In the Hadj of the year 1817, among the pilgrims collected at Mekka

from every part of the Mussulman world, was a party of Moggrebyns,

or western Africans, who were expected to return home as usual, by

the way of Cairo and the Fezzan; it was believed that the caravan

would take its departure from Egypt in the month of December. As

Mr. Burckhardt had now transmitted to England the last of his

papers relating to his former journeys, it was with the utmost

satisfaction, that he contemplated the prospect, which at length

so opportunely offered, of putting the great purpose of his mission

into execution. Feeling strongly armed, in his long previous course

of study and experience, he entertained hopes, not more sanguine,

than reasonable, of being able to penetrate in safety from Fezzan to

the countries of the Niger; and of at last receiving the reward of

his long perseverance, in the acquirement for the public of some

authentic information, upon the unknown regions of Africa. But

the Divine Providence ordained otherwise. On the 4th of October,

he found the symptoms of dysentery, which had for several days

incommoded him, so much encreased, that he applied for relief to

Dr. Richardson, an English physician, who fortunately happened

at that time to be at Cairo, travelling in the company of Lord

Belmore. Thus it is a satisfaction to know, that our lamented

traveller, in his last illness, had as good advice and assistance

as medicine could supply. The disease however, in spite of all the

remedies administered, continued its progress from bad to worse,

with fatal obstinacy, and without any favourable remission. On

the morning of the 15th, conscious of his danger, he proposed and

obtained the consent of his physician, that Mr. Salt, His Majesty’s

Consul General, should be sent for. “I went over immediately,”

says Mr. Salt, in a letter to the Secretary of the Association,

“and cannot describe how shocked I was, to see the change

which had taken place in so short a time. On the Tuesday before,

he had been walking in my garden with every appearance of health,

and conversing with his usual liveliness and vigour; now he could

scarcely articulate his words, often made use of one for another,

was of a ghastly hue, and had all the appearance of approaching

death. Yet he perfectly retained his senses, and was surprisingly

firm and collected. He desired that I would take pen and paper,

and write down what he should dictate. The following is nearly word

for word what he said: ‘If I should now die, I wish you to draw

upon Mr. Hamilton for two hundred and fifty pounds, for money due

to me from the Association, and together with what I have in the

hands of Mr. Boghoz, (two thousand piastres), ‘make the following

disposition of it. Pay up my share of the Memnon head,’ (this

he afterwards repeated, as if afraid that I should think he had

already contributed enough, as I had once hinted to him). ‘Give

two thousand piastres to Osman’ (an Englishman, whom at Shikh

Ibrahim’s[17] particular request, I had persuaded the Pasha to

release from slavery). ‘Give four hundred piastres to Shaharti my

servant. Let my male and female slaves, and whatever I have in the

house, which is little, go to Osman. Send one thousand piastres to

the poor at Zurich. Let my whole library, with the exception of my

European books, go to the University of Cambridge, to the care of

Dr. Clarke, the librarian; comprising also the manuscripts in the

hands of Sir Joseph Banks. My European books’ (they were only eight

in number) ‘I leave to you’ (Mr. Salt). ‘Of my papers make such

a selection as you think fit, and send them to Mr. Hamilton for the

African Association; there is nothing on Africa. I was starting in

two months time with the caravan returning from Mekka, and going

to Fezzan, thence to Tombuctou, but it is otherwise disposed. For

my affairs in Europe, Mr. Rapp has my will.[18] Give my love to my

friends,’ (enumerating several persons, with whom he was living

upon terms of intimacy at Cairo). ‘Write to Mr. Barker.’—(He

then paused, and seemed troubled, and at length with great exertion

said,) ‘Let Mr. Hamilton acquaint my mother with my death, and

say that my last thoughts have been with her.’ (This subject he

had evidently kept back, as not trusting himself with the mention

of it until the last). ‘The Turks,’ he added, ‘will take my

body, I know it, perhaps you had better let them.’—When I tell

you that he lived only six hours after this conversation, you will

easily conceive what an effort it must have been. The expression of

his countenance when he noticed his intended journey, was an evident

struggle between disappointed hopes, and manly resignation. Less

of the weakness of human nature was perhaps never exhibited upon

a death bed. Dr. Richardson and Osman, who has for some time

lived with him, were both present at this conversation. He ended

by expressing a wish that I should retire, and shook my hand at

parting as taking a final leave. So unhappily it proved; he died

at a quarter before twelve the same night, without a groan. The

funeral, as he desired, was Mohammedan, conducted with all proper

regard to the respectable rank which he had held in the eyes of

the natives. Upon this point I had no difficulty in deciding,

after his own expression on the subject. The Arabic manuscripts

for the University of Cambridge are in a large chest, and shall be

forwarded by the first safe opportunity, together with his papers,

which are few, and appear to be chiefly copies of what I believe

him to have already transmitted.”

To those who have perused the preceding extracts from

Mr. Burckhardt’s correspondence, it will be almost superfluous

to add any remarks upon his character. As a traveller, he possessed

talents and acquirements, which were rendered doubly useful, by his

qualities as a man. To the fortitude and ardour of mind, which had

stimulated him to devote his life to the advancement of science, in

the paths of geographical discovery, he joined a temper and prudence,

well calculated to ensure his triumph over every difficulty. His

liberality and high principles of honour, his admiration of those

generous qualities in others, his detestation of injustice and fraud,

his disinterestedness and keen sense of gratitude[19] were no less

remarkable, than his warmth of heart and active benevolence, which he

often exercised towards persons in distress, to the great prejudice

of his limited means. No stronger example can easily be given of

sensibility united with greatness of mind, than the feelings which he

evinced on his death bed, when his mother’s name, and the failure

of the great object of his travels, were the only subjects upon which

he could not speak without hesitation. By the African Association

his loss is severely felt, nor can they easily hope to supply the

place of one whom birth, education, genius, and industry, conspired

to render well adapted to whatever great enterprize his fortitude

and honourable ambition might have prompted him to undertake. The

strongest testimony of their approbation of his zealous services is

due from his employers, to their late regretted traveller; but it

is from the public and from posterity, that his memory will receive

its due reward of fame; for it cannot be doubted that his name will

be held in honourable remembrance, as long as any credit is given

to those who have fallen in the cause of science.

Although the journeys of Mr. Burckhardt in the parts of Africa,

to the southward of Egypt, together with the oral information

which he obtained, relative to the interior regions situated

to the westward of those countries, are the only parts of his

transmitted papers, which belong in strictness to the objects of

an Association for promoting the discovery of the interior parts of

Africa; yet his remarks upon several parts of Syria, the Holy Land,

and Arabia, are so replete with new and accurate information, that

the Association cannot think itself justified in withholding them

from the public. His travels in Nubia, and all his information upon

the north-eastern parts of Africa, have therefore been selected for

a first volume, and it is in the contemplation of the Association,

to continue the publication of his remarks upon the other countries

described by him, in the order of precedence to which they shall

appear to be entitled, by the novelty or importance of their matter.

There remains only one observation to be made by the member of the

Committee, upon whom has devolved the task of editing the present

volume. Although Mr. Burckhardt was gifted by nature with sagacity

and memory for making accurate observations, and with taste and

imagination to give a lively description of them, it must not be

forgotten, that he wrote in a language which was not his native

tongue, which he did not learn until he was twenty-five years of

age, and in the writing of which he had little exercise, until

he had arrived in those countries, where he very seldom heard it

spoken, and where he had still more rarely any opportunities of

referring to English models of composition. When, in addition to

these great disadvantages, it is considered that the journal which

forms the contents of this volume, was only once transcribed from his

collection of daily notes, and was written, as the traveller himself

states, in the corner of an open court, by the side of his camels,

under the influence of the hot winds of the Desert, and under the

sufferings of an ophthalmia, the reader will easily believe that

the Editor has found it necessary to make some alterations in the

diction of the original manuscript. Some changes of arrangement

have also been occasionally required, in order to bring together

dispersed observations upon the same subject, which, having been

noticed as they occurred, are, as usual in the first transcription

of a traveller’s journal, found in such a desultory and unconnected

state, as could not be agreeable to the reader. In these attempts of

the Editor to present the work to the public in a more perspicuous

form, it has at the same time been his most studious endeavour to

make as few changes as possible; for he would much rather expose

himself to the imputation of having left passages liable to be

criticized for inelegance and an idiom not English, than to that of

having, in the remotest manner, injured the spirit and originality

of the Author’s thoughts and expressions, by an ill-judged attempt

to polish or correct them.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: Bomba was a Greek colony under the name of

Plateia. It was the first possession of the Greeks on the coast of

Africa. (Herodot. 1. 4. c. 151.)]

[Footnote 2: This Tripoli is distinguished from the city of which

my fellow traveller is a native, by the appellation of Tarabolaus

fel Shark, or Tripoli of the East.]

[Footnote 3: This letter is addressed to Sir Joseph Banks.]

[Footnote 4: Another part of the nation of the Aenezy, who live

in the Nedjd, are faithful Wahabi, and their chief Ibn Haddali,

is the third in command and esteem amongst that sect.]

[Footnote 5: They have not been published, and it is feared the

greater part of his manuscripts are lost.]

[Footnote 6: No description of this journey of Mr. Burckhardt ever

reached the Association. His epistolary sketch of it was lost on

its way to England: and it seems probable, from the following

extract of a letter from Mr. Barker of Aleppo, to the editor,

(dated London, 4th September, 1819,) that no journal was ever

kept. _Extract._—“One hundred and twenty or one hundred and

fifty miles, below the ruins of Membigeh in the Zor, there is a tract

on the banks of the Euphrates, possessed by a tribe of very savage

Arabs. Not far from them is the village of Sukhne, at the distance

of five days from Aleppo, and of twelve hours from Palmyra, in the

road which Zenobia in her flight took to gain the Euphrates. The

people of Sukhne are sedentary Arabs, of a breed half Fellah and

half Bedouin. They bring to Aleppo alkali and ostrich feathers. It

was upon one of these visits of the Sheikh of Sukhne to Aleppo, that

Burckhardt, after some negotiation, resolved to accept the protection

of the Sheikh, who undertook, upon their arrival at his village,

to place him under the care of a Bedouin of influence, sufficient

to procure him a safe passage through the tribes of the country

which he wished to explore. Burckhardt had reason to be satisfied

both with the Sheikh of Sukhne and with the Arab whom he procured

as an escort, except that in the end, the protection of the latter

proved insufficient. The consequence was, that poor Burckhardt was

stript to the skin, and he returned to Sukhne, his body blistered

with the rays of the sun, and without having accomplished any of

the objects of his journey. It was in this excursion to the desert,

that Burckhardt had so hard a struggle with an Arab lady, who took

a fancy to the only garment which the delicacy or compassion of

the men had left him.”]

[Footnote 7: For these names see _Numbers,_ c. 21, 32.]

[Footnote 8: Twat is a country surrounded by the Great Desert,

in the road from Fezzan to Timbuctou.]

[Footnote 9: The Danish scientific mission to Arabia in the year

1761, consisted of five persons. Niebuhr was the only one who

returned to Copenhagen.]

[Footnote 10: The Bahr el Azrak, or Blue river, is called Bahr el

Akhdar by Makrizi, the Arabian historian.]

[Footnote 11: قُرنه, This word means “Corner,” as being

at the north-west angle of the mountain, where it takes a more

eastern direction.]

[Footnote 12: Pococke has led travellers into error by calling this

place Medinet Abou, “the city of the father.” If such had been

the meaning of the name, it would have been Medinet el Ab. But,

in fact, Habou was, according to tradition, an ancient king, of

whom many wonderful stories are told; and it is the firm belief of

the natives, that the object of the French expedition was to find

out the treasures of Habou. The Arabs, who inhabit Thebes and the

adjacent country, are originally Moggrebyns.]

[Footnote 13: Luxor is abbreviated from El Aksor (الاقصر),

an ancient plural of Qaszer (قصر), which is not to be confounded

with Kasser (كسر), a word meaning _ruins_ generally. I have added

the explanations of these names, because I believe them to be new,

and know them to be accurate. The present Memnonium is now called

Qaszer el Dekaky. Dekaky (دقاقي), the prince who is said to

have built it, had, according to tradition, the largest of the

broken colossi erected to his honour.]

[Footnote 14: Addressed to Mr. Hamilton.]

[Footnote 15: Terrick Hamilton, Esq. who has since published the

translation of a part of Osmay’s work.]

[Footnote 16: Addressed to Sir Joseph Banks.]

[Footnote 17: From the time of his departure from Aleppo,

Mr. Burckhardt had continued to pass by this name.]

[Footnote 18: This refers to a will made previous to his departure

from England, according to which, in case he had advanced into the

interior of Africa, and was not heard of by the 1st of January,

1820, he was to be considered as dead. By this will, after shewing

his gratitude to a relation, to whom he had been indebted while at

Leipzig, he appointed his mother residuary legatee for all sums

which might accrue to him, from his engagements with the African

Association.]

[Footnote 19: His present to the University of Cambridge, of the

choicest collection of Arabic manuscripts in Europe, was intended

as a mark of his gratitude, for the literary benefits, and the

kind attention which he received at Cambridge, when preparing

himself for his travels. Of his disregard of pecuniary matters,

and his generous feeling towards those who were dear to him, a

single example will be sufficient. His father having bequeathed

at his death about ten thousand pounds, to be divided into five

equal parts, one to his widow, and one to each of his children,

Lewis Burckhardt immediately gave up his portion, to increase that

of his mother. If, he said, I perish in my present undertaking,

the money will be where it ought to be; if I return to England,

my employers will undoubtedly find me some means of subsistence.]

[Illustration: BURCKHARDT’S TRAVELS.

_To face page 1_

Map _of the_ COURSE of the NILE _from ASSOUAN to

the Confines of DONGOLA._

This Map has been constructed solely from the Journals of

Mr. Burckhardt in the parts above Ibrim: below Seboua the bearings

of the windings of the River, as taken by Messrs. Legh and Smelt were

of some assistance. The Latitude and Longitude of Syene and Philæ

are certain, having been observed by the French Astronomer Nouet;

for the rest we are guided solely by bearings and distances: future

travellers therefore will contribute easily and essentially to the

correction of this part of African Geography, by a few observations

of Latitude on the parts of the Nile here delineated.

W. M. Leake.

It may be inferred from the account which Herodotus has given of

the Island Tachompso, the lake near it &c. that the Greeks had

very little correct information regarding the country above Syene,

for no such island or lake now exists, nor is there any appearance

or probability of its having ever existed.

The Greek Inscription on the temple of Debod copied by

Messrs. Hamilton and Leake in 1802 and another at Dakke, are the

only ones so old as the time of the Ptolemies: all the others are

of the Roman Empire & some of Christian Times.

The following are the names & distances of the anct. places above

Philæ, as given in the Itinerary of Antoninus

M. P.

From Contra Syene to Parembole 16

Tzitzi 2

Taphis 14

Talmis 8

Tutzis 20

Pselcis 12

Corte 4

Hyero-Sycaminon 4

The modern names Tafa and Korti and the relative distances of

the principal ruins leave little doubt of the Site of all the

above places. The entire District was called Dodescaschœnus by

the Greeks & Romans on account of its length. Making use of the

Thebaic Schœne of 60 Stades (Strabo L. 17. p. 804.) and taking

the English Mile at 8½ Stades, twelve Schœnes will be found to

correspond very accurately with the actual distance from Assouan

to Mahárraka measured along the stream.

The first accurate knowledge of the country beyond the Dodecaschœnus

seems to have been obtained by the military expedition commanded

by Petronius in the reign of Augustus.

Strabo, who travelled in Egypt shortly afterwards has left us

an authentic account of it. He describes the Æthiopians to have

been armed (nearly as the Bisharye now are) with shields, axes,

spears, and swords. Petronius having defeated them in the field, took

Pselca, and from thence, having crossed the sands, which in a more

remote age had proved fatal to Cambyses, he advanced to Premnis,

a strong position. He then marched against Napata, the capital

of Queen Candace, took and destroyed it, and returning to Premnis

fortified that place. Here the Roman Garrison was soon attacked by

Candace, and opportunely relieved by Petronius. Pliny speaking of

these occurrences says “Oppida expugnavit (Petronius) quæ sola

invenerat, quo dicemus ordine, Pselcin, Primin, Aboccin, Phthurin,

Cambusin, Attenan, Stadisin, ubi Nilus præcipitans sese fragore

auditum accolis aufert. Diripuit et Napata. Longissimi a Syene

progressus 870 M. Passus.”

Pliny also gives the distance from Syene to Meroe, as reported

by some ~exploratores~ sent there expressly by Nero, but among

the names there are only two of the places above mentioned,

viz. Hierosycaminon, 54 M. P. and Napata 524 M. P. from

Syene. Little illustration is derived from Ptolemy, who names some

of the places mentioned by Pliny but not in the same order. On the

Western bank above Pselcis, he has Phthur, Abuncis, and Cambysis

Ærarium.

_W. M. L. delt._

_Published as the Act directs, 1st Decr, 1819, by John Murray

Albemarle Street London._

_J. Walker Sculpt._]

JOURNEY

ALONG

THE BANKS OF THE NILE.

FROM ASSOUAN TO MAHASS, ON THE FRONTIERS OF

DONGOLA.

* * * * *

After having visited most of the celebrated ruins in the valley of

the Nile, I arrived at Assouan on the 22d of February, 1813, being

actuated by a strong desire of continuing my journey up the river, as

far as I should be able to do it, without exposing myself to imminent

danger. During a week’s stay at Esne, the last town of note in

Upper Egypt, I had collected a good deal of information concerning

the state of Nubia, and had taken my measures accordingly. Amongst

other arrangements, it became necessary for me to purchase a pair of

good dromedaries, one for myself, and another for the guides, whom I

might hire at the several places I should pass through in Nubia;[1]

I therefore sold the two asses, which had carried me from Cairo to

Esne, and bought, for about 22_l._, two dromedaries which proved upon

trial, to be excellent animals; for during a journey of thirty-five

days, from Assouan to Mahass, and back again, I allowed them only

one day’s rest, and generally rode them ten hours per day. There

is a market for camels in Esne, famous all over Egypt, from being

frequented by the Arabs Bisharye and Ababde, who possess the best

breed of camels in these parts of Africa. The Turkish governor of

Esne, Hassan Beg, a native of Cyprus, furnished me, at my request,

with a strong letter of recommendation to the three brothers, sons

of Soleyman Kashef, who at present govern Nubia: and it was hoped

that the increasing power of Mohammed Aly, the Pasha of Egypt,

would render such a letter from one of his principal officers,

of some weight. I had, besides, a firman from the Pasha himself,

but as it was written in Turkish, which nobody reads in Nubia, and

of a general nature, I placed little reliance upon it, further than

as it contained among other names, those of the castle of Ibrim,

and of its governor, which might be distinguished even by an Arab

reader. The letter upon which I principally founded my hopes of

success, was from the house of Habater, the principal merchants

in Esne, to whom I had been recommended by a friend at Cairo. The

Habater have almost monopolized the Nubian trade in dates; they

act as the chargés d’affaires of the Nubian princes in all

their political transactions with Egypt, and being also Sherifs,

or descendants of the Prophet, and men of large fortunes, they enjoy

great credit, and their recommendation may be useful to travellers

and merchants in the whole route up the Nile, as far as Sennaar.

After an easy journey of four days from Esne, I reached Assouan, the

most romantic spot in Egypt, but little deserving the lofty praises

which some travellers have bestowed on it for its antiquities,

and those of the neighbouring island of Elephantine. Hassan Beg, of

Esne, had given me a letter to the Aga of Assouan, to whom I applied

for a guide to conduct me as far as Derr, where Hassan Kashef,

one of the Nubian chiefs, resides: an old Arab, a native of Nubia,

was soon found for this purpose, and after bargaining a long while,

I at last agreed to give him one Spanish dollar for his services

to Derr, which was considered an ample payment for a journey of

140 miles. I left at Assouan my servant, with the little baggage I

had; and after purchasing some provisions, started, with my guide,

on the 24th of February, carrying nothing with me but my gun,

sabre, and pistol, a provision bag, and a woollen mantle (Heram)

of Moggrebyn manufacture, which served either for a carpet, or a

covering during the night. I was dressed in the Thabaut, or blue

gown, of the merchants of Upper Egypt, having quitted my common

Turkish travelling dress at Esne. After estimating the expenses

which I was likely to incur in Nubia, I put eight Spanish dollars

into my purse, in conformity with the principle I have constantly

acted upon during my travels, namely, that the less the traveller

spends while on his march, and the less money he carries with him,

the less likely are his travelling projects to miscarry. After

a journey of 450 miles up the Nile, from Assouan, and the same

distance down again, I returned with three dollars, having spent

about five dollars, including every expense, except the present to

Hassan Kashef.[2] This must not be attributed to parsimony; I mention

it here as a part of my plan of travelling, and by way of advice to

all travellers who visit unknown and dangerous countries in the East.

_February 24th,_ 1813. I left Assouan at noon, and proceeded by

the tombs of the ancient Saracen town of Assouan, on the east side

of the hill where the French under Desaix raised a bastion. A high

brick tower, dedicated to the memory of the Turkish saint, Shikh

Wanes (شيخ وانس), stands near it. The Turkish sepulchres

cover a space of nearly three miles in circumference. Here a

great number of highly esteemed saints are buried, whose tombs are

visited by devotees from all parts of Egypt. The Cufic tombstones are

innumerable, but the inscriptions upon them are not of a remote date:

and the letters are badly shaped. Makrizi, the Egyptian historian,

relates, that in the year 806 of the Mohammedan æra, 21,000 persons

died of the plague at Assouan; a fact by which we may estimate the

importance of the town in those times. About one mile distant from

the tombs begins the brick wall mentioned by Denon, called Hayt

el Adjour (حيط العجور), which continues along the sandy

plain between the granite rocks, as far as the neighbourhood of the

island of Philæ. The inhabitants say that this wall was built by

a king of the name of Adjour. I think it was intended as a defence

against the inroads of the Bedouins of the eastern mountain, at the

time when a brisk overland transport trade existed between Philæ

and Syene. The natives say that it was originally the embankment

of a canal; and Norden is of opinion that in ancient times, the

bed of the Nile was on this side. But this seems impossible, as the

ground evidently rises from Philæ towards Assouan. On the granite

rocks along the road, hieroglyphic inscriptions are met with, which

increase in numbers as we approach the island. There are also some

illegible Greek inscriptions, which probably once recorded the names

of curious Greek travellers. There is another and longer road from

Assouan to Philæ, along the side of the river, by the Cataract.

After riding about four miles from Assouan, we reached an open

plain, free from rocks, on the west side of which the river flows:

here the ruins of the island of Philæ (انَس الوجود),

Anas el Wodjoud[3]) presented themselves to my view. As there was

no vessel at hand to convey me over to the island, and knowing

that I should pass this way on my return to Assouan, I did not stop

any longer than was necessary to look at the granite rocks, on the

banks of the river, where the famous seat, of which many travellers

have given drawings, principally attracts notice. The small village

opposite Philæ is called Birbe, and is the boundary of Egypt. The

different hamlets, from hence down the river, as far as Assouan,

form part of the territory of Birbe; which, in consequence of old

firmans from the Porte, enjoys an entire exemption from all kinds

of land tax. On the south side of Birbe commences the territory

of the Nubian princes, to which Philæ belongs. The natives, in

the invirons of the Cataract, are an independent race, and boast

of the security which the nature of the ground affords to their

homes; many of them inhabit the islands, and support their families

principally by fishing in the river.

Travels in Nubia · 第 10 / 55 段