CANDID OPINIONS
Often Mr. and Mrs. Lincoln discussed the relations of Cabinet officers,
and gentlemen prominent in politics, in my presence. I soon learned that
the wife of the President had no love for Mr. Salmon P. Chase, at that
time Secretary of the Treasury. She was well versed in human character,
was somewhat suspicious of those by whom she was surrounded, and often
her judgment was correct. Her intuition about the sincerity of
individuals was more accurate than that of her husband. She looked
beyond, and read the reflection of action in the future. Her hostility
to Mr. Chase was very bitter. She claimed that he was a selfish
politician instead of a true patriot, and warned Mr. Lincoln not to
trust him too far. The daughter of the Secretary was quite a belle in
Washington, and Mrs. Lincoln, who was jealous of the popularity of
others, had no desire to build up her social position through political
favor to her father. Miss Chase, now Mrs. Senator Sprague, was a lovely
woman, and was worthy of all the admiration she received. Mr. Lincoln
was more confiding than his wife. He never suspected the fidelity of
those who claimed to be his friends. Honest to the very core himself,
and frank as a child, he never dreamed of questioning the sincerity of
others.
"Father, I do wish that you would inquire a little into the motives of
Chase," said his wife one day.
The President was lying carelessly upon a sofa, holding a newspaper in
his hands. "Mother, you are too suspicious. I give you credit for
sagacity, but you are disposed to magnify trifles. Chase is a patriot,
and one of my best friends."
"Yes, one of your best friends because it is his interest to be so. He
is anything for Chase. If he thought he could make anything by it, he
would betray you to-morrow."
"I fear that you are prejudiced against the man, mother. I know that you
do him injustice."
"Mr. Lincoln, you are either blind or will not see. I am not the only
one that has warned you against him."
"True, I receive letters daily from all parts of the country, telling me
not to trust Chase; but then these letters are written by the political
enemies of the Secretary, and it would be unjust and foolish to pay any
attention to them."
"Very well, you will find out some day, if you live long enough, that I
have read the man correctly. I only hope that your eyes may not be
opened to the truth when it is too late." The President, as far as I
could judge from his conversation with his wife, continued to confide in
Mr. Chase to the time of his tragic death.
Mrs. Lincoln was especially severe on Mr. Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of
State. She but rarely lost an opportunity to say an unkind word of him.
One morning I went to the White House earlier than usual. Mr. Lincoln
was sitting in a chair, reading a paper, stroking with one hand the head
of little Tad. I was basting a dress for Mrs. Lincoln. A servant
entered, and handed the President a letter just brought by a messenger.
He broke the seal, and when he had read the contents his wife asked:
"Who is the letter from, father?"
"Seward; I must go over and see him today."
"Seward! I wish you had nothing to do with that man. He cannot be
trusted."
"You say the same of Chase. If I listened to you, I should soon be
without a Cabinet."
"Better be without it than to confide in some of the men that you do.
Seward is worse than Chase. He has no principle."
"Mother, you are mistaken; your prejudices are so violent that you do
not stop to reason. Seward is an able man, and the country as well as
myself can trust him."
"Father, you are too honest for this world! You should have been born a
saint. You will generally find it a safe rule to distrust a
disappointed, ambitious politician. It makes me mad to see you sit still
and let that hypocrite, Seward, twine you around his finger as if you
were a skein of thread."
"It is useless to argue the question, mother. You cannot change my
opinion."
Mrs. Lincoln prided herself upon her ability to read character. She was
shrewd and far-seeing, and had no patience with the frank, confiding
nature of the President.
When Andrew Johnson was urged for military Governor of Tennessee, Mrs.
Lincoln bitterly opposed the appointment.
"He is a demagogue," she said, almost fiercely, "and if you place him in
power, Mr. Lincoln, mark my words, you will rue it some day."
General McClellan, when made Commander-in-Chief, was the idol of the
soldiers, and never was a general more universally popular. "He is a
humbug," remarked Mrs. Lincoln one day in my presence.
"What makes you think so, mother?" good-naturedly inquired the
President.
"Because he talks so much and does so little. If I had the power I would
very soon take off his head, and put some energetic man in his place."
"But I regard McClellan as a patriot and an able soldier. He has been
much embarrassed. The troops are raw, and the subordinate officers
inclined to be rebellious. There are too many politicians in the army
with shoulder-straps. McClellan is young and popular, and they are
jealous of him. They will kill him off if they can."
"McClellan can make plenty of excuse for himself, therefore he needs no
advocate in you. If he would only do something, and not promise so much,
I might learn to have a little faith in him. I tell you he is a humbug,
and you will have to find some man to take his place, that is, if you
wish to conquer the South."
Mrs. Lincoln could not tolerate General Grant. "He is a butcher," she
would often say, "and is not fit to be at the head of an army."
"But he has been very successful in the field," argued the President.
"Yes, he generally manages to claim a victory, but such a victory! He
loses two men to the enemy's one. He has no management, no regard for
life. If the war should continue four years longer, and he should remain
in power, he would depopulate the North. I could fight an army as well
myself. According to his tactics, there is nothing under the heavens to
do but to march a new line of men up in front of the rebel breastworks
to be shot down as fast as they take their position, and keep marching
until the enemy grows tired of the slaughter. Grant, I repeat, is an
obstinate fool and a butcher."
"Well, mother, supposing that we give you command of the army. No doubt
you would do much better than any general that has been tried." There
was a twinkle in the eyes, and a ring of irony in the voice.
I have often heard Mrs. Lincoln say that if Grant should ever be elected
President of the United States she would desire to leave the country,
and remain absent during his term of office.
It was well known that Mrs. Lincoln's brothers were in the Confederate
army, and for this reason it was often charged that her sympathies were
with the South. Those who made the hasty charge were never more widely
mistaken.
One morning, on my way to the White House, I heard that Captain
Alexander Todd, one of her brothers, had been killed. I did not like to
inform Mrs. Lincoln of his death, judging that it would be painful news
to her. I had been in her room but a few minutes when she said, with
apparent unconcern, "Lizzie, I have just heard that one of my brothers
has been killed in the war."
"I also heard the same, Mrs. Lincoln, but hesitated to speak of it, for
fear the subject would be a painful one to you."
"You need not hesitate. Of course, it is but natural that I should feel
for one so nearly related to me, but not to the extent that you suppose.
He made his choice long ago. He decided against my husband, and through
him against me. He has been fighting against us; and since he chose to
be our deadly enemy, I see no special reason why I should bitterly mourn
his death."
I felt relieved, and in subsequent conversations learned that Mrs.
Lincoln had no sympathy for the South. "Why should I sympathize with the
rebels," she would say; "are they not against me? They would hang my
husband to-morrow if it was in their power, and perhaps gibbet me with
him. How then can I sympathize with a people at war with me and mine?"
She always objected to being thought Southern in feeling.
Mr. Lincoln was generous by nature, and though his whole heart was in
the war, he could not but respect the valor of those opposed to him. His
soul was too great for the narrow, selfish views of partisanship. Brave
by nature himself, he honored bravery in others, even his foes. Time and
again I have heard him speak in the highest terms of the soldierly
qualities of such brave Confederate generals as Lee, Stonewall Jackson,
and Joseph E. Johns[t]on. Jackson was his ideal soldier. "He is a brave,
honest Presbyterian soldier," were his words; "what a pity that we
should have to fight such a gallant fellow! If we only had such a man to
lead the armies of the North, the country would not be appalled with so
many disasters."
As this is a rambling chapter, I will here record an incident showing
his feeling toward Robert E. Lee. The very morning of the day on which
he was assassinated, his son, Capt. Robert Lincoln, came into the room
with a portrait of General Lee in his hand. The President took the
picture, laid it on a table before him, scanned the face thoughtfully,
and said: "It is a good face; it is the face of a noble, noble, brave
man. I am glad that the war is over at last." Looking up at Robert, he
continued: "Well, my son, you have returned safely from the front. The
war is now closed, and we soon will live in peace with the brave men
that have been fighting against us. I trust that the era of good feeling
has returned with the war, and that henceforth we shall live in peace.
Now listen to me, Robert: you must lay aside your uniform, and return to
college. I wish you to read law for three years, and at the end of that
time I hope that we will be able to tell whether you will make a lawyer
or not." His face was more cheerful than I had seen it for a long while,
and he seemed to be in a generous, forgiving mood.