PHYSICIANS.
If we now turn to the medical talent which encountered the “Great
Mortality,” the middle ages must stand excused, since even the
moderns are of opinion that the art of medicine is not able to cope
with the Oriental plague, and can afford deliverance from it only
under particularly favorable circumstances.[155] We must bear in mind
also, that human science and art, appear particularly weak in great
pestilences, because they have to contend with the powers of nature, of
which they have no knowledge; and which, if they had been, or could be
comprehended in their collective effects, would remain uncontrollable
by them, principally on account of the disordered condition of human
society. Moreover, every new plague has its peculiarities, which are
the less easily discovered on first view, because, during its ravages,
fear and consternation humble the proud spirit.
[155] “Curationem omnem respuit pestis confirmata.”--_Chalin_, p. 33.
The physicians of the 14th century, during the Black Death, did what
human intellect could do in the actual condition of the healing art;
and their knowledge of the disease was by no means despicable. They,
like the rest of mankind, have indulged in prejudices, and defended
them, perhaps, with too much obstinacy: some of these, however, were
founded in the mode of thinking of the age, and passed current in those
days, as established truths: others continue to exist to the present
hour.
Their successors in the 19th century, ought not therefore to vaunt
too highly the pre-eminence of their knowledge, for they too will be
subjected to the severe judgment of posterity--they too, will, with
reason, be accused of human weakness and want of foresight.
The medical faculty of Paris, the most celebrated of the 14th century,
were commissioned to deliver their opinion on the causes of the Black
Plague, together with some appropriate regulations with regard to
living, during its prevalence. This document is sufficiently remarkable
to find a place here.
“We, the Members of the College of Physicians, of Paris, have, after
mature consideration and consultation on the present mortality,
collected the advice of our old masters in the art, and intend to make
known the causes of this pestilence, more clearly than could be done
according to the rules and principles of astrology and natural science;
we, therefore, declare as follows:--
“It is known that in India, and the vicinity of the Great Sea, the
constellations which combated the rays of the sun, and the warmth of
the heavenly fire, exerted their power especially against that sea, and
struggled violently with its waters. Hence, vapours often originate
which envelope the sun, and convert his light into darkness. These
vapours alternately rose and fell for twenty-eight days; but at last,
sun and fire acted so powerfully upon the sea, that they attracted a
great portion of it to themselves, and the waters of the ocean arose
in the form of vapour; thereby the waters were in some parts, so
corrupted, that the fish which they contained, died. These corrupted
waters, however, the heat of the sun could not consume, neither could
other wholesome water, hail or snow, and dew, originate therefrom. On
the contrary, this vapour spread itself through the air in many places
on the earth, and enveloped them in fog.
“Such was the case all over Arabia, in a part of India; in Crete; in
the plains and valleys of Macedonia; in Hungary; Albania and Sicily.
Should the same thing occur in Sardinia, not a man will be left alive;
and the like will continue, so long as the sun remains in the sign
of Leo, on all the islands and adjoining countries to which this
corrupted sea-wind extends, or has already extended from India. If the
inhabitants of those parts do not employ and adhere to the following,
or similar means and precepts, we announce to them inevitable
death--except the grace of Christ preserve their lives.
“We are of opinion, that the constellations, with the aid of Nature,
strive, by virtue of their divine might, to protect and heal the human
race; and to this end, in union with the rays of the sun, acting
through the power of fire, endeavour to break through the mist.
Accordingly, within the next ten days, and until the 17th of the
ensuing month of July, this mist will be converted into a stinking
deleterious rain, whereby the air will be much purified. Now, as soon
as this rain announces itself, by thunder or hail, every one of you
should protect himself from the air; and, as well before as after the
rain, kindle a large fire of vine-wood, green laurel, or other green
wood; wormwood and chamomile should also be burnt in great quantity in
the market places, in other densely inhabited localities, and in the
houses. Until the earth is again completely dry, and for three days
afterwards, no one ought to go abroad in the fields. During this time
the diet should be simple, and people should be cautious in avoiding
exposure in the cool of the evening, at night, and in the morning.
Poultry and water-fowl, young pork, old beef, and fat meat, in general,
should not be eaten; but on the contrary, meat of a proper age, of
a warm and dry nature, by no means, however, heating and exciting.
Broth should be taken, seasoned with ground pepper, ginger and cloves,
especially by those who are accustomed to live temperately, and
are yet choice in their diet. Sleep in the day-time is detrimental;
it should be taken at night until sun-rise, or somewhat longer. At
breakfast, one should drink little; supper should be taken an hour
before sun-set, when more may be drunk than in the morning. Clear
light wine, mixed with a fifth or sixth part of water, should be used
as a beverage. Dried or fresh fruits with wine are not injurious; but
highly so without it. Beet-root and other vegetables, whether eaten
pickled or fresh, are hurtful; on the contrary, spicy pot-herbs, as
sage or rosemary, are wholesome. Cold, moist, watery food is, in
general, prejudicial. Going out at night, and even until three o’clock
in the morning, is dangerous, on account of the dew. Only small
river fish should be used. Too much exercise is hurtful. The body
should be kept warmer than usual, and thus protected from moisture
and cold. Rain-water must not be employed in cooking, and every one
should guard against exposure to wet weather. If it rain, a little
fine treacle should be taken after dinner. Fat people should not sit
in the sunshine. Good clear wine should be selected and drunk often,
but in small quantities, by day. Olive oil, as an article of food,
is fatal. Equally injurious are fasting or excessive abstemiousness,
anxiety of mind, anger, and excessive drinking. Young people, in autumn
especially, must abstain from all these things, if they do not wish to
run a risk of dying of dysentery. In order to keep the body properly
open, an enema, or some other simple means, should be employed, when
necessary. Bathing is injurious. Men must preserve chastity as they
value their lives. Every one should impress this on his recollection,
but especially those who reside on the coast, or upon an island into
which the noxious wind has penetrated.”[156]
[156] _Jacob._ _Francischini de Ambrosiis._ In the Appendix to the
Istorie Pistolesi. _Muratori_, Tom. XI. p. 528.
On what occasion these strange precepts were delivered can no longer
be ascertained, even if it were an object to know it. It must be
acknowledged, however, that they do not redound to the credit either
of the faculty of Paris, or of the 14th century in general. This
famous faculty found themselves under the painful necessity of being
wise at command, and of firing a point blank shot of erudition at an
enemy who enveloped himself in a dark mist, of the nature of which
they had no conception. In concealing their ignorance by authoritative
assertions, they suffered themselves, therefore, to be misled; and
while endeavouring to appear to the world with eclat, only betrayed to
the intelligent their lamentable weakness. Now some might suppose, that
in the condition of the sciences in the 14th century, no intelligent
physicians existed; but this is altogether at variance with the laws
of human advancement, and is contradicted by history. The real
knowledge of an age, is only shown in the archives of its literature.
Men of talent here alone deposit the results of their experience and
reflection, without vanity or a selfish object:--here alone the genius
of truth speaks audibly. There is no ground for believing that, in the
14th century, men of this kind were publicly questioned regarding their
views; and it is, therefore, the more necessary that impartial history
should take up their cause and do justice to their merits.
The first notice on this subject is due to a very celebrated teacher
in Perugia, Gentilis of Foligno, who, on the 18th of June, 1348,
fell a sacrifice to the plague, in the faithful discharge of his
duty.[157] Attached to Arabian doctrines, and to the universally
respected Galen, he, in common with all his contemporaries, believed
in a putrid corruption of the blood in the lungs and in the heart,
which was occasioned by the pestilential atmosphere, and was forthwith
communicated to the whole body. He thought, therefore, that everything
depended upon a sufficient purification of the air, by means of large
blazing fires of odoriferous wood, in the vicinity of the healthy, as
well as of the sick, and also upon an appropriate manner of living;
so that the putridity might not overpower the diseased. In conformity
with notions derived from the ancients, he depended upon bleeding
and purging, at the commencement of the attack, for the purpose of
purification; ordered the healthy to wash themselves frequently with
vinegar or wine, to sprinkle their dwellings with vinegar, and to
smell often to camphor, or other volatile substances. Hereupon he
gave, after the Arabian fashion, detailed rules, with an abundance of
different medicines, of whose healing powers wonderful things were
believed. He laid little stress upon super-lunar influences, so far as
respected the malady itself; on which account, he did not enter into
the great controversies of the astrologers, but always kept in view,
as an object of medical attention, the corruption of the blood in the
lungs and heart. He believed in a progressive infection from country
to country, according to the notions of the present day; and the
contagious power of the disease, even in the vicinity of those affected
by plague, was, in his opinion, beyond all doubt.[158] On this point,
intelligent contemporaries were all agreed; and in truth, it required
no great genius to be convinced of so palpable a fact. Besides,
correct notions of contagion have descended from remote antiquity, and
were maintained unchanged in the 14th century.[159] So far back as
the age of Plato, a knowledge of the contagious power of malignant
inflammations of the eye, of which also no physician of the middle ages
entertained a doubt,[160] was general among the people;[161] yet, in
modern times, surgeons have filled volumes with partial controversies
on this subject. The whole language of antiquity has adapted itself to
the notions of the people, respecting the contagion of pestilential
diseases; and their terms were, beyond comparison, more expressive than
those in use among the moderns.[162]
[157] _Gentilis de Fulgineo_, Consilia. De Peste cons. I. II. fol.
76. 77. Venet. 1514. fol.
[158] “Venenosa putredo circa partes cordis et pulmonis de quibus
exeunte venenoso vapore, periculum est in vicinitatibus.” Cons. I.
fol. 76, a.
[159] _Dr. Maclean’s_ notion that the doctrine of contagion was first
promulgated in the year 1547, by Pope Paul III. &c., thus falls to
the ground, together with all the arguments founded on it.--See
_Maclean_ on Epid. and Pestilent. Diseases, 8vo. 1817, Pt. II. Book
II. ch. 3. 4.--_Transl. note._
[160] Lippitudo contagione spectantium oculos afficit.--_Chalin de
Vinario_, p. 149.
[161] See the Author’s Geschichte der Heilkunde, Vol. II. P. III.
[162] Compare _Marx_, Origines contagii. Caroliruh. et Bad. 1824. 8.
Arrangements for the protection of the healthy against contagious
diseases, the necessity of which is shewn from these notions, were
regarded by the ancients as useful; and by many, whose circumstances
permitted it, were carried into effect in their houses. Even a total
separation of the sick from the healthy, that indispensable means of
protection against infection by contact, was proposed by physicians
of the 2nd century after Christ, in order to check the spreading of
leprosy. But it was decidedly opposed, because, as it was alleged,
the healing art ought not to be guilty of such harshness.[163] This
mildness of the ancients, in whose manner of thinking inhumanity was
so often and so undisguisedly conspicuous, might excite surprise, if
it were anything more than apparent. The true ground of the neglect of
public protection against pestilential diseases, lay in the general
notion and constitution of human society,--it lay in the disregard of
human life, of which the great nations of antiquity have given proofs
in every page of their history. Let it not be supposed that they wanted
knowledge respecting the propagation of contagious diseases. On the
contrary, they were as well informed on this subject as the moderns;
but this was shewn where individual property, not where human life,
on the grand scale, was to be protected. Hence the ancients made a
general practice of arresting the progress of murrains among cattle,
by a separation of the diseased from the healthy. Their herds alone
enjoyed that protection which they held it impracticable to extend
to human society, because they had no wish to do so.[164] That the
governments in the 14th century, were not yet so far advanced, as
to put into practice general regulations for checking the plague,
needs no especial proof. Physicians could, therefore, only advise
public purifications of the air by means of large fires, as had often
been practised in ancient times; and they were obliged to leave it
to individual families, either to seek safety in flight, or to shut
themselves up in their dwellings,[165] a method which answers in common
plagues, but which here afforded no complete security, because such was
the fury of the disease when it was at its height, that the atmosphere
of whole cities was penetrated by the infection.
[163] _Cael. Aurelian._ Chron. L. IV. c. l. p. 497. _Ed. Amman._ “Sed
hi ægrotantem destituendum magis imperant, quam curandum, quod a se
alienum humanitas approbat medicinæ.”
[164] _Geschichte der Heilkunde_, Vol. II. p. 248.
[165] _Chalin_ assures us expressly, that many nunneries, by closing
their gates, remained free from the contagion. It is worthy of
note, and quite in conformity with the prevailing notions, that the
continuance in a thick, moist atmosphere, was generally esteemed
more advantageous and conservative, on account of its being more
impenetrable to the astral influence, inasmuch as the inferior cause
kept off the superior.--_Chalin_, p. 48.
Of the astral influence which was considered to have originated the
“Great Mortality,” physicians and learned men were as completely
convinced as of the fact of its reality. A grand conjunction of the
three superior planets, Saturn, Jupiter and Mars, in the sign of
Aquarius, which took place according to Guy de Chauliac, on the 24th
of March, 1345, was generally received as its principal cause. In
fixing the day, this physician, who was deeply versed in astrology,
did not agree with others; whereupon there arose various disputations,
of weight in that age, but of none in ours; people, however, agreed
in this--that conjunctions of the planets infallibly prognosticated
great events; great revolutions of kingdoms, new prophets, destructive
plagues, and other occurrences which bring distress and horror on
mankind. No medical author of the 14th and 15th century, omits an
opportunity of representing them as among the general prognostics of
great plagues; nor can we, for our parts, regard the astrology of
the middle ages, as a mere offspring of superstition. It has not
only, in common with all ideas which inspire and guide mankind, a
high historical importance, entirely independent of its error or
truth--for the influence of both is equally powerful--but there are
also contained in it, as in alchymy, grand thoughts of antiquity, of
which modern natural philosophy is so little ashamed that she claims
them as her property. Foremost among these, is the idea of the general
life which diffuses itself throughout the whole universe, expressed by
the greatest Greek sages, and transmitted to the middle ages, through
the new Platonic natural philosophy. To this impression of an universal
organism, the assumption of a reciprocal influence of terrestrial
bodies could not be foreign,[166] nor did this cease to correspond with
a higher view of nature, until astrologers overstepped the limits of
human knowledge with frivolous and mystical calculations.
[166] This was called _Affluxus_, or _Forma specifica_, and was
compared to the effect of a magnet on iron, and of amber on
chaff.--_Chalin de Vinario_, p. 23.
Guy de Chauliac, considers the influence of the conjunction, which was
held to be all-potent, as the chief general cause of the Black Plague;
the diseased state of bodies, the corruption of the fluids, debility,
obstruction, and so forth, as the especial subordinate causes.[167]
By these, according to his opinion, the quality of the air, and of
the other elements, was so altered, that they set poisonous fluids
in motion towards the inward parts of the body, in the same manner
as the magnet attracts iron; whence there arose in the commencement
fever and the spitting of blood; afterwards, however, a deposition
in the form of glandular swellings and inflammatory boils. Herein
the notion of an epidemic constitution was set forth, clearly and
conformably, to the spirit of the age. Of contagion, Guy de Chauliac
was completely convinced. He sought to protect himself against it by
the usual means;[168] and it was probably he who advised Pope Clement
VI. to shut himself up while the plague lasted. The preservation of
this pope’s life, however, was most beneficial to the city of Avignon,
for he loaded the poor with judicious acts of kindness,--took care to
have proper attendants provided, and paid physicians himself to afford
assistance wherever human aid could avail; an advantage which, perhaps,
no other city enjoyed.[169] Nor was the treatment of plague patients
in Avignon by any means objectionable; for, after the usual depletions
by bleeding and aperients, where circumstances required them, they
endeavoured to bring the buboes to suppuration; they made incisions
into the inflammatory boils, or burned them with a red-hot iron, a
practice which at all times proves salutary, and in the Black Plague
saved many lives. In this city, the Jews, who lived in a state of the
greatest filth, were most severely visited, as also the Spaniards, whom
Chalin accuses of great intemperance.[170]
[167] Causa universalis agens--causa particularis patiens. To this
correspond, in _Chalin_, the expressions Causa superior et inferior.
[168] Purging with alöetic pills; bleeding; purification of the air
by means of large fires; the use of treacle; frequent smelling to
volatile substances, of which certain “poma,” were prepared; the
internal use of Armenian bole,--a plague-remedy derived from the
Arabians, and, throughout the middle ages, much in vogue, and very
improperly used; and the employment of acescent food, in order to
resist putridity. _Guy de Chauliac_ appears to have recommended
flight to many. Loc. citat. p. 115. Compare _Chalin_, L. II. who
gives most excellent precepts on this subject.
[169] _Auger. de Biterris._ Loc. cit.
[170] L. I. c. 4. p. 39.
Still more distinct notions on the causes of the plague were stated to
his contemporaries in the 14th century, by Galeazzo di Santa Sofia, a
learned man, a native of Padua, who likewise treated plague-patients
at Vienna,[171] though in what year is undetermined. He distinguishes
carefully _pestilence_ from _epidemie_ and _endemie_. The common
notion of the two first accords exactly with that of an epidemic
constitution, for both consist, according to him, in an unknown change
or corruption of the air; with this difference, that _pestilence_
calls forth diseases of different kinds; _epidemie_, on the contrary,
always the same disease. As an example of an _epidemie_, he adduces
a cough (influenza) which was observed in all climates at the same
time, without perceptible cause; but he recognized the approach
of a _pestilence_, independently of unusual natural phenomena, by
the more frequent occurrence of various kinds of fever, to which
the modern physicians would assign a nervous and putrid character.
The _endemie_ originates, according to him, only in local telluric
changes--in deleterious influences which develope themselves in the
earth and in the water, without a corruption of the air. These notions
were variously jumbled together in his time, like everything which
human understanding separates by too fine a line of limitation.
The estimation of cosmical influences, however, in the _epidemie_
and _pestilence_, is well worthy of commendation; and Santa Sofia,
in this respect, not only agrees with the most intelligent persons
of the 14th and 15th centuries, but he has also promulgated an
opinion which must, even now, serve as a foundation for our scarcely
commenced investigations into cosmical influences.[172] _Pestilence_
and _epidemie_, consist, not in alterations of the four primary
qualities,[173] but in a corruption of the air, powerful, though quite
immaterial, and not cognoscible by the senses: (corruptio aëris non
substantialis, sed qualitativa) in a disproportion of the imponderables
in the atmosphere, as it would be expressed by the moderns.[174] The
causes of the _pestilence_ and _epidemie_ are, first of all, astral
influences, especially on occasion of planetary conjunctions; then
extensive putrefaction of animal and vegetable bodies, and terrestrial
corruptions (corruptio in terra); to which also, bad diet and want may
contribute. Santa Sofia considers the putrefaction of locusts, that had
perished in the sea, and were again thrown up, combined with astral and
terrestrial influences, as the cause of the pestilence in the eventful
year of the “Great Mortality.”
[171] Fol. 32. a. a. O.
[172] _Galeacii de Sancta Sophia_, Liber de Febribus. Venet. 1514,
fol. (Printed together with _Guilelmus Brixiensis_, _Marsilius de
Sancta Sophia_, _Ricardus Parisiensis_. fol. 29. seq.)
[173] Warmth, cold, dryness and moisture.
[174] The talented _Chalin_ entertains the same conviction, “Obscurum
interdum esse vitium aëris, sub pestis initia et menses primos, hoc
est argumento: _quod cum nec odore tetro gravis, nec turpi colore
fœdatus fuerit, sed purus, tenuis, frigidus, qualis in montosis et
asperis locis esse solet, et tranquillus, vehementissima sit tamen
pestilentia infestaque_, etc.” p. 28. The most recent observers of
malaria have stated nothing more than this.
All the fevers which were called forth by the _pestilence_, are,
according to him, of the putrid kind; for they originate principally
from putridity of the heart’s blood, which inevitably follows the
inhalation of infected air. The Oriental Plague is, sometimes, but by
no means always, occasioned by _pestilence_ (?), which imparts to it
a character (qualitas occulta) hostile to human nature. It originates
frequently from other causes, among which, this physician was aware
that contagion was to be reckoned; and it deserves to be remarked, that
he held epidemic small-pox and measles to be infallible forerunners of
the plague, as do the physicians and people of the East[175] at the
present day.
[175] Compare _Enr. di Wolmar_, Abhandlung über die Pest. Berlin,
1827. 8vo.
In the exposition of his therapeutical views of the plague, a clearness
of intellect is again shewn by Santa Sofia, which reflects credit on
the age. It seemed to him to depend, 1st, on an evacuation of putrid
matters, by purgatives and bleeding: yet he did not sanction the
employment of these means indiscriminately, and without consideration;
least of all where the condition of the blood was healthy. He also
declared himself decidedly against bleeding ad deliquium (venæ sectio
eradicativa). 2d, Strengthening of the heart and prevention of
putrescence. 3d, Appropriate regimen. 4th, Improvement of the air.
5th, Appropriate treatment of tumid glands and inflammatory boils,
with emollient, or even stimulating poultices (mustard, lily-bulbs),
as well as with red-hot gold and iron. Lastly, 6th, Attention to
prominent symptoms. The stores of the Arabian pharmacy, which he
brought into action to meet all these indications, were indeed very
considerable; it is to be observed, however, that, for the most part,
gentle means were accumulated, which in case of abuse, would do no
harm; for the character of the Arabian system of medicine, whose
principles were everywhere followed at this time, was mildness and
caution. On this account too, we cannot believe that a very prolix
treatise by Marsigli di Santa Sofia,[176] a contemporary relative of
Galeazzo, on the prevention and treatment of plague, can have caused
much harm, although, perhaps, even in the 14th century, an agreeable
latitude and confident assertions respecting things which no mortal
has investigated, or which it is quite a matter of indifference to
distinguish, were considered as proofs of a valuable practical talent.
[176] Tractatus de Febribus, fol. 48.
The agreement of contemporary and later writers, shews that the
published views of the most celebrated physicians of the 14th century,
were those generally adopted. Among these, Chalin de Vinario is
the most experienced. Though devoted to astrology, still more than
his distinguished contemporary, he acknowledges the great power of
terrestrial influences, and expresses himself very sensibly on the
indisputable doctrine of contagion, endeavouring thereby to apologize
for many surgeons and physicians of his time, who neglected their
duty.[177] He asserted boldly, and with truth, “_that all epidemic
diseases might become contagious,[178] and all fevers epidemic_,”
which attentive observers of all subsequent ages have confirmed.
[177] De Peste Liber, pura latinitate donatus a _Jacobo Dalechampio_,
Lugdun. 1552. 16. p. 40. 188. “Longe tamen plurimi congressu eorum
qui fuerunt in locis pestilentibus periclitantur et gravissime,
quoniam e causa duplici, nempe et aëris vitio, et eorum qui versantur
nobiscum, vitio. _Hoc itaque modo fit, ut unius accessu in totam modo
familiam, modo civitatem, modo villam, pestis invehatur._” Compare
p. 20, “Solæ privatorum aedes pestem sentiunt, _si adeat qui in
pestilenti loco versatus est_.”--“Nobis proximi ipsi sumus, nemoque
est tanta occœcatus amentia, qui de sua salute potius quam aliorum
sollicitus non sit, maxime in contagione tam cita et rapida.” Rather
a loose principle, which might greatly encourage low sentiments, and
much endanger the honor of the medical profession, but which, in
_Chalin_, who was aware of the impossibility of avoiding contagion in
uncleanly dwellings, is so far excusable, that he did not apply it to
himself.
[178] Morbos omnes pestilentes contagiosos, audacter ego equidem
pronuntio et assevero, p. 149.
He delivered his sentiments on blood-letting with sagacity, as an
experienced physician; yet he was unable, as may be imagined, to
moderate the desire for bleeding shewn by the ignorant monks. He was
averse to draw blood from the veins of patients under fourteen years
of age; but counteracted inflammatory excitement in them by cupping;
and endeavoured to moderate the inflammation of the tumid glands by
leeches.[179] Most of those who were bled, died; he therefore reserved
this remedy for the plethoric; especially for the papal courtiers,
and the hypocritical priests, whom he saw gratifying their sensual
desires, and imitating Epicurus, whilst they pompously pretended to
follow Christ.[180] He recommended burning the boils with a red-hot
iron, only in the plague without fever, which occurred in single
cases;[181] and was always ready to correct those over-hasty surgeons,
who, with fire and violent remedies, did irremediable injury to their
patients,[182] Michael Savonarola, professor in Ferrara (1462),
reasoning on the susceptibility of the human frame to the influence of
pestilential infection, as the cause of such various modifications of
disease, expresses himself as a modern physician would on this point;
and an adoption of the principle of contagion, was the foundation of
his definition of the plague.[183] No less worthy of observation are
the views of the celebrated Valescus of Taranta, who, during the final
visitation of the Black Death, in 1382, practised as a physician at
Montpellier, and handed down to posterity what has been repeated in
innumerable treatises on plague, which were written during the 15th and
16th centuries.[184]
[179] Vide preceding note, p. 162. 163.
[180] Ibid. p. 97. 166. “Qualis (vita) esse solet eorum, qui
sacerdotiorum et cultus divini prætextu, genio plus satis indulgent
et obsequuntur, ac Christum speciosis titulis ementientes, Epicurum
imitantur.” Certainly a remarkable freedom of sentiment for the 14th
century.
[181] Ibid. p. 183. 151.
[182] Ibid. p. 159. 189.
[183] Canonica de Febribus, ad Raynerium Siculum, 1487, s. l.,
cap. 10, sine pag. “Febris pestilentialis est febris contagiosa ex
ebullitione putrefactiva in altero quatuor humorum cordi propinquorum
principaliter.”
[184] _Valesci de Tharanta_, Philonium. Lugdani, 1535. 8. L. VII.,
c. 18., fol. 401., b. seq.--Compare _Astruc_, Mémoires pour servir à
l’Histoire de la Faculté de Médicine de Montpellier, Paris, 1767. 4.
p. 208.
Of all these notions and views regarding the plague, whose development
we have represented, there are two especially, which are prominent in
historical importance:--1st, The opinion of learned physicians, that
the _pestilence_, or epidemic constitution, is the _parent of various
kinds of disease_; that the plague sometimes, indeed, but by no means
always, originates from it: that, to speak in the language of the
moderns, _the pestilence_ bears the same relation to contagion, that a
predisposing cause does to an occasional cause: and 2dly, the universal
conviction of the contagious power of that disease.
Contagion gradually attracted more notice: it was thought that in it,
the most powerful occasional cause might be avoided; the possibility of
protecting whole cities by separation, became gradually more evident;
and so horrifying was the recollection of the eventful year of the
“_Great Mortality_,” that before the close of the 14th century, ere
the ill effects of the Black Plague had ceased, nations endeavoured to
guard against the return of this enemy, by an earnest and effectual
defence.
The first regulation which was issued for this purpose, originated
with Viscount Bernabo, and is dated the 17th Jan. 1374. “Every plague
patient was to be taken out of the city into the fields, there to
die or to recover. Those who attended upon a plague patient, were
to remain apart for ten days, before they again associated with any
body. The priests were to examine the diseased, and point out to
special commissioners, the persons infected; under punishment of
the confiscation of their goods, and of being burned alive. Whoever
imported the plague, the state condemned his goods to confiscation.
Finally, none except those who were appointed for that purpose, were to
attend plague-patients, under penalty of death and confiscation.[185]
[185] Chronicon Regiense, _Muratori_, Tom. XVIII. p. 82.
These orders, in correspondence with the spirit of the 14th century,
are sufficiently decided to indicate a recollection of the good effects
of confinement, and of keeping at a distance those suspected of having
plague. It was said that Milan itself, by a rigorous barricado of
three houses in which the plague had broken out, maintained itself
free from the “_Great Mortality_,” for a considerable time;[186] and
examples of the preservation of individual families, by means of a
strict separation, were certainly very frequent. That these orders must
have caused universal affliction from their uncommon severity, as we
know to have been especially the case in the city of Reggio, may be
easily conceived; but Bernabo did not suffer himself to be frightened
from his purpose--on the contrary, when the plague returned in the
year 1383, he forbad the admission of people from infected places into
his territories, on pain of death.[187] We have now, it is true, no
account how far he succeeded; yet it is to be supposed that he arrested
the disease, for it had long lost the property of the Black Death, to
spread abroad in the air the contagious matter which proceeded from the
lungs, charged with putridity, and to taint the atmosphere of whole
cities by the vast numbers of the sick. Now that it had resumed its
milder form, so that it infected only by contact, it admitted being
confined within individual dwellings, as easily as in modern times.
[186] _Adr. Chenot_, Hinterlassene Abhandlungen über die ärztlichen
und politischen Anstalten bei der Pestseuche, Wien, 1798, 8vo.
p. 146. From this period it was common in the middle ages to
barricade the doors and windows of houses infected with plague, and
to suffer the inhabitants to perish without mercy.--_S. Möhsen_, Loc.
cit.
[187] Chron. Reg. Loc. cit.
Bernabo’s example was imitated; nor was there any century more
appropriate for recommending to governments strong regulations against
the plague, than the 14th; for when it broke out in Italy, in the year
1399, and still demanded new victims, it was for the 16th time; without
reckoning frequent visitations of measles and small-pox. In this same
year, Viscount John, in milder terms than his predecessor, ordered that
no stranger should be admitted from infected places, and that the city
gates should be strictly guarded. Infected houses were to be ventilated
for at least eight or ten days, and purified from noxious vapours
by fires, and by fumigations with balsamic and aromatic substances.
Straw, rags, and the like, were to be burned; and the bedsteads which
had been used, set out for four days in the rain or the sunshine, so
that, by means of the one or the other, the morbific vapour might be
destroyed. No one was to venture to make use of clothes or beds out of
infected dwellings, unless they had been previously washed and dried
either at the fire or in the sun. People were, likewise, to avoid,
as long as possible, occupying houses which had been frequented by
plague-patients.[188]
[188] _Muratori_, Tom. XVI., p.560.--Compare _Chenot_, loc. cit.
p. 146.
We cannot precisely perceive in these an advance towards general
regulations; and perhaps people were convinced of the insurmountable
impediments which opposed the separation of open inland countries,
where bodies of people connected together could not be brought, even
by the most obdurate severity, to renounce the habit of a profitable
intercourse.
Doubtless it is Nature which has done the most to banish the Oriental
plague from western Europe, where the increasing cultivation of the
earth, and the advancing order in civilized society, prevented it from
remaining domesticated; which it most probably had been in the more
ancient times.
In the fifteenth century, during which it broke out seventeen times
in different places in Europe[189], it was of the more consequence
to oppose a barrier to its entrance from Asia, Africa, and Greece
(which had become Turkish); for it would have been difficult for
it to maintain itself indigenously any longer. Among the southern
commercial states, however, which were called on to make the greatest
exertions to this end, it was principally Venice, formerly so severely
attacked by the black plague, that put the necessary restraint upon
the perilous profits of the merchant. Until towards the end of the
fifteenth century, the very considerable intercourse with the East was
free and unimpeded. Ships of commercial cities had often brought over
the plague: nay, the former irruption of the _great mortality_ itself
had been occasioned by navigators. For, as in the latter end of Autumn,
1347, four ships full of plague-patients returned from the Levant to
Genoa, the disease spread itself there with astonishing rapidity. On
this account, in the following year, the Genoese forbid the entrance of
suspected ships into their port. These sailed to Pisa and other cities
on the coast, where already Nature had made such mighty preparations
for the reception of the Black Plague, and what we have already
described took place in consequence.[190]
[189] _Papon_, loc. cit.
[190] _Chenot_, p. 145.
In the year 1485, when, among the cities of northern Italy, Milan
especially felt the scourge of the plague, a special council of health,
consisting of three nobles, was established at Venice, who probably
tried every thing in their power to prevent the entrance of this
disease, and gradually called into activity all those regulations
which have served in later times as a pattern for the other southern
states of Europe. Their endeavours were, however, not crowned with
complete success; on which account their powers were increased, in the
year 1504, by granting them the right of life and death over those who
violated the regulations.[191] Bills of health were probably first
introduced in the year 1527, during a fatal plague[192] which visited
Italy for five years (1525–30), and called forth redoubled caution.
[191] _Le Bret_, Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig. Riga, 1775.
4, Part II., Div. 2, p. 752.
[192] _Zagata_, Cronica di Verona, 1744. 4, III., p.93.
The first lazarettos were established upon islands at some distance
from the city, seemingly as early as the year 1485. Here all strangers
coming from places where the existence of plague was suspected were
detained. If it appeared in the city itself, the sick were despatched
with their families to what was called the Old Lazaretto, were there
furnished with provisions and medicines, and, when they were cured,
were detained, together with all those who had had intercourse with
them, still forty days longer in the New Lazaretto, situated on another
island. All these regulations were every year improved, and their
needful rigour was increased, so that from the year 1585 onwards no
appeal was allowed from the sentence of the Council of Health; and
the other commercial nations gradually came to the support of the
Venetians, by adopting corresponding regulations.[193] Bills of health,
however, were not general until the year 1665.[194]
[193] _Le Bret_, loc. cit. Compare Hamburger Remarquen of the year
1700, p. 282 and 305.
[194] Göttinger gelehrte Anzeigen, 1772, p. 22.
The appointment of a forty days’ detention, whence quarantines derive
their name, was not dictated by caprice, but probably had a medical
origin, which is derivable in part from the doctrine of critical
days; for the fortieth day, according to the most ancient notions,
has been always regarded as the last of ardent diseases, and the
limit of separation between these and those which are chronic. It was
the custom to subject lying-in women for forty days to a more exact
superintendance. There was a good deal also said in medical works of
forty day epochs in the formation of the fœtus, not to mention that
the alchymists expected more durable revolutions in forty days, which
period they called the philosophical month.
This period being generally held to prevail in natural processes, it
appeared reasonable to assume and legally to establish it as that
required for the development of latent principles of contagion, since
public regulations cannot dispense with decisions of this kind, even
though they should not be wholly justified by the nature of the case.
Great stress has likewise been laid on theological and legal grounds
which were certainly of greater weight in the fifteenth century than
in more modern times.[195]
[195] The forty days’ duration of the Flood, the forty days’
sojourn of Moses on Mount Sinai, our Saviour’s fast for the same
length of time in the wilderness; lastly, what is called the Saxon
term (Sächsische Frist,) which lasts for forty days, &c. Compare
_G. W. Wedel_. Centuria Exercitationum Medico-philologicarum. _De
Quadragesima Medica._ Jenae, 1701. 4, Dec. IV., p. 16.
On this matter, however, we cannot decide, since our only object here
is to point out the origin of a political means of protection against a
disease, which has been the greatest impediment to civilization within
the memory of man; a means, that, like Jenner’s vaccine after the
small-pox had ravaged Europe for twelve hundred years, has diminished
the check which mortality puts on the progress of civilization, and
thus given to the life and manners of the nations of this part of the
world a new direction, the result of which we cannot foretel.
APPENDIX.
I.
Das alte Geisslerlied
NACH MASSMANN’S AUSGABE VON HERRN PROFESSOR LACHMANN MIT DER
HANDSCHRIFT VERGLICHEN.
Sve siner sele wille pleghen
De sal gelden unde weder geuen
So wert siner sele raed
Des help uns leue herre goed
Nu tredet here we botsen wille 5
Vle wi io de hetsen helle
Lucifer is en bose geselle
Sven her hauet
Mit peke he en lauet
Datz vle wi ef wir hauen sin 10
Des help uns maria koninghin
Das wir dines kindes hulde win
Jesus crist de wart ge vanghen
An en cruce wart he ge hanghen
Dat cruce wart des blodes rod 15
Wer klaghen sin marter unde sin dod
Sunder war mide wilt tu mi lonen
Dre negele unde en dornet crone
Das cruce vrone en sper en stich
Sunder datz leyd ich dor dich 20
Was wltu nu liden dor mich
So rope wir herre mit luden done
Unsen denst den nem to lone
Be hode uns vor der helle nod
Des bidde wi dich dor dinen dod 25
Dor god vor gete wi unse blot
Dat is uns tho den suden guot
Maria muoter koninginghe
Dor dines leuen kindes minne
Al unse nod si dir ghe klaghet 30
Des help uns moter maghet reyne.
De erde beuet och kleuen de steyne
Lebe hertze du salt weyne
Wir wenen trene mit den oghen
Unde hebben des so guden louen 35
Mit unsen sinnen unde mit hertzen
Dor uns leyd crist vil manighen smertzen
Nu slaed w sere
Dor cristus ere.
Dor god nu latet de sunde mere 40
Dor god nu latet de sunde varen
Se wil sich god ouer uns en barmen
Maria stund in grotzen noden
Do se ire leue kint sa doden
En svert dor ire sele snet 45
Sunder dat la di wesen led
In korter vrist
God tornich ist
Jesus wart gelauet mid gallen
Des sole wi an en cruce vallen 50
Er heuet uch mit uwen armen
Dat sic god ouer uns en barme
Jesus dorch dine namen dry
Nu make uns hir van sunde vry
Jesus dor dine wnden rod 55
Be hod uns vor den gehen dod
Dat he sende sinen geist
Und uns dat kortelike leist
De vrowe unde man ir e tobreken
Dat wil god selven an en wreken 60
Sveuel pik und och de galle
Dat gutet de duuel in se alle
Vor war sint se des duuels spot
Dor vor behode uns herre god
De e de ist en reyne leuen 65
De had uns god selven gheuen
Ich rade uch vrowen unde mannen
Dor god gy solen houard annen
Des biddet uch de arme sele
Dorch god nu latet houard mere 70
Dor god nu latet houard varen
So wil sich god ouer uns en barmen
Cristus rep in hemelrike
Sinen engelen al gelike
De cristenheit wil mi ent wichen 75
Des wil lan och se vor gaen
Maria bat ire kint so sere
Lene kint la se di boten
Dat wil ich sceppen dat se moten
Bekeren sich. 80
Des bidde ich dich
Gi logenere
Gy meynen ed sverer
Gi bichten reyne und lan de sunde uch ruwen
So wil sich god in uch vor nuwen 85
Owe du arme wokerere
Du bringest en lod up en punt
Dat senket din an der helle grunt
Ir morder und ir straten rouere
Ir sint dem leuen gode un mere 90
Ir ne wilt uch ouer nemende barmen
Des sin gy eweliken vor loren
Were dusse bote nicht ge worden
De cristenheit wer gar vorsunden
De leyde duuel had se ge bunden 95
Maria had lost unsen bant
Sunder ich saghe di leue mere
Sunte peter is portenere
Wende dich an en he letset dich in
He bringhet dich vor de koninghin 100
Leue herre sunte Michahel
Du bist en plegher aller sel
Be hode uns vor der helle nod
Dat do dor dines sceppers dod
The Ancient Song of the Flagellants
ACCORDING TO MASSMANN’S EDITION COMPARED WITH THE MS. BY PROFESSOR
LACHMANN.
(_Translation_).
Whoe’er to save his soul is fain,
Must pay and render back again.
His safety so shall he consult:
Help us, good Lord, to this result.
Ye that repent your crimes, draw nigh. 5
From the burning hell we fly,
From Satan’s wicked company.
Whom he leads
With pitch he feeds.
If we be wise we this shall flee. 10
Maria! Queen! we trust in thee,
To move thy Son to sympathy.
Jesus Christ was captive led,
And to the cross was riveted.
The cross was reddened with his gore 15
And we his martyrdom deplore.
“Sinner, canst thou to me atone,
“Three pointed nails, a thorny crown,
“The holy cross, a spear, a wound,
“These are the cruel pangs I found. 20
“What wilt thou, sinner, bear for me?”
Lord, with loud voice we answer thee,
Accept our service in return,
And save us lest in hell we burn.
We, through thy death, to thee have sued. 25
For God in heaven we shed our blood:
This for our sins will work to good.
Blessed Maria! Mother! Queen!
Through thy loved Son’s redeeming mean
Be all our wants to thee pourtrayed. 30
Aid us, Mother! spotless Maid!
Trembles the earth, the rocks are rent,[196]
Fond heart of mine, thou must relent.
Tears from our sorrowing eyes we weep;
Therefore so firm our faith we keep 35
With all our hearts--with all our senses.
Christ bore his pangs for our offences.
Ply well the scourge for Jesus’ sake,
And God through Christ your sins shall take.
For love of God abandon sin, 40
To mend your vicious lives begin,
So shall we his mercy win.
Direful was Maria’s pain
When she beheld her dear One slain,
Pierced was her soul as with a dart: 45
Sinner, let this affect thy heart.
The time draws near
When God in anger shall appear.
Jesus was refreshed with gall:
Prostrate crosswise let us fall, 50
Then with uplifted arms arise,
That God with us may sympathise.
Jesus, by thy titles three,[197]
From our bondage set us free.
Jesus, by thy precious blood, 55
Save us from the fiery flood.
Lord, our helplessness defend,
And to our aid thy spirit send.
If man and wife their vows should break
God will on such his vengeance wreak. 60
Brimstone and pitch, and mingled gall,
Satan pours on such sinners all.
Truly, the devil’s scorn are they:
Therefore, O Lord, thine aid we pray.
Wedlock’s an honorable tie 65
Which God himself doth sanctify.
By this warning, man, abide,
God shall surely punish pride.
Let your precious soul entreat you,
Lay down pride lest vengeance meet you. 70
I do beseech ye, pride forsake,
So God on us shall pity take.
Christ in heaven, where he commands,
Thus addressed his angel bands:--
“Christendom dishonors me, 75
“Therefore her ruin I decree.”
Then Mary thus implored her son:--
“Penance to thee, loved Child, be done;
“That she repent be mine the care;
Stay then thy wrath, and hear my prayer. 80
Ye liars!
Ye that break your sacrament,
Shrive ye throughly and repent.
Your heinous sins sincerely rue,
So shall the Lord your hearts renew. 85
Woe! usurer, though thy wealth abound,
For every ounce thou mak’st a pound
Shall sink thee to the hell profound.
Ye murd’rers, and ye robbers all,
The wrath of God on you shall fall. 90
Mercy ye ne’er to others shew,
None shall ye find; but endless woe.
Had it not been for our contrition,
All Christendom had met perdition.
Satan had bound her in his chain; 95
Mary hath loosed her bonds again.
Glad news I bring thee, sinful mortal,
In heaven Saint Peter keeps the portal,
Apply to him with suppliant mien,
He bringeth thee before thy Queen. 100
Benignant Michael, blessed saint,
Guardian of souls, receive our plaint.
Through thy Almighty Maker’s death,
Preserve us from the hell beneath.
[196] We hence perceive with what feelings subterraneous thunders
were regarded by the people.
[197] For the sake of thy Trinity.
II.
Examination of the Jews accused of poisoning the Wells.[198]
[198] An appearance of justice having been given to all later
persecutions by these proceedings, they deserve to be recorded as
important historical documents. The original is in Latin, but we have
preferred the German translation in Königshoven’s Chronicle, p. 1029.
_Answer from the Castellan of Chillon to the City of Strasburg,
together with a Copy of the Inquisition and Confession of several
Jews confined in the Castle of Chillon on suspicion of poison. Anno
1348._
To the Honorable the Mayor, Senate and Citizens of the City of
Strasburg, the Castellan of Chillon, Deputy of the Bailiff of Chablais,
sendeth greeting with all due submission and respect.
Understanding that you desire to be made acquainted with the confession
of the Jews, and the proofs brought forward against them, I certify, by
these presents, to you, and each of you that desires to be informed,
that they of Berne have had a copy of the inquisition and confession
of the Jews who lately resided in the places specified, and who were
accused of putting poison into the wells and several other places: as
also the most conclusive evidence of the truth of the charge preferred
against them. Many Jews were put to the question, others being excused
from it, because they confessed, and were brought to trial and burnt.
Several Christians, also, who had poïson given them by the Jews for
the purpose of destroying the Christians, were put on the wheel and
tortured. This burning of the Jews and torturing of the said Christians
took place in many parts of the county of Savoy.
Fare you well.”
_The Confession made on the 15th day of September, in the year
of our Lord 1348, in the Castle of Chillon, by the Jews arrested
in Neustadt, on the Charge of Poisoning the Wells, Springs and
other places; also Food &c., with the Design of destroying and
extirpating all Christians._
I. Balavignus, a Jewish physician, inhabitant of Thonon, was arrested
at Chillon in consequence of being found in the neighbourhood. He was
put for a short time to the rack, and, on being taken down, confessed,
after much hesitation, that, about ten weeks before, the Rabbi Jacob
of Toledo, who because of a citation, had resided at Chamberi since
Easter, sent him, by a Jewish boy, some poison in the mummy of an
egg: it was a powder sewed up in a thin leathern pouch accompanied by
a letter, commanding him, on penalty of excommunication, and by his
required obedience to the law, to throw this poison into the larger
and more frequented wells of the town of Thonon, to poison those
who drew water there. He was further enjoined not to communicate
the circumstance to any person whatever, under the same penalty. In
conformity with this command of the Jewish rabbis and doctors of the
law, he, Balavignus, distributed the poison in several places, and
acknowledged having one evening placed a certain portion under a stone
in a spring on the shore at Thonon. He further confessed that the said
boy brought various letters of a similar import, addressed to others
of his nation, and particularly specified some directed severally to
Mossoiet, Banditon, and Samoleto of Neustadt; to Musseo Abramo and
Aquetus of Montreantz, Jews residing at Thurn in Vivey; to Benetonus
and his son at St. Moritz; to Vivianus Jacobus, Aquetus and Sonetus,
Jews at Aquani. Several letters of a like nature were sent to Abram
and Musset, Jews at Moncheoli; and the boy told him that he had taken
many others to different and distant places, but he did not recollect
to whom they were addressed. Balavignus further confessed that, after
having put the poison into the spring at Thonon, he had positively
forbidden his wife and children to drink the water, but had not
thought fit to assign a reason. He avowed the truth of this statement,
and, in the presence of several credible witnesses, swore by his Law,
and the Five Books of Moses to every item of his deposition.
On the day following, Balavignus, voluntarily and without torture,
ratified the above confession verbatim before many persons of
character, and, of his own accord, acknowledged that, on returning one
day from Tour near Vivey, he had thrown into a well below Mustruez,
namely that of La Conerayde, a quantity of the poison tied up in a rag,
given to him for the purpose by Aquetus of Montreantz, an inhabitant of
the said Tour: that he had acquainted Manssiono, and his son Delosaz,
residents of Neustadt, with the circumstance of his having done so, and
advertised them not to drink of the water. He described the colour of
the poison as being red and black.
On the nineteenth day of September, the above-named Balavignus
confessed, without torture, that about three weeks after Whitsuntide,
a Jew named Mussus told him that he had thrown poison into the well
in the custom-house of that place, the property of the Borneller
family; and that he no longer drank the water of this well, but that
of the lake. He further deposed that Mussus informed him that he had
also laid some of the poison under the stones in the custom-house at
Chillon. Search was accordingly made in this well, and the poison
found: some of it was given to a Jew by way of trial, and he died
in consequence. He also stated that the rabbis had ordered him and
other Jews to refrain from drinking of the water for nine days after
the poison was infused into it; and, immediately on having poisoned
the waters, he communicated the circumstance to the other Jews. He,
Balavignus, confessed that about two months previously, being at Evian,
he had some conversation on the subject with a Jew called Jacob, and,
among other things, asked him whether he also had received writings
and poison, and was answered in the affirmative; he then questioned
him whether he had obeyed the command, and Jacob replied that he had
not, but had given the poison to Savetus, a Jew, who had thrown it
into the Well de Morer at Evian. Jacob also desired him, Balavignus,
to execute the command imposed on him with due caution. He confessed
that Aquetus of Montreantz had informed him that he had thrown some of
the poison into the well above Tour, the water of which he sometimes
drank. He confessed that Samolet had told him that he had laid the
poison which he had received in a well, which, however, he refused to
name to him. Balavignus, as a physician, further deposed that a person
infected by such poison coming in contact with another while in a state
of perspiration, infection would be the almost inevitable result; as
might also happen from the breath of an infected person. This fact
he believed to be correct, and was confirmed in his opinion by the
attestation of many experienced physicians. He also declared that none
of his community could exculpate themselves from this accusation, as
the plot was communicated to all; and that all were guilty of the above
charges. Balavignus was conveyed over the lake from Chillon to Clarens,
to point out the well into which he confessed having thrown the powder.
On landing, he was conducted to the spot; and, having seen the well,
acknowledged that to be the place, saying, “This is the well into which
I put the poison.” The well was examined in his presence, and the linen
cloth in which the poison had been wrapped was found in the waste-pipe
by a notary-public named Heinrich Gerhard, in the presence of many
persons, and was shewn to the said Jew. He acknowledged this to be the
linen which had contained the poison, which he described as being of
two colours, red and black, but said that he had thrown it into the
open well. The linen cloth was taken away and is preserved.
Balavignus, in conclusion, attests the truth of all and every thing
as above related. He believes this poison to contain a portion of the
basilisk, because he had heard, and felt assured, that the above poison
could not be prepared without it.
II. Banditono, a Jew of Neustadt, was, on the fifteenth day of
September, subjected for a short time to the torture. After a long
interval, he confessed having cast a quantity of poison, about the size
of a large nut, given him by Musseus, a Jew, at Tour near Vivey, into
the well of Carutet, in order to poison those who drank of it.
The following day, Banditono, voluntarily and without torture, attested
the truth of the aforesaid deposition; and also confessed that the
Rabbi Jacob von Pasche, who came from Toledo and had settled at
Chamberi, sent him, at Pilliex, by a Jewish servant, some poison about
the size of a large nut, together with a letter, directing him to throw
the powder into the wells on pain of excommunication. He had therefore
thrown the poison, which was sewn up in a leathern bag, into the well
of Cercliti de Roch; further, also, that he saw many other letters in
the hands of the servant addressed to different Jews; that he had also
seen the said servant deliver one, on the outside of the upper gate, to
Samuletus, the Jew, at Neustadt. He stated, also, that the Jew Massolet
had informed him that he had put poison into the well near the bridge
at Vivey.
III. The said Manssiono, Jew of Neustadt, was put upon the rack on
the fifteenth day of the same month, but refused to admit the above
charge, protesting his entire ignorance of the whole matter; but the
day following, he, voluntarily and without any torture, confessed,
in the presence of many persons, that he came from Mancheolo one day
in last Whitsunweek, in company with a Jew named Provenzal, and, on
reaching the well of Chabloz Crüez between Vyona and Mura, the latter
said, “You must put some of the poison which I will give you into that
well, or woe betide you!” He therefore took a portion of the powder
about the bigness of a nut, and did as he was directed. He believed
that the Jews in the neighbourhood of Evian had convened a council
among themselves relative to this plot, before Whitsuntide. He further
said that Balavignus had informed him of his having poisoned the Well
de la Conerayde below Mustruez. He also affirmed his conviction of the
culpability of the Jews in this affair, stating that they were fully
acquainted with all the particulars, and guilty of the alleged crime.
On the third day of the October following, Manssiono was brought before
the commissioners, and did not in the least vary from his former
deposition, or deny having put the poison into the said wells.
The above-named Jews, prior to their execution, solemnly swore by
their Law to the truth of their several depositions, and declared that
all Jews whatsoever, from seven years old and upwards, could not be
exempted from the charge of guilt, as all of them were acquainted with
the plot, and more or less participators in the crime.
[_The seven other examinations scarcely differ from the above, except
in the names of the accused, and afford but little variety. We will,
therefore, only add a characteristic passage at the conclusion of this
document. The whole speaks for itself._]
There still remain numerous proofs and accusations against the
above-mentioned Jews: also against Jews and Christians in different
parts of the county of Savoy, who have already received the punishment
due to their heinous crime; which, however, I have not at hand, and
cannot therefore send you. I must add that all the Jews of Neustadt
were burnt according to the just sentence of the law. At Augst, I was
present when three Christians were flayed on account of being accessory
to the plot of poisoning. Very many Christians were arrested for this
crime in various places in this country, especially at Evian, Gebenne,
Krusilien and Hochstett, who, at last and in their dying moments, were
brought to confess and acknowledge that they had received the poison
from the Jews. Of these Christians some have been quartered; others
flayed and afterwards hanged. Certain commissioners have been appointed
by the magistrates to enforce judgment against all the Jews; and I
believe that none will escape.
III.
Extracts from “A Boke or Counseill against the Disease commonly called
the Sweate or Sweatyng Sicknesse,” made by John Caius, Doctour in
Phisicke.-- Emprinted at London. A. D. 1552.
“Hetherto I haue shewed the beginning, name, nature & signes of this
disease: now I will declare the causes, which be ii: infection, &
impure spirites in bodies corrupt by repletion. Infection, by th’aire
receiuing euel qualities, distempring not only y^e hete, but the hole
substance thereof, in putrifieng the same, & that generally ii waies.
By the time of the yere vnnatural, and by the nature and site of the
soile & region . whereunto maye be put the particular accidentes of
this same. By the time of the yeare vnnaturall, as if winter be hot &
drie, somer hot & moist (a fit time for sweates) the spring colde and
drye, the fall hot & moist. To this mai be ioyned the euel disposition
by constellation, whiche hath a great power & dominion in al erthly
thinges. By the site & nature of the soile & region, many wayes. First
and specially, by euel mistes & exhalations drawen out of the grounde
by the sunne in the heate of the yeare, as chanced among the Grekes in
the siege of Troy, whereby died firste dogges & mules, after, men in
great numbre: & here also in England in this M.D.L.I. yeare, the cause
of this pestilent sweate, but of dyuers nature. Whiche miste in the
countrie wher it began, was sene flie from toune to toune, with suche a
stincke in morninges & euenings, that men could scarcely abide it. Then
by dampes out of the earth, as out of Galenes Barathrum, or the poetes
auernum, or aornum, the dampes wherof be such, that thei kil y^e birdes
flieng ouer them. Of like dampes, I heard in the north country in cole
pits, wherby the laboring men be streight killed, except before the
houre of coming therof (which thei know by y^e flame of their candle)
thei auoid the ground. Thirdly by putrefaction or rot in groundes aftre
great flouddes, in carions & in dead men. After great fluddes, as
happened in y^e time of Gallien the Emperor at Rome, in Achaia & Libia,
wher the seas sodeinly did ouerflow y^e cities nigh to y^e same. And in
the XI yeare of Pelagius, when al the flouddes throughe al Italye didde
rage, but chieflye Tibris at Rome, whiche in many places was as highe
as the walles of the citie.
In carions or dead bodies, as fortuned here in Englande upon the sea
banckes in the tyme of King Alured or Alfrede (as some Chroniclers
write) but in the time of Ethelred after Sabellicus, by occasion of
drowned Locustes cast up by the Sea, which by a wynde were driuen
oute of Fraunce thether. This locust is a flie in bignes of a manne’s
thumbe, in colour broune, in shape somewhat like a greshopper, hauing
VI fiete, so many wynges, two tiethe, & an hedde like a horse, and
therfore called in Italy Caualleto, where ouer y^e citie of Padoa, in
the yere M.D.XIII. (as I remembre,) I, with manye more did see a swarme
of theim, whose passage ouer the citie, did laste two hours, in breadth
inestimable to euery man there. Here by example to note infection
by deadde menne in Warres . either in rotting aboue the ground, as
chaunced in Athenes by theim of Ethiopia, or else in beyng buried
ouerly as happened at Bulloigne, in the yere M.D.XIV. the yeare aftre
King Henrye theight had conquered the same, or by long continuance of
an hoste in one place, it is more playne by dayly experience, then it
neadeth to be shewed.
Therefore I wil now go to the fourth especial cause of infection, the
pent aier, breaking out of the ground in yearthquakes, as chaunced at
Venice in the firste yeare of Andrea Dandulo, then Duke, the XXIV day
of Januarye, and XX hour after their computacion. By which infection
mani died, & many wer borne before their time. The V cause is close
& unstirred aire & therfore putrified or currupt, out of old welles,
holes in y^e ground made for grain, wherof many I did se in & about
Pesaro in Italy, by opening them aftre a great space, as both those
countrimen do confesse & also by example is declared, for y^t manye
in opening them unwarely be killed. Out of caues and tombes also, as
chaunced first in the country of Babilonia, proceding aftre into
Grece, and so to Rome, by occasion that y^e souldiers of themperour
Marcus Antoninus, upon hope of money, brake up a golden coffine of
Auidius Cassius, spieng a little hole therin, in the temple of Apollo
in Seleucia, as Ammianus Marcellinus writeth. To these mai be ioyned
the particular causes of infection, which I cal the accidentes of the
place, augmenting the same. As nigh to dwelling places, merishe & muddy
groundes, puddles or donghilles, sinckes or canales, easing places or
carions, deadde ditches or rotten groundes, close aier in houses or
ualleis, with such like. Thus muche for the firste cause.
The second cause of this Englyshe Ephemera, I said were thimpure
spirites in bodies corupt by repletion. Repletion I cal here, abundance
of humores euel & maliciouse, from long time by little and little
gathered by euel diete, remaining in the bodye, coming either by to
moche meate, or by euel meate in qualitie, as infected frutes, meates
of euel juse or nutriment: or both ioyntly. To such spirites when the
aire infective cometh consonant, then be thei distempered, corrupted,
sore handled, & oppressed, then nature is forced & the disease
engendred. But while I doe declare these impure spirites to be one
cause, I must remoue your myndes from spirites to humours, for that
the spirites be fedde of the finest partes therof, & aftre bringe you
againe to spirites where I toke you. And for so muche as I haue not yet
forgotten to whome I write, in this declaration I will leaue apart al
learned & subtil reasons, as here void & vnmiete & only vse suche as
be most euident to whom I write, & easiest to be understanden of the
same: and at ones therwith shew also why it haunteth us Englishmen more
then other nations. Therfore I passe ouer the vngentle sauoure or smell
of the sweate, grosenes, colour, and other qualities of the same, the
quantitie, the daunger in stopping, the maner in coming furthe redily,
or hardly, hot or cold, the notes in the excrementes, the state longer
or sorer, with suche others, which mai be tokens of corrupt humours &
spirites, & onli wil stand vpon III reasons declaring y^e same swet by
gret repletion to be in vs not otherwise for al y^e euel aire apt to
this disease, more then other nations. For as heraftre I wil shew, &
Galen confirmeth, our bodies cannot suffre any thing or hurt by corrupt
& infectiue causes, except ther be in them a certein mater prepared apt
& like to receiue it, els if one were sick, al shuld be sick, if in
this countri, in al countries wher the infection came, which thing we
se doth not chance. For touching the first reason, we se this sweting
sicknes or pestilent Ephemera to be oft in England, but neuer entreth
Scotland, (except the borders) albeit thei both be joinctly within the
compas of on sea. The same beginning here, hath assailed Brabant & the
costes nigh to it, but neuer passed Germany, where ones it was in like
facion as here, with great mortalitie, in the yere M.D.XXIX. Cause
wherof none other there is naturall, then the euell diet of these thre
countryes whiche destroy more meates and drynckes withoute al ordre,
conuenient time, reason, or necessitie, then either Scotlande, or
all other countries vnder the sunne, to the greate annoiance of their
owne bodies and wittes, hinderance of theim which haue nede, and great
dearth and scarcitie in their common welthes. Wherfore if Esculapius
the inuentour of Phisike, y^e sauer of men from death, & restorer to
life, should returne again into this world, he could not saue these
sortes of men, hauing so moche sweatyng stuffe, so many euill humoures
laid by in store, from this displeasante, feareful, & pestilent
disease: except thei would learne a new lession, & folowe a new trade.
For otherwise, neither the auoidyng of this countrie (the seconde
reason) nor fleying into others, (a commune refuge in other diseases)
wyll preserue us Englishe men, as in this laste sweate is by experience
well proued in Cales, Antwerpe, and other places of Brabant, wher only
our contrimen ware sicke and none others, except one or ii. others of
thenglishe diete, which is also to be noted. (Fol. 13 to 17.)
* * * * *
The thirde and laste reason is, y^t they which had thys sweat sore
with perille or death, were either men of welthe, ease & welfare, or
of the poorer sorte such as wer idle persones, good ale drinkers, and
Tavern-haunters. For these, by y^e great welfare of the one sorte,
and large drinkyng of thother, heped up in their bodies moche euill
matter: by their ease and idlenes, coulde not waste and consume it. A
confirmacion of this is, that the laborouse and thinne dieted people,
either had it not, because they dyd eate but litle to make the matter:
or with no greate grefe and danger, because they laboured out moche
therof. Wherefore upon small cause, necessarily must folowe a small
effecte. All these reasones go to this ende, that persones of all
countries of moderate and good diete, escape thys Englishe Ephemera,
and those be onely vexed therewith, whiche be of immoderate and euill
diete. But why? for the euill humores and corrupte aier alone? No . for
then the pestilence and not the swet should rise. For what then? for
y^e impure spirites corrupte in theimselues and by the infectiue aier.
Why so? for that of impure and corrupte humores, whether thei be blode
or others, can rise none other then impure spirites. For euery thynge
is such as that wherof it commeth. Now, that of the beste and fineste
of the blode, yea in corrupte bodies (whyche beste is nought) these
spirites be ingendred and fedde I before expressed. Therfor who wyl
haue them pure and cleane, and himselfe free from sweat, muste kepe a
pure and cleane diete, and then he shall be sure. (Fol. 20 to 21.)
* * * * *
Who that lustethe to lyue in quiete suretie, out of the sodaine danger
of this Englishe Ephemera, he aboue all thynges, of litle and good
muste eate & spare not; the last parte wherof wyl please well (I doubt
not) us Englishe men: the firste I thinke neuer a deale. Yet it must
please theim that intende to lyue without the reche of this disease.
So doyng they shall easely escape it. For of that is good, can be
engendred no euill: of that is litle, can be gathered no great store.
Therfore helthful must he nedes be and free from this disease, that
vsethe this kinde of liuynge and maner in dietynge. An example hereof
may the wise man Socrates be, which by this sorte of diete escaped a
sore pestilence in Athenes, neuer fleynge ne kepyng close him selfe
from the same. Truly who will lyue accordynge to nature and not to
lust, may with this diete be well contented. For nature is pleased
with a litle, nor seketh other then that the mind voide of cares and
feares may be in quiete merily, and the body voide of grefe, maye be in
life swetly, as Lucretius writeth. Here at large to ronne out vntill
my breth wer spent, as vpon a common place, against y^e intemperance
or excessive diete of Englande, thincommodities & displeasures of the
same many waies: and contrarie, in commendation of meane diete and
temperance (called of Plato sophrosyne, for that it conserueth wisdome)
and the thousande commodities thereof, both for helthe, welthe, witte
and longe life, well I might, & lose my laboure: such be our Englishe
facions rather then reasones. But for that I purpose neither to wright
a longe worke but a shorte counseill, nor to wery the reders with
that they luste not to here, I will lette that passe, and moue them
that desire further to knowe my mynde therin, to remember that I sayd
before, of litle & good eate and spare not, wherby they shall easely
perceiue my meanyng. I therefore go furth with my diete, wherin my
counseill is, that the meates be helthfull, and holsomly kylled, swetly
saued, and wel prepared in rostyng, sethyng, baking, & so furth. The
bread of swet corne, wel leuened, & so baked. The drinke of swete
malte and good water kyndly brued, without other drosse now a daies
used. No wine in all the tyme of sweatyng, excepte to suche whose
sicknese require it for medicin, for fere of inflamynge & openynge,
nor except y^e halfe be wel soden water. In other tymes old, pure &
smal. Wishing for the better execution hereof & ouersight of good and
helthsome victalles, ther wer appointed certein masters of helth in
euery citie and toune, as there is in Italie, whiche for the good order
in all thynges, maye be in al places an example. The meates I would to
be veale, muttone, kidde, olde lambe, chikyn, capone, henne, cocke,
pertriche, phesane, felfare, smal birdes, pigeon, yong pecockes, whose
fleshe by a certeine natural & secrete propertie neuer putrefie, as
hath bene proued. Conies, porke of meane age, neither fatte nor leane,
the skynne taken awaye, roste & eaten colde. Tartes of prunes, gelies
of veale & capone. Yong befe in this case a little poudered is not to
be dispraised, nor new egges & good milke. Butter in a mornyng with
sage and rewe fastynge in the sweatynge time is a good preseruatiue,
beside that it nourisheth. Crabbes, crauesses, picrel, perche ruffe,
gogion, lampreis out of grauelly riuers, smeltes, dace, barbell,
gornerd, whityng, soles, flunders, plaice, millers thumbes, minues w^h
such others, sodde in water & vinegre w^h rosemary, time, sage, & hole
maces, & serued hote. Yea swete salte fishe & linge, for the saltes
sake wastynge y^e humores therof, which in many freshe fishes remaine,
maye be allowed well watered to them that haue non other & wel lyke it.
Nor all fishes, no more then al fleshes be so euill as they be taken
for: as is wel declared in physik, & approued by the olde and wise
romaines moche in their fisshes, lusty chartusianes neuer in fleshes,
& helthful poore people more in fishe than fleshe. But we are nowe a
daies so vnwisely fine, and womanly delicate, that we may in no wise
touch a fisshe. The olde manly hardnes, stoute courage, and peinfulnes
of Englande is vtterly driuen awaye, in the stede wherof, men now a
daies receiue womanlines & become nice, not able to withstande a blaste
of wynde, or resiste a poore fisshe. And children be so brought up,
that if they be not all daie by the fire with a toste and butire, and
in their furres, they be streight sicke.
Sauces to metes I appoint firste aboue all thynges good appetite,
and next Oliues, capers, juse of lemones, Barberies, Pomegranetes,
Orenges and Sorel, veriuse & vineigre, iuse of unripe Grapes, thepes
or Goseberies. After mete, quinces, or marmalade, Pomgranates, Orenges
sliced eaten with Suger, Succate of the pilles or barkes therof, and of
pomecitres, olde apples and peres, Brunes, Reisons Dates and Nuttes.
Figges also, so they be taken before diner, els no frutes of that yere,
nor rawe herbes or rotes in sallattes, for that in suche times they be
suspected to be partakers also of the enfected aire. (Fol. 21 to 24.)
* * * * *
I remytte you to the discretion of a learned manne in phisike, who maye
judge what is to be done, & how, according to the present estate of
youre bodies, nature, custome, & proprety, age, strength, delyghte &
qualitie, tyme of the yeare, with other circumstaunces, & thereafter to
geue the quantitie, & make diuersitie of hys medicine. Otherwise loke
not to receiue by this boke that good which I entend, but that euel
which by your owne foly you vndiscretelye bring. For good counseil may
be abused. And for me to write of euery particular estate and case,
whiche be so manye as there be menne, were so great almost a busines,
as to numbre the sandes in the sea. Therefore seke you out a good
Phisicien and knowen to haue skille, and at the leaste be so good to
your bodies, as you are to your hosen or shoes, for the wel making or
mending wherof, I doubte not but you wil diligently searche out who
is knowen to be the best hosier or shoemaker in the place where you
dwelle: and flie the vnlearned as a pestilence in a comune wealth.
As simple women, carpenters, pewterers, brasiers, sopeballesellers,
pulters, hostellers, painters, apotecaries (otherwise then for their
drogges.) auaunters themselues to come from Pole, Constantinople,
Italie, Almaine, Spaine, Fraunce, Grece and Turkie, Jude, Egipt or
Jury: from y^e seruice of Emperoures, kinges & quienes, promising
helpe of al diseases, yea vncurable, with one or twoo drinckes, by
waters sixe monethes in continualle distillinge, by Aurum potabile,
or quintessence, by drynckes of great and hygh prices, as though thei
were made of the sunne, moone, or sterres, by blessynges and Blowinges,
Hipocriticalle prayenges, and foolysh smokynges of shirtes Smockes
and kerchieffes, wyth suche others theire phantasies, and mockeryes,
meaninge nothinge els but to abuse your light belieue, and scorne you
behind your backes with their medicines (so filthie, that I am ashamed
to name them) for your single wit and simple belief, in trusting them
most, whiche you know not at al, and understand least: like to them
whiche thinke, farre foules haue faire fethers, althoughe thei be neuer
so euel fauoured & foule: as thoughe there coulde not be so conning an
Englishman, as a foolish running stranger, (of others I speake not)
or so perfect helth by honest learning, as by deceiptfull ignorance.
For in the erroure of these vnlearned reasteth the losse of youre
honest estimation, diere bloudde, precious spirites, and swiete lyfe,
the thyng of most estimation and price in this worlde, next vnto the
immortal soule.
For consuming of euel matter within, and for making our bodies lustye,
galiard, & helthful, I do not a litle commende exercise, whiche in vs
Englishe men I allowe quick, and liuishe: as to runne after houndes
and haukes, to shote, wrastle, play at Tennes and weapons, tosse the
winde balle, skirmishe at base (an exercise for a gentlemanne, muche
vsed among the Italianes) and vaughting vpon an horse. Bowling, a good
exercise for women: castinge of the barre and camping, I accompt rather
a laming of legges, then an exercise. Yet I vtterly reproue theim not,
if the hurt may be auoyded. For these a conueniente tyme is, before
meate: due measure, reasonable sweatinge, in al times of the year,
sauing in the sweatinge tyme. In the whiche I allow rather quietnesse
then exercise, for opening the body, in suche persons specially as be
liberally & freely brought up. Others, except sitting artificers, haue
theire exercises by daily labours in their occupations, to whom nothing
niedeth but solace onely, a thing conuenient for euery bodye that
lusteth to live in helth. For els as non other thing, so not healthe
canne be longe durable.
Thus I speake of solace, that I meane not Idlenesse, wisshing alwayes
no man to be idle, but to be occupied in some honest kinde of thing
necessary in a common welth. For I accompt them not worthie meate and
drink in a commonwelth, y^t be not good for some purpose or seruice
therin, but take them rather as burdennes vnprofitable and heauye to
the yearth, men borne to fille a numbre only, and wast the frutes which
therthe doeth geue, willing soner to fiede the Lacedemonians old &
croked asse, whiche labored for the liuing so long as it coulde for
age, then suche an idle Englisshe manne. If the honestye and profite
of honeste labour and exercise, conseruation of healthe, preseruation
from sickenesse, maintenaunce of lyfe, advauncement, safety from
shamefull deathes, defence from beggerye, dyspleasures by idlenesse,
shamefulle diseases by the same, hatefulle vices, and punishmente
of the immortalle soule canne not moue vs to reasonable laboure and
exercise, and to be profitable membres of the commune welthe, let at
the least shame moue vs, seyng that other country menne, of nought, by
their owne witte, diligence, labour and actiuitie, can picke oute of
a cast bone, a wrethen strawe, a lyghte fether, or an hard stone, an
honeste lyuinge: Nor ye shall euer heare theym say, alas master, I haue
non occupacion, I must either begge or steale. For they can finde other
meanes betwene these two. And for so muche as in the case that nowe is,
miserable persons are to be relieued in a common welth, I would wisshe
for not fauouring the idle, the discretion of Marc. Cicero the romaine
were vsed in healping them: who wolde compassion should be shewed vpon
them whome necessitie compelled to do or make a faute: & no compassion
vpon them, in whome a faulte made necessitie. A faulte maketh
necessitie, in this case of begging, in them, whyche might laboure and
serve & wil not for idlenes; and therefore not to be pitied, but rather
to be punished. Necessitie maketh a fault in them, whiche wold labor
and serue, but cannot for age, impotency, or sickenes, and therefore
to be pitied and relieued. But to auoyde punishmente and to shew the
waye to amendmente, I woulde again wishe, y^t for so much as we be so
euel disposed of ourselfes to our own profites and comodities without
help, this old law were renued, which forbiddeth the nedy & impotent
parentes, to be releued of those their welthi chyldren, that by theym
or theire meanes were not broughte vppe, eyther in good learning and
Science, or honeste occupation. For so is a man withoute science, as a
realme withoute a kyng. (Fol. 27 to 30.)
* * * * *
Al these thinges duely obserued, and well executed, whiche before I
haue for preseruation mencioned, if more ouer we can sette aparte al
affections, as fretting cares and thoughtes, dolefull or sorowfull
imaginations, vaine feares, folysh loues, gnawing hates, and geue oure
selues to lyue quietly, frendlie & merily one with an outher, as men
were wont to do in the old world, when this Countrie was called merye
Englande, and euery man to medle in his own matters, thinking theim
sufficient, as thei do in Italie, and auoyde malyce and dissencion, the
destruction of commune wealthes, and priuate houses: I doubte not but
we shall preserue our selues, both from this sweatinge syckenesse, and
other diseases also not here purposed to be spoken of. (Fol. 31.)
FINIS.
_Wertheimer. Printer, Leman-st. Goodman’s-fields._