died in 1770.

His brother, John Tashama, was alive in 1754, when he signed a petition

to the court. John had one son, Abram, mentioned by John Coffin and

Abishai Folger in a report dated May 25th, 1743.

Sarah Tashama married Isaac Earop, and on April 27th, 1776, a daughter

was born to them. She was named Dorcas Honorable. When this child grew

up she became a domestic in the family of Mr. John Cartwright, where

she lived for many years, and she died in 1822.[19]

[19] For these facts I am indebted to a statement made by Mr. Franklin

Folger in May, 1743. =Vide= “Inquirer and Mirror”, October 29, 1910.

=She was a full-blooded Indian, and the very last of her race on

Nantucket=; and thus, little more than two centuries from the discovery

of the island, passed away the only remaining one of the aboriginal

people who had dominated it from time immemorial.

Abram Api Quady or Quary, a half-breed, who lived in a hut at Shimmo

for many years, died in 1855 at the age of 83, respected by all who

knew him. He was the son of the notorious Quibby, already referred

to, and of Judith Quary—a half-breed fortune-teller well-known on the

island at one time. Abram, for obvious reasons, chose to assume his

mother’s name. A fine portrait in oil of this dignified old man may be

seen in the Nantucket Atheneum.

It may seem strange that no burial place of the Indians has been

discovered on the island of Nantucket, so far as I am aware. Skeletal

remains and a few bones have been discovered at one time and another,

and in various places, but I believe no regular place of Indian burial

has ever been found. This may be thus accounted for, viz.:

Island Indians usually buried their dead contiguous to the coast-line,

and the progressive erosion of the coast during two centuries may

have possibly washed such remains into the ocean. This is merely a

suggestion, and as I have but few proofs to offer, I am subject to

correction. It is probable, however, that the Indians buried their

dead in the neighborhood of Shawkemo, Pocomo, Folger’s Hill on the

Polpis road, at Quaise, beyond the present water-works, and at or near

Miacomet. It is recorded that there was a circular burying-ground for

one of the tribes near the head-waters of Lake Miacomet, and that

Benjamin Tashama was buried there.

An opinion too generally shared, which regards the American Indian race

as consisting of mere savages, almost inhuman in their ferocity and

cruelty, and without a redeeming feature of any kind, is as untrue as

it is unjust. They naturally possessed those characteristics shared by

all unenlightened races of men who have been deprived of the elevating

influences of civilization and a high code of ethics, but a careful

study of their lives and history shows that, according to their

enlightenment, they were actuated by many virtues which, in superior

races, count for dignified manhood and nobility of mind. In personal

bravery and courage they had few equals and yet they accepted conquest

or punishment with a sublime fortitude and stoicism which scorned to

ask for either life or pardon. Equality, freedom, and independence

constituted the very atmosphere of their being and, in their dealings

with their own race, the rights of each individual, and his personal

freedom, were universally acknowledged. Judged from our modern standard

the principles of morality which governed their lives, if of a lower

order, were yet in keeping with their instincts and their environment,

and they believed that “the crimes of the vicious were punished by the

disgrace, contempt and danger they ensured for transgressors.”

When all that can be said against the Indians has been spoken it must

be conceded that they embodied a pure and lofty patriotism, for which

they fought and died like men and true patriots, and although they had

to gradually yield up their possessions and their homes in the land

they loved, and to recede and disappear before the advancing wave of

civilization, yet, as De Forest says: “We may drop a tear over the

grave of the race which has perished, and regret that civilization and

Christianity have ever accomplished so little for its amelioration.”

In the somewhat severe words of Obed Macy, “Their only misfortune was

their connection with Christians, and their only crime the imitation of

their manners.”

In conclusion, I venture to make two suggestions, one a minor and the

other a major one. Would it not be expedient and appropriate on the

part of the Nantucketers to erect a tablet over the grave of “Dorcas,”

the last of the aborigines? The residents of “the little purple

island,” I think, owe so much to the memories associated with her

vanished race.

Or, now that Nantucket is becoming, increasingly, year by year, a

fashionable ocean-bound sea-resort, would it not be possible to carry

out the suggestion made by an off-islander, as far back as 1881 at the

Commemoration of the 200th anniversary of the death of Tristram Coffin,

to erect by public subscription “a towering statue in dusky bronze,

representing the venerable Indian Sachem, Wanackmamack, the tried and

true friend of the original purchasers of the island?” The island

certainly owes this illustrious Chief a debt of gratitude, for it was

almost entirely due to his benign influences that the “silent people

of the forest” and the strangers lived in peace and amity together,

and thus expedited the dawn of civilization without an obstacle within

its boundaries. I have spoken, and I leave these suggestions to the

islanders for reflection, with every fond wish for their prosperity and

success.

[Illustration]

Transcriber’s Notes:

- Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).

- Text enclosed by equals is in bold font (=bold=).

- Blank pages have been removed.

- Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected.

The Nantucket Indians · 第 5 / 5 题