[2] This life of Æsop, composed by a monk of the fourteenth

century, is a legend which has replaced history by disfiguring it. If

we confine ourselves exclusively to the testimonies of the ancients,

we shall be able to tell in a few words all that has come down to us

that is at all likely to be true respecting the life of Æsop. Although

various authors have attributed his birth-place in turn to Mesembria in

Thrace, to Samos, and to Sardis in Lydia, it is almost certain that he

was born in Phrygia, either at Amorium, or in another city of the same

province named Cotisium. The deformity which has been attributed to him

is simply an exaggeration of a certain ugliness of countenance; and as

he also stammered, he has been declared to have been almost dumb. The

first portion of his life was passed in slavery, at first under the

Lydian philosopher Xantus, and then under Iadmo at Samos, where he had

for a companion the celebrated courtesan, Rhodope. Having been freed by

Iadmo, he went to the court of Crœsus, where he enjoyed great favour.

Employed by this prince to convey his presents to the temple at Delphi,

and certain liberalities to the inhabitants, the perfidy and resentment

of the people, whom he had not deemed worthy of his master's gifts,

were the cause of his death. He was accused of having stolen a sacred

vase which had been treacherously concealed amongst his goods. Both

gods and men avenged his death. His journeys to Babylon and in Egypt

are pure inventions. If we may believe Plutarch, he was present at the

banquet of the Seven Wise Men at Corinth. The contradictory accounts

given by authors as to the place of his birth may be explained by his

many journeys; for he has been said to have been born wherever he

resided. It will be seen by this brief sketch, that the life of Æsop by

Planudes is not a pure invention, and that we may say with respect to

it--

"However great the lie may he.

Therein some grains of truth we see."

[3] In the lists of the Kings of Babylon there is found no

monarch of this name, and this is another proof amongst many that the

life of Æsop by Planudes is a fiction.

[4] The Athenians erected a statue to Æsop, which was the work

of the celebrated Lysippus, and it was placed opposite those of the

Seven Wise Men.

DEDICATION

TO

MONSEIGNEUR THE DAUPHIN[1]

MONSEIGNEUR,

If there be anything ingenious in the republic of letters, it may be

said that it is the manner in which Æsop has deduced his moral. It

were truly to be wished that other hands than mine had added to the

fable the ornaments of poetry, since the wisest of the ancients[2] has

decided that they are not useless. I venture, Monseigneur, to submit to

you certain attempts in this manner, as being not altogether unsuited

to your earlier years. You are of an age[3] at which amusements

and sports are allowed to princes; but at the same time you should

devote some portion of your attention to serious reflections. This

is precisely what we meet with in the fables which we owe to Æsop.

At first sight they appear puerile; but their puerility is only the

covering of important truths.

I do not doubt, Monseigneur, that you entertain a favourable opinion

of compositions which are at once so useful and so agreeable; for

what more can one desire than the useful and the agreeable? It is

these that have been the means of introducing knowledge amongst men.

Æsop has discovered the singular art of joining the one to the other.

The perusal of his works invariably plants in the soul the seeds of

virtue, and teaches it to know itself, without letting it feel that

it is pursuing a study, whilst, in fact, it even believes that it is

otherwise engaged. It is a means of instruction which has been happily

made use of by him whom His Majesty has selected as your tutor.[4] He

teaches you all that a prince should learn in such a manner that you

study not only without trouble, but even with pleasure. We hope much

from this; but, to tell the truth, there are things from which we hope

infinitely more, and those, Monseigneur, are the qualities which our

invincible monarch has bestowed upon you by the mere circumstance of

your birth, and the example which he gives you day by day. When you see

him forming such grand designs; when you see him calmly regarding the

agitation of Europe and the efforts which it makes to divert him from

his enterprises;[5] when you see him penetrating by a single effort

the heart of one province[6] bristling against him with insurmountable

obstacles, and subjugating another[7] within eight days, during that

season which is the most hostile of all others to the operations of

war, and when the courts of other princes are redolent only of peace

and pleasure; when you see him not content with merely subduing men,

but resolved also to vanquish the elements; and when, I say, on his

return from this expedition, in which he has conquered like another

Alexander, you see him ruling his people like another Augustus,--admit,

Monseigneur, that, in spite of the tenderness of your years, you

sigh for glory as ardently as your father, and that you await with

impatience the moment when you will be able to declare yourself his

rival in your worship of this divine mistress. But, no; you do not

await it, Monseigneur; you anticipate it; and in proof of this I need

no other witnesses than that noble restlessness, that vivacity, that

ardour, those many evidences of spirit, of courage, of greatness of

soul, which you so continually display. It must, doubtless, be the

greatest gratification to our monarch, as it is a most agreeable

spectacle to the universe, to see you thus growing up, a young plant

which will one day protect with its shadow peoples and nations.

I might enlarge upon this subject. But as the plan I have proposed to

myself of amusing you is more suited to my powers than that of praising

you, I shall hasten to have recourse to my fables, and will add to

the truths I have told you but this--and that is, Monseigneur, that I

am, with respectful zeal, your very humble, very obedient, and very

faithful servant,

DE LA FONTAINE.

[1] Louis, Dauphin of France, son of Louis XIV., and of Marie

Theresa of Austria, was born at Fontainebleau on the 1st of November,

1661, and died at Meudon on the 14th of April, 1671.

[2] Socrates.

[3] The Dauphin was six years and five months old when La

Fontaine published the collection of fables to which this Dedication

is prefixed. It was completed on the 3rd of March, 1668.

[4] Monseigneur the Dauphin had two tutors: the first being M. the

President de Perigni, and the second M. Bossuet, the Bishop of Meaux.

La Fontaine, in the above passage, alludes to M. de Perigni.

[5] This refers to the Triple Alliance formed between England,

Spain, and Holland, for the purpose of checking the conquests of the

French monarch.

[6] Flanders, in which the French king made a campaign in

1667, when he took Douai, Tournoi, Oudenarde, Ath, Alost, and Lille.

[7] Franche-Comté, which he subdued in 1668.

PREFACE.

The indulgence with which some of my fables have been received[1] has

induced me to hope that this present collection may meet with the same

favour. At the same time I must admit that one of the masters of our

eloquence[2] has disapproved of the plan of rendering these fables in

verse, since he believes that their chief ornament consists in having

none; and that, moreover, the restraints of poetry, added to the

severity of our language, would frequently embarrass me, and deprive

most of these narratives of that brevity which may be styled the very

soul of the art of story-telling, since without it a tale necessarily

becomes tame and languid. This opinion could only have been expressed

by a man of exquisite taste, and I will merely ask of him that he

will in some degree relax it, and will admit that the Lacedemonian

graces are not so entirely opposed to the French language, that it is

impossible to make them accord.

After all, I have but followed the example, I will not say of the

ancients, which would not affect me in this case, but that of the

moderns. In every age, amongst every poetical people, Parnassus has

deemed this species of composition its own. Æsop's fables had scarcely

seen the light, when Socrates[3] thought proper to dress them in

the livery of the Muses; and what Plato says on this subject is so

pleasant, that I cannot refrain from making it one of the ornaments

of this Preface. He says, then, that Socrates having been condemned

to death, his punishment was respited on account of the occurrence

of certain fêtes. Cébès went to see him on the day of his death, and

Socrates then told him that the gods had several times warned him by

dreams that he should devote himself to music before he died. He did

not at first understand the signification of these dreams; for, as

music does not improve a man's moral nature, of what use could it be to

him?[4] It was evident, however, that there was some mystery involved,

for the gods never ceased to give him the same warning, and it had come

to him again on the occasion of one of the fêtes to which I have above

alluded. At length, after having deeply reflected on what it might be

that Heaven intended him to do, he concluded that as music and poetry

are so closely allied, it probably meant him to turn his attention to

the latter. There can be no good poetry without harmony; but to good

poetry fiction is also equally necessary, and Socrates only knew how

to tell the truth. At length, however, he discovered a compromise;

selecting such fables as those of Æsop, which always contain something

of truth in them, he employed the last moments of his life in rendering

them into verse.

Socrates is not the only one who has regarded fables and poetry as

sisters. Phædrus has also declared that he held this opinion, and

by the excellence of his work we are able to judge of that of the

philosopher. After Phædrus, Avienus treated the same subject in the

same way; finally, the moderns have also followed their example,

and we find instances of this not only amongst foreign nations, but

in our own. It is true, that when our own countrymen devoted their

attention to this species of composition, the French language was so

different from what it now is, that we may regard them in this case

as foreigners. This has not deterred me from my enterprise. On the

contrary, I have flattered myself with the hope that, if I did not

pursue this career with success, I should at least earn the credit of

having opened the road.

It may possibly happen that my labours will induce others to continue

the work; and, indeed, there is no reason why this species of

composition should be exhausted until there shall remain no fresh

fables to put in verse. I have selected the best; that is to say, those

which seem to me to be so; but, in addition to the fact that I may

have erred in my selection, it will be by no means a difficult thing

for others to give a different rendering even to those which I have

selected; and if their renderings should be briefer than mine, they

will doubtless be more approved. In any case, some praise will always

be due to me, either because my rashness has had a happy result, and

that I have not departed too far from the right path, or, at least,

because I shall have instigated others to do better.

I think that I have sufficiently justified my design. As regards the

execution, I shall leave the public to be the judge. There will not be

found in my renderings the elegance and extreme brevity which are the

charms of Phædrus, for these qualities are beyond my powers; and that

being the case, I have thought it right to give more ornament to my

work than he has done. I do not blame him for having restricted himself

in length, for the Latin language enabled him to be brief; and, indeed,

if we take the trouble to examine closely, we shall find in this author

all the genuine characteristics and genius of Terence. The simplicity

of these great men is magnificent; but, not possessing the powers

of language of these authors, I cannot attain their heights. I have

striven, therefore, to compensate in some degree for my failings in

this respect, and I have done this with all the more boldness because

Quintilian has said that one can never deviate too much in narrative.

It is not necessary in this place to prove whether this be true or not;

it is sufficient that Quintilian has made the statement.[5]

I have also considered that, as these fables are already known to all

the world, I should have done nothing if I had not rendered them in

some degree new, by clothing them with certain fresh characteristics.

I have endeavoured to meet the wants of the day, which are novelty and

gaiety; and by gaiety I do not mean merely that which excites laughter,

but a certain charm, an agreeable air, which may be given to every

species of subject, even the most serious.

It is not, however, by the outward form which I have given it that

the value of my work should be alone judged, but by the quality of

the matter of which it is composed, and by its utility. For what is

there that is worthy of praise in the productions of the mind which is

not to be found in the apologue? There is something so grand in this

species of composition, that many of the ancients have attributed the

greater part of these fables to Socrates; selecting as their author

that individual amongst mortals who was most directly in communication

with the gods. I am rather surprised that they have not maintained

that these fables descended direct from heaven,[6] or that they have

not attributed their guardianship to some one special deity, as they

have done in the case of poetry and eloquence. And what I say is not

altogether without foundation, since, if I may venture to speak of that

which is most sacred in our eyes in the same breath with the errors of

the ancients, we find that Truth has spoken to men in parables; and

is the parable anything else than a fable? that is to say, a feigned

example of some truth, which has by so much the more force and effect

as it is the more common and familiar?

It is for these reasons that Plato, having banished Homer from his

Republic, has given a very honourable place in it to Æsop. He maintains

that infants suck in fables with their mothers' milk, and recommends

nurses to teach them to them, since it is impossible that children

should be accustomed at too early an age to the accents of wisdom and

virtue. If we would not have to endure the pain of correcting our

habits, we should take care to render them good whilst as yet they are

neither good nor bad. And what better aids can we have in this work

than fables? Tell a child that Crassus, when he waged war against the

Parthians, entered their country without considering how he should

be able to get out of it again, and that this was the cause of the

destruction of himself and his whole army, and how great an effort will

the infant have to make to remember the fact! But tell the same child

that the fox and the he-goat descended to the bottom of a well for the

purpose of quenching their thirst, and that the fox got out of it by

making use of the shoulders and horns of his companion as a ladder, but

that the goat remained there in consequence of not having had so much

foresight, and that, consequently, we should always consider what is

likely to be the result of what we do,--tell a child these two stories,

I say, and which will make the most impression on his mind? Is it not

certain that he will cling to the latter version as more conformable

and less disproportioned than the other to the tenderness of his brain?

It is useless for you to reply that the ideas of childhood are in

themselves sufficiently infantine, without filling them with a heap of

fresh trifles. These trifles, as you may please to call them, are only

trifles in appearance; in reality, they are full of solid sense. And as

by the definition of the point, the line, the surface, and the other

well-known elements of form, we obtain a knowledge which enables us to

measure not only the earth but the universe, in the same manner, by

the aid of the truths involved in fables, we finally become enabled to

form correct opinions of what is right and what is wrong, and to take a

foremost place in the ranks of life.

The fables which are included in this collection are not merely moral,

but are, to a certain extent, an encyclopædia of the qualities and

characteristics of animals, and, consequently, of our own; since we men

are, in fact, but a summary of all that is good and bad in the lower

ranks of creatures. When Prometheus determined upon creating man, he

took the dominant characteristic of each beast, and of these various

characteristics composed the human species. It follows, therefore,

that in these fables, in which beasts play so great a part, we may

each of us find some feature which we may recognise as our own. The

old may find in them a confirmation of their experiences, and the

young may learn from them that which they ought to know. As the latter

are but strangers in the world, they are as yet unacquainted with its

inhabitants; they are even unacquainted with themselves. They ought

not to be left in this ignorance, but should be instructed as to the

qualities of the lion, the fox, and so forth, and as to the why and

the wherefore a man is sometimes compared to the said lion and fox. To

effect this instruction is the object of these fables.

I have already overstepped the ordinary limits of a Preface, but I have

still a few remarks to make on the principles on which the present work

has been constructed.

The fable proper is composed of two parts, of which one may be termed

the body, and the other the soul. The body is the subject-matter of

the fable, and the soul is the moral. Aristotle will admit none but

animals into the domain of fabledom, and rigorously excludes from it

both men and plants. This rule, however, cannot be strictly necessary,

since neither Æsop, Phædrus, nor any of the fabulists[7] have observed

it; but, on the other hand, a moral is to a fable an indispensable

adjunct, and if I have in any instances omitted it, it is only in those

cases in which it could not be gracefully introduced, or in which it

was so obvious that the reader could deduce it for himself. The great

rule in France is to value only that which pleases, and I have thought

it no crime, therefore, to cancel ancient customs when they would not

harmonise with modern ones. In Æsop's time the fable was first related

as a simple story, and then supplemented by a moral which was distinct

in itself. Next Phædrus came, who was so far from complying with this

rule, that he sometimes transposed the moral from the end to the

commencement. For my own part, I have never failed to follow Æsop's

rule, except when it was necessary to observe a no less important one

laid down by Horace, to the effect that no writer should obstinately

struggle against the natural bent of his mind or the capabilities of

his subject. A man, he asserts, who wishes to succeed will never pursue

such a course, but will at once abandon a subject when he finds that he

cannot mould it into a creditable shape:

"Et quæ

Desperat tractata intescere posse, relinquit."[8]

It only remains to speak of the life of Æsop, whose biography by

Planudes is almost universally regarded as fabulous. It is supposed

that this writer formed the design of attributing a character and

adventures to his hero which should bear some resemblance to his

fables. This criticism, at first glance, appeared to me sufficiently

specious, but I have since found that it has no solid basis. It is

partly founded on what took place between Xantus and Æsop, and the

quantities of nonsense there contrasted. To which I reply, Who is the

sage to whom such things have not happened? The whole of the life even

of Socrates was not serious; and what confirms me in my favourable

opinion is, that the character which Planudes gives to Æsop is similar

to that which Plutarch gives him in his Banquet of the Seven Wise

Men--that is, the character of a keen and all-observant man. It may

be objected, I know, that the Banquet of the Seven Wise Men is in

itself a fiction; and I admit that it is possible to be doubtful about

everything. For my own part, I cannot well see why Plutarch should have

desired to deceive posterity on this subject, when he has professed

to be truthful on every other, and to give to each of his personages

his real character. But however this may be, I would ask, Shall I be

less likely to be believed if I endorse another man's falsehoods than

if I invented some of my own? I might certainly fabricate a tissue of

conjectures, and entitle them the "Life of Æsop;" but whatever air of

genuineness it might wear, no one could rely upon such a work, and, if

he must put up with fiction, the reader would always prefer that of

Planudes to mine.

[1] Before the year 1668, when the present collection of

fables was first published. Fontaine had already published a few

separately, and others had circulated in manuscript.

[2] Patru, a celebrated lawyer, a member of the French

Academy, and one of La Fontaine's friends, who made a strange mistake

in trying to divert him from a species of composition which has

immortalised him.

[3] These fables had long been known when Socrates came into

the world, and the Father of Philosophy only took the trouble to render

them into verse during the imprisonment which preceded his death.

[4] The word Μουσιχὴ implied amongst the Greeks all the arts

to which the Muses devote themselves. It comprises the employments of

the mind in opposition to γυμναστιχὴ, which means the exercises of the

body. La Fontaine does not give Plato's meaning quite correctly. The

philosopher, at the commencement of the "Phædo," makes Socrates say

that, having been several times warned in dreams by the gods to study

music, he had only regarded it as an encouragement to persevere in

the pursuit of truth; but that, since his imprisonment, he had given

another interpretation to those warnings, and had decided that he

should better obey the wishes of the gods by making verses.

[5] The following is the passage in Quintilian to which the

poet alludes:--"Ego vero narrationem, at si ullam partem orationis,

omni qua potest gratia et venere exorundam."--<i>Quint., "Hist Orat."</i>

lib. ix., cap iv.

[6] La Fontaine has not ventured altogether to repair the

oversight of the ancients, for he has left the origin of fables a

doubtful point between heaven and earth, when he says, in a dedication

to Madame de Montespan, "The fable is a gift which comes from the

immortals; if it were the gift of man, he who gave it us would indeed

deserve a temple."

[7] The word fabulist was invented by La Fontaine, and has

no equivalent either in the Greek or Latin languages. La Motte only

ventured to use it under cover of the authority of our poet; and the

French Academy, having declined to admit it into the first edition of

its Dictionary, which was published after La Fontaine's death, only did

so when it had been sanctioned by usage and public admiration.

[8] <i>Hor.</i>, "<i>Ars Poet.</i>," v. 150.

TO

MONSEIGNEUR THE DAUPHIN.

I sing the heroes who call Æsop father,

Whose history, although deceitful rather,

Some truths and useful lessons, too, contains.

Everything finds a tongue in these my strains;

And what they say is wholesome: now and then

My animals I use as texts for men.

Illustrious branch of one the gods hold dear,

And by the whole world held in love and fear,

He who the proudest chiefs at once defies,

And counts the days by glorious victories,

Others will better tell, and higher soar,

To sing your mighty ancestors of yore;

But I would please thee in a humbler way,

And trace in verse the sketches I essay;

Yet if to please thee I do not succeed,

At least the fame of trying be my meed.

[Illustration: THE GRASSHOPPER AND THE ANT.]

FABLE I.

THE GRASSHOPPER AND THE ANT.

The Grasshopper, so blithe and gay,

Sang the summer time away.

Pinched and poor the spendthrift grew,

When the sour north-easter blew.

In her larder not a scrap,

Bread to taste, nor drink to lap.

To the Ant, her neighbour, she

Went to moan her penury,

Praying for a loan of wheat,

Just to make a loaf to eat,

Till the sunshine came again.

"All I say is fair and plain,

I will pay you every grain,

Principal and interest too,

Before harvest, I tell you,

On my honour--every pound,

Ere a single sheaf is bound."

The Ant's a very prudent friend,

Never much disposed to lend;

Virtues great and failings small,

This her failing least of all.

Quoth she, "How spent you the summer?"

"Night and day, to each new comer

I sang gaily, by your leave;

Singing, singing, morn and eve."

"You sang? I see it at a glance.

Well, then, now's the time to dance."

FABLE II.

THE RAVEN AND THE FOX.

The Fables of La Fontaine Translated into English Verse by Walter Thornbury and Illustrated by Gustave Doré · 第 4 / 21 段