GENERAL LITERATURE.
“It is easy to disparage the study of these scanty remains of
a literary language which, though it be not dead, is more of
an unknown tongue to our modern men of letters than almost any
other.”—DR JOSEPH ANDERSON.
The intellectual activity created in the sixteenth century led to the
formation of a new literature for the diffusion of the new learning.
This literature belongs to that period in our national history when
religious ferment, political and ecclesiastical change, began to
operate effectually on the mind of modern Europe. The first Gaelic
effort in this direction was by John Carsuel, superintendent of the
diocese of Argyll, who translated and published (1567) John Knox’s
Prayer-Book. The English original was printed at Edinburgh in 1565,
and the Gaelic version appeared within two years after that date. It
is the first Gaelic book that ever was printed either in Scotland or
Ireland. Only three copies were known to exist previous to 1872; one
perfect copy in possession of the Duke of Argyll, and two imperfect
copies, one in the Edinburgh University Library and the other in
the British Museum. In 1872 the Rev. Dr Maclauchlan made a complete
transcript of the book, and a new edition was published page for page
and line for line with the original. Philologists regard it as very
valuable. Bishop Carsuel was a native of Kilmartin, well versed in
the Gaelic language, and thoroughly acquainted with the people of
the wide district of whose spiritual interests he had charge. In an
address prefixed to his book he alludes to the manuscript literature
then extant, “written in manuscript books in the compositions of
poets and ollaves, and in the remains of learned men.” The bishop
seems to have imbibed something of the earnest, critical spirit of
nineteenth-century Christianity, and deserves our respect for giving
us the first printed book in Gaelic.
Still it is unfortunate for Gaelic literature, though perhaps not
for the Protestant religion, that he and others determined on the
ruthless extinction of the popular ballads among the people.
The _Ursgeuls_, or prose tales, were condemned even with greater
emphasis. The following verses from a ballad from which an extract
has been taken already will show the character of the popular
literature which Carsuel did not consider edifying:—
URNUIGH OISEIN.
_Oisein._
’S gann a chreideás mi do sgeul,
A chlérich leir d’ leabhar ban,
Gu’m biodh Fionn, no cho fial,
Aig duine no aig Dia an lăimh.
_Pàdruig._
Ann ifrinn tha e’n laimh,
Fear le’n sath bhi bronnadh òir,
Air son a dhìmeas air Dia,
Chuir iad e’n tigh pian fo leòn.
_Oisein._
Nan robh Clann-Morni a steach,
Is Clanna-Baoisgne, na fir threun,
Bheireamiad-ne Fionn a mach,
No bhiodh an teach againn féin.
_Pàdruig._
Còig còigeanna na h-Eirinn ma seach,
’Sair leat-sa gu mòr am feum,
Gha tugadh sin Fionn a mach,
Ged bhiodh an teach agaibh féin.
_Oisein._
Nach math an t-aite ifrin féin,
A chléirich dh’an lĕir an sgoil!
Nach go math is flaitheas Dé
Ma gheibhear innt’ féidh is coin?
Translation.
OSSIAN’S PRAYER.
_Ossian._—O clerk of the white book thy tale
From me no faith can win;
That God or man could keep in pain
The brave and generous Finn.
_Patrick._—Ay, captive, he is now in hell
Who used to scatter gold;
Because he scorned to worship God
They thrust him in that hold.
_O._ Clan-Morni and Clan-Baoisgne brave,
If they would there resort,
Soon would we have great Finn released,
And make our own the fort.
_P._ Though Erin’s Clans should all unite,
A mighty host, believe,
Possessing all that place yourselves,
You could not Finn relieve.
_O._ But hell is not so bad a place,
Clerk, to whom school is clear?
As good as is the high heaven of God,
If _there_ be dogs and deer?
Earnest Reformers could not regard this sort of literature as a
powerful auxiliary in the recasting of a nation’s faith; so Carsuel
thought the Gaelic population would benefit spiritually by the
substitution of his own Gaelic liturgy for the popular songs and
tales.
Ossian’s “Prayer” appears to have been treated with disparagement by
the Highlanders of last century as well, especially by the “clerics,”
who were such a source of annoyance to poor Ossian himself while
he lived. One feels inclined to ask, after reading some of the old
ballads, whether the Patrick who described all the ancient Finians as
in hell, was a species of the modern Protestant, so well represented
by the late valiant Dr Begg and the late Dr Cumming. Whether or
not it is evident that he was a persistent Protestant against the
heathenism of the Féinne, indeed quite a thorn in the side of the
poor old bard. The Irish monks of later days, however, appear to have
taken very kindly to the laureate of the Fingalians, and to have
lopped off many of the excrescences of the faithful Patrick. Scottish
ecclesiastics appropriated the new Irish versions, but pruned off
the excrescences with which the Basque, or Spano-Iberian imagination
of the south-west of Ireland, had clothed the simple originals.
Carsuel, in the sixteenth century, under the pressure of Reformation
doctrines, was the first to touch unkindly the hoary locks of the
ancient bard. The Féinne and their singer, however, survived in
the affections and traditions of the population, until the Gospel
according to the English Puritans and our own Scottish Covenanters
began to out-root entirely the semi-heathen and Finian ideals of the
people. So now in many districts of the Highlands, and throughout
the Islands, much to the disgust of students of folk-lore, like
Campbell of Islay, the only singing you hear is, not the rehearsal
of the old heroic lays or the Ossianic duans, but the Psalms of David
or the hymns of Sankey. As already remarked, the “clerics” of last
century treated the Ossianic compositions with as little respect as
Patrick, Carsuel, or Spurgeon would. At the end of a copy of Ossian’s
Prayer there is a stanza by Duncan Rioch Macnicol, who was then
styled the “Modern Ossian,” very much in the fashion of our present
day Gaelic bards, who dub themselves as of this or that ilk. Duncan,
whose feelings towards the old bards must have been _rioch_ enough,
describes poor Ossian in the following terms, given already in the
original (p. 87), in sending the copy to the Rev. Donald Macnicol,
Lismore:—
To Master Donald take this story;
There he dwells beside the billow;
The prayer said by Ossian hoary,
Who was aye a worthless fellow.
The last line is a condensation—though Duncan Rioch was probably in
a fit of humour, supposed to be a rare state of soul for a Highland
Celt—of the Protestant or Evangelic disposition of Patrick, Carsuel,
and Peter Grant. These remarks have been suggested by the specimen
of Gaelic which follows. Specimens have already been given of the
style of writing ancient Gaelic from the earliest period down to the
beginning of the sixteenth century. To those who may have paid a
little attention to them it may have been interesting to discern the
gradual change which Gaelic has undergone, until we find it about
1600 beginning to take the Scottish form out of which our present
standard of the Gaelic Bible has been developed:—
_Gaelic Prose_, 1567.
Agas is mor an doile agas an dorchadas peacaidh, agas aineolais
agas indtleachda do lucht deachtaìdh agas scriobhtha agas chumdaigh
na gaoidheilge, gurab mó is mian leo agas gurab mó ghnathuidheas
siad eachdradha dimhaoineacha buaidheartha bregacha saoghalta do
cumadh ar thuathaibh dédhanond agas air mhacaibh mileadh agas arna
curadhaibh agas hind mhac cumhaill gona fhianaibh agas ar mhoran
eile noch airbhim.
TRANSLATION:
And great is the blindness and sinful darkness, and ignorance, and
evil design, of such as teach and write, and cultivate the Gaelic
language, that, with the view of obtaining for themselves the vain
rewards of this world, they are more desirous, and more accustomed,
to compose vain, tempting, lying, worldly histories, concerning
the _Tuath de dannan_, and concerning warriors and champions, and
_Fingal_ the son of _Cumhal_, with his heroes, and concerning many
others which I will not at present enumerate.
The Highland love of Paganism was destined to flourish down to our
own time, a Stornoway woman having been seen worshipping the moon as
recently as the beginning of the present century, the parish minister
of Uig at the time being the witness.
In his Hibbert Lectures (1888) Professor Rhys says—“It is worthy
of note that this kind of Paganism died hard in the islands on the
Armoric coast; in fact it lasted, in spite of Church and State, down
to the time of the Norsemen’s ravages.” Fifteen centuries of vigorous
Christianity have not yet extirpated the serpent of superstition in
the British Islands.
After the publication of Carsuel’s Book of Prayers, which led the
way, the only species of literature that the press helped to diffuse
for more than a century was of an ecclesiastical or religious
character. In the seventeenth century appeared a translation of
Calvin’s Catechism, “_Faoseid Eoin Stiubhairt_,” the Synod of
Argyll’s translation of the Psalter, the Confession of Faith in
the eighteenth century, followed by catechisms and summaries of
Christian doctrine. Endeavours were made to awaken the people out of
the spiritual lethargy induced by the age of inaction which preceded
the Reformation era. The only successful way to reach the heart of
the people was felt to be through the medium of their native tongue.
Towards the close of the last century, for this end, translations of
all sorts of religious works became numerous, even Roman Catholic
Highlanders having a bulky volume of a summary of Christian doctrine
translated for their use.
During this time the Highlanders had no version of the Scriptures
in their own tongue, Welshmen and Irishmen being favoured earlier
than they in this respect. The first portion translated was the
Psalter by the Synod of Argyll in 1659. The Bible was not much known
in the north-west at this period. A few individuals possessed the
Irish version, but this was never much in practical use. Preachers
used the English Bible, of which they gave their own extemporaneous
translation as they went along. A good specimen of written Gaelic
towards the end of the seventeenth century will be found in the Rev.
Robert Kirk’s preface to his metrical version of the Book of Psalms.
To the ordinary reader it is hardly distinguishable from the Irish of
the same period. The Highlander will be glad to have an opportunity
of reading in his own language such an eloquent encomium on the
Psalms which he prizes so so dearly.
_Gaelic Prose_, 1684.
Ataid na Psalma taitneamhach, tarbhach: beag nach mion-fhlaitheas
làn dainglibh, Cill fhonn-mhar, le ceol naomhtha. Mur abholghort
Eden, lionta do chrannaibh brioghmhoire-na beatha, agus do
luibhennibh iocshlainteamhail, amhluidh an leabhar Psalmso
Dhaibhioth, a ta na liaghais air uile anshocair na nanma. Ata an
saoghail agus gach beò chreatair da bfuil an, na chlarsigh; an
duine se is Chlairseoir agus duanaire, chum moladh an mor-Dhia
mirbhuileach do chein; agus ata Daibhidh do gná mar fhear don
chuideachd bhias marso ag caoin-chaint gu ceolmhar ma nard-Rí.
ENGLISH:
The Psalms are pleasant and profitable. A church resounding with
sacred melody is almost a little Heaven full of angels. As the
Garden of Eden, replenished with trees of life of potent efficacy
and with medicinal plants, so is this Book of Psalms of David,
which contains a remedy of all the diseases of the soul. The world
and every living creature it contains are the Harp; Man is the
Harper and Poet, who sings the praise of the great wonder-working
God; and David is ever one of the company who are thus employed in
sweetly and tunefully discoursing about the Almighty King.
The Highland clergy at this time were, as a class, fairly
well-educated. This will be seen in the accounts of English
travellers who now began to take tours to the Celtic north-west. In
earlier times the intercourse between the Highlands and the great
world beyond was greater than in the seventeenth century. Before the
seats of government were all removed from the districts of the Gael
further south, the communication with Ireland and the Continent of
Europe in the north and in France was considerable. Till the days of
Queen Elizabeth relations were fitfully sustained between the insular
court of the Princedom of the Isles and the English Court. It was
during the seventeenth century that the Gaelic regions became a very
_terra incognita_ to South Britain. Now a learned and sympathetic
visitor arrived, from whose pages we get glimpses of the state of
learning and culture among the Gaels.
It is a Welshman, Professor Rhys of Oxford, that has given us
the best work on Celtic philology and Celtic paganism, in the
present day; and it was a Welshman that wrote the best book on
the same subjects upwards of 200 years ago. Edward Lhuyd’s great
work on Celtic scholarship appeared in 1707. The title runs
thus:—“_Archæologica Britannica_, giving some account, additional
to what has been hitherto published, of the Languages, Histories,
and Customs of the Original Inhabitants of Great Britain, from
collections and observations in travels through Wales, Cornwall,
Bas-Bretagne, Ireland, and Scotland. By Edward Lhuyd, M.A. of Jesus
College, keeper of the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford. Oxford: Printed
at the Theater for the author, MDCCVII.” Were the matter within
the bounds of the 460 folio pages of this handsome volume printed
in the style in which books are now generally published it would
make three or four very considerable volumes. At the beginning of
an appendix the following note occurs: “Having since the printing
this Irish dictionary sent copies to Ireland and Scotland in order
to have it improved, the following supplement consists chiefly of
some notes returned thence by two gentlemen well known to be able
scholars and masters of that language.” It is in connection with
these “copies,” I suppose, that the poetical complimentary verses
inserted at the beginning of the volume were sent to the author.
These verses were written in Latin, Gaelic, and Welsh. Two or three
Latin ones and four in Gaelic are sent from the Highlands. The
character of this great work may be gathered from the titles of the
several departments: Comparative Etymology, 40 pp.; A Comparative
Vocabulary of the Original Languages of Britain and Ireland, 130
pp.; An Armoric Grammar and Vocabulary, 33 pp.; Some Welsh Words, A
Cornish Grammar, British MSS., and a British Etymologican, 86 pp.;
A Brief Introduction to the Irish or Ancient Scottish Language, and
_Foclair Gaoidheilge-Shasonach no Bearladoir Scot-Sagsamhuil_; An
Irish-English Dictionary, 136 pp.; two pp. describing Gaelic MSS.,
and An Index. In the preface he proceeds to explain what induced him
“to an undertaking so laborious, so little diverting, and so much out
of the common road.”
It is interesting to note how this laborious Oxford student met
the prejudices of the day. The undertaking “proceeded not from
any conceited opinion, as some might be apt to imagine, of the
plausibleness of these languages. Most of us commonly hear or read
too much to be ignorant that the generality of people are rather
disposed to a ridiculing than a favourable reception of anything in
that kind. This did not, I own, in the least discourage me, as well
knowing that the same prejudice in the like case prevails in all
other great governments, and that in any uncommon undertaking the
judgment of men of distinction (or at least particular experience in
the subject proposed), is to be only regarded. The inducement I had
was no other than a seeming probability that such an essay might in
this curious age contribute not a little towards a clearer notion of
the first planters of the three kingdoms, and a better understanding
of our ancient names of persons and places.” No grammar of the
Scottish Gaelic appeared up to the time of Lhuyd; but he speaks of “a
Scotish gentleman who had some thoughts of publishing” one. It would
be interesting to know who this gentleman was; perhaps he was one of
those who sent the poetical addresses to Lhuyd.
In connection with this great work Lhuyd experienced the same
discouragements which often beset similar works of learning. He was
told by some considerate critic that his volume would meet with but
a cold reception; for it consisted “only of etymology and Welsh and
Irish vocabularies.” The critic exclaims, “Now there are not half a
dozen or half a score in the kingdom that are curious in that way.
The world expected, according to his promise and undertaking, a
natural history, which is a study of established request, and that
a great many are curious in.” But Lhuyd has in the published list
the names of two hundred lords, knights, and gentlemen of learning
and distinction belonging to England alone. This was something to
begin with for such a work, and must have been rather a disconcerting
refutation of the critic’s remark about “half a dozen” readers. It
is quite possible that this complaining critic looked forward to an
interesting dissertation on the strange human animals that inhabited
in those days Lorn, Mull, and Islay, and other Celtic parts. He
and others could scarcely realise to themselves that the Celtic
barbarians who dwelt in those distant regions could write and talk
good English; and in their leisure hours exercised themselves in the
composition of Latin verse or Gaelic poetry.
Lhuyd was accompanied everywhere on his travels by David Parry, A.B.
of Jesus College, Oxford, who wrote a small section of the work.
It is a very interesting picture that the travels of these learned
Oxonians in the Highlands suggest seventy or eighty years before the
mighty Johnson visited the Western Isles, which in earlier ages were
so well known throughout the ecclesiastical world. Here is a specimen
of Latin verse from the pen of a Highland minister two hundred years
ago:—
IN EDV. LUIDI GLOSSOGRAPHIAM.
Quid si reversus spiritus afforet
Jam Buchanani, nobile callidi
Tentare plectrum, pristinumque
Officium renovare chordis?
Antiqua tellus, dic, age, Scotia,
Quem destinares Tu, facili Virum
Ornare versu; quem parares
Non humili celebrare cantu?
Luidus priorum qui Britonum decus,
Poscit Camœnas; pulvere sen diu
Fœdata purgator reponat,
In superam referatque lucem.
Sive Ille morsu temporis improbo
Exesa fida restituat manu,
Atque acer Interpus recudat
In veniens renovata sæclum.
Sive Ille vocum exquirere origines
Longo recursu gestiat, et suo
A fonte deducat, redire
Ad veterem faciatque ritum.
Quamvis dolendo pressa silentio
Jam Buchanani conticeat lyra,
Stat fama Luido, vendicantque
Perpetuam sibi scripta laudem.
ANDREAS FRAZIER, _Eccl. Scot. Presb._
Another poetical address is sent from the romantic district of North
Argyll, where many of the deeds recorded in the ancient ballads
took place, and where, no doubt, the distinguished Cymric scholar
received hearty Highland hospitality from Colin Campbell, pastor of
Ardchattan. The conclusion runs as follows:—
Restituit Scotis sublapsa; caduca Britannis;
Celtis et Pictis deperdita. Cornubiensis
Cantaber, et Scotus quam linquam agnoscit uterque,
Comparat: Affinis sensus hacarte resolvens,
Et renovat surdis aures et lumina cæcis.
Linguas prisca loqui, cogit dum vera fateri,
Literulis larvas fucos dum vocibus aufert,
Hispanum Scotum de divisâ stirpe, Britannum
Historiæ ut taceant, statuit; sermonis amussi
Albanii metas Bretonis Cambrique resignans.
Primus enim Cephilos Scotus, Pephilosque Britannos,
Nosque notas Britonum sib’lasse ostendit anhelas.
Mille alia invenit doctis celebranda Camænis:
Cedite Banniades: Non vestra cupressus erica.
Amicitiæ et gratitudinis ergô
COLLINUS CAMPBELL, _Ardchattanus Pastor_, Lornensis.
The Gaelic addresses are highly interesting to the philologist, as
showing Scottish Gaelic in a transition state. At the period of
Lhuyd’s visit to the Highlands and Isles, and down to the middle of
last century, the Highland clergyman wrote either in Latin or Gaelic.
It was at that time, also, that the Scottish Gael began to depart
from the old style of Gaelic writing and orthography. This departure
might have been dictated to some extent by a Protestant feeling,
but was mainly caused by the desire to make the orthography exactly
expressive of the popular speech. The difference between the Irish
and Scottish dialects was rendered greater by the change. Highland
clergymen of that period being of the better families throughout the
country, were generally well-educated gentlemen. Even generations
after, we find more literary talent than can be found in many places
to-day.
A glimpse of the state of the country after the gory struggle which
ended on Culloden Moor shows a far higher state of literary culture
than an outsider would readily believe possible in the circumstances.
The Ossianic controversy which subsequently arose brought forward the
names of many clergymen who during the last half of the eighteenth
century were a credit to their country. Such men were the Rev. James
Calder and the Rev. Dr Alexander Fraser, in the north-east; the
Rev. Thomas Ross of Lochbroom, the Rev. Mr Macqueen of Kilmuir, in
Skye, and the Rev. Dr Macpherson of Sleat, in the north-west; the
Rev. Dr John Macarthur of Mull, the Rev. Dr Macnicol of Lismore,
Johnson’s formidable opponent, the Rev. Mr Woodrow of Islay, and the
Rev. Dr John Smith of Campbeltown, with his accomplished brother,
Dr Donald Smith, in the south-west; the MacLaurins of Cowal, the
distinguished divine and the professor of mathematics, the Stewarts,
translators of the Bible, Professor Adam Ferguson of Edinburgh, and
Professor Macleod of Glasgow, the Rev. Dr Macintyre of Glenorchay,
Dr Grahame of Aberfoyle, and the Rev. Messrs Macdiarmid, Gallie, and
Maclagan, in the central Highlands. The atmosphere in which such
men breathed—and they were scattered throughout all parts of the
Highlands—could not be altogether one of ignorance; and the large
mass of the people were, no doubt, largely benefited by the culture
of and intercourse with their clerical superiors.
Dr Samuel Johnson, notwithstanding many surly prepossessions,
besought, with that good broad honesty of his nature, such educated
Highlanders and Irishmen to furnish the world with correct
information regarding their language and literature. All English
readers know of his tour to the Hebrides, whither he journeyed more
than a century ago, in those days of difficult travelling, to judge
for himself concerning the people among whom appeared so remarkable
a poet as Ossian. He did not visit Ireland, but early in life he
corresponded with an accomplished Irish gentleman, Mr Charles
O’Connor of Ballinegare, Roscommon, in relation to Irish literature.
In his first letter, April 9, 1737, he says:—“Sir William Temple
complains that Ireland is less known than any other country as to
its ancient state. The natives have had little leisure and little
encouragement for inquiry, and strangers, not knowing the language,
have had no ability. I have long wished that Irish literature were
cultivated. Ireland is known by tradition to have been once the seat
of piety and learning, and surely it would be very acceptable to all
those who are curious, either in the original of nations, or the
affinities of languages, to be further informed of the revolutions
of a people so ancient, and once so illustrious.” He hopes O’Connor
will continue his Irish studies, and speaks of the great pleasure
he has in hearing of the progress of his undertaking. Twenty-two
years afterwards Johnson renews the correspondence, and complains
of O’Connor disappointing him:—“I expected great discoveries in
Irish antiquities, and large publications in the Irish language,
but the world still remains as it was—doubtful and ignorant. What
the Irish language is in itself, and to what languages it has
affinity, are very interesting questions, which every man wishes
to see resolved that has any philological or historical curiosity.
Dr Leland begins his history too late; the ages that deserve an
exact inquiry are those times (for such they were) when Ireland
was the school of the west, the quiet habitation of sanctity and
literature. If you could give a history, though imperfect, of the
Irish nation from its conversion to Christianity to the invasion
from England, you would amplify knowledge with new views and new
objects. Set about it, therefore, if you can; do what you can
easily do without anxious exactness. Lay the foundation, and leave
the superstructure to posterity.” This is a very interesting and
remarkable letter, and exhibits Johnson as entirely free from the
vulgar anti-Celtic prejudices which long obtained in many quarters
after his day. It pointed to the lines of study which the Celtic
student should follow. But both Irish and Highland scholars failed
to comply with the lexicographer’s wishes. Philology did not then
exist, and accurate philosophical histories had not then made much
progress. Celtic scholars travelled to Spain and Egypt and other
places in the East for the cradle in which the first pure Gaelic
baby was rocked; linguistic affinities were sought in Hebrew and
Arabic; while Gaelic or Celtic was sometimes declared to be the
mother of all languages. This race of Gaelic Orientals continued
to exist till recently, if indeed it is even now wholly extinct.
The Irish, however, at last have abundantly shown the great extent
of literature, manuscript and printed, which is enshrined in their
language. The recent works of learned Irishmen are evidence that the
interest is not abating in Irish literature. While it is admitted
that the Irish Gael is in possession of some literature, it is yet
denied that the Scottish Gael has any literary remains to show. And
indeed, looking at the barrenness of the Highland hills, and the
bareness of the Highland glens, the stranger from the sunnier South
is apt to think that no literature could flourish on so sterile a
soil. The lakes and straths, swept by the fresh breezes, he feels
too coldly uncongenial—too frigid a home for the cultivation of
letters—too dreary a land for the muses to dwell in. Men of stout
arms and lion hearts have issued from these regions. That fact is
recognised. But it is not well known that also there, far from what
have hitherto been regarded as the great civilising centres, letters
and knowledge have had for ages their sacred precincts and earnest
votaries. Unpromising though the Highlands look to the literary
eye, yet we find that even Dr Samuel Johnson, no lover of either
Celts or Scotsmen, touches with pathetic beauty in two or three
sentences written upwards of a century ago, on the conditions under
which, even in the heart of the Highlands and Isles, in times of
old, the production of Gaelic literature was possible: “We are now
treading that illustrious island which was once the luminary of the
Caledonian regions, whence savage clans and roving barbarians derived
the benefits of knowledge and the blessings of religion. Far from
me and from my friends be such a frigid philosophy as may conduct
us indifferent and unmoved over any ground which has been dignified
by wisdom, bravery, or virtue. That man is not to be envied whose
patriotism would not gain force upon the plain of Marathon, or whose
piety would not grow warmer among the ruins of Iona.” Dr Macculloch,
again, speaks of our country as owing a “deep debt of civilisation,
of letters, and of religion” to the same place. From that little
isle, lying grandly with its white brows of sand on the bosom of the
mighty Atlantic, learned men went forth twelve and thirteen hundred
years ago to Ireland, to England, and to many places on the Continent
of Europe, to found colleges and establish churches. Adamnan and Bede
testify that at that period Gaelic and Latin learning was cultivated
in “the Celtic colleges of Iona, Oransay, Ardchattan, Uist, Rowdill,
and Melrose,” and then and subsequently also in a score of other
academic centres of Gaelic learning and activity.
Towards the close of the eighteenth century, when translations of
Gaelic poetry brought the genius of the Celtic spirit in contact with
the intellectual forces of modern Europe, many who hitherto despised
our Gaelic literature, began to look into this neglected field. Lord
Bute, a Scot, with Gaelic sympathies, was Prime Minister then. The
extract to be immediately given from a letter by the distinguished
Lord Bannatyne, who, as Sheriff of Bute, and subsequently as Judge on
Circuit at Inveraray, became interested in Gaelic manuscripts, will
show the attention bestowed on the subject by men of position. Lord
Bannatyne used his influence to get the valuable Gaelic manuscripts
of Major Maclachlan of Kilbride in Argyllshire transferred to the
Highland Society, and in writing on the subject says:—“The result,
you know, was, that by means of the Rev. Francis Stuart, minister of
Craignish, I obtained confirmation of the fact that his family had
once possessed a very large collection, of which he had given two or
three to General Sir Adolphus Oughton and the late Sir James Foulis,
both of whom were Gaelic scholars, and that there still remained
above twenty in his possession.” Elsewhere we come across these and
other titled gentlemen acquiring knowledge of Gaelic over a hundred
years ago. It was the Earl of Eglintoun, with the approbation of
Boswell and Johnson, that inspired the publication of the _Gaelic
Analysis_ by Shaw, who describes the acquisition of the language
late in life by Sir James Foulis in the following terms:—“who, late
in advanced years, has learned to read and write it, and now drinks
of the Pierian spring untainted by reading fragments of poetry in
Fingal’s own language.” Shaw was delighted with the patronage which
his aristocratic friends bestowed on Gaelic. The following verses,
translated by Sir James, found a place in his Grammar:—
_CLAIDHEAMH_ GUTH-ULLIN, OR _The SWORD
of_ GUCHULLIN.
Chuir e an claidheamh, fada, fiorchruaidh,
Fulanach, tean, tainic, geur,
’So chean air a chuir ann gu socair,
Mar chuis mholta gan dochair lein,
’Se gu dirach, diasadach, dubh-ghorm,
’Se cultuidh, cumtadh, conolach,
Go leathan, liobhadh, liobharadh,
Go socair, sasdadh, so-bhuailte,
Air laimh-chli a’ ghaisgaich;
Gur aisaiche do naimhdan a sheachnadh,
No tachairt ris ’san am sin;
Cho bu lughe no cnoc sleibh,
Gach ceum a dheanadh an gaisgach.
TRANSLATION BY SIR JAMES FOULIS, BARONET.
He seized his sword, thick, broad, and long,
Well-forged, well-hammered, tempered strong,
Polished, of purest metal made,
Like lightning blazed the shining blade;
Jagged like a saw, it tore and hewed,
Inured to slaughter, blood-embrued;
Dire horror, and destructive fate,
On the full age attentive wait;
’Twas certain death its stroke to feel;
Strength-withering, life-devouring steel,
Even valiant foes, struck at the sight,
Durst hope no safety but by flight;
Their ranks wide-scattering all abroad
From hill to hill the hero strode.
[Illustration: (decorative end-of-chapter icon)]