CHAPTER II.

PAGAN SHRINES AND TEMPLES.

Ancient temples as galleries of art.--The adornment of statues

with jewelry, etc.--Offerings and sacrifices by

individuals.--Stores of ex-votos found in the _favissæ_ or vaults

of temples.--Instances of these brought to light within recent

years.--Remarkable wealth of one at Veii.--The altars of ancient

Rome.--The _ara maxima Herculis_.--The _Roma Quadrata_.--The

altar of Aius Locutius.--That of Dis and Proserpina.--Its

connection with the Sæcular Games.--The discovery of the

inscription describing these, in 1890.--The _ara pacis

Augustæ_.--The _ara incendii Neroniani_.--Temples excavated in my

time.--That of Jupiter Capitolinus.--History of its ruins.--The

Capitol as a place for posting official announcements.--The

Temple of Isis and Serapis.--The number of sculptures discovered

on its site.--The Temple of Neptune.--Its remains in the Piazza

di Pietra.--The Temple of Augustus.--The _Sacellum Sanci_.

Ancient guide-books of Rome, published in the middle of the fourth

century,[34] mention four hundred and twenty-four temples, three

hundred and four shrines, eighty statues of gods, of precious metal,

sixty-four of ivory, and three thousand seven hundred and eighty-five

miscellaneous bronze statues. The number of marble statues is not

given. It has been said, however, that Rome had two populations of

equal size, one alive, and one of marble.

I have had the opportunity of witnessing or conducting the discovery

of several temples, altars, shrines, and bronze statues. The number of

marble statues and busts discovered in the last twenty-five years,

either in Rome or the Campagna, may be stated at one thousand.

Before beginning the description of these beautiful monuments, I must

allude to some details concerning the management and organization of

ancient places of worship, upon which recent discoveries have thrown a

considerable, and in some cases, unexpected light.

Roman temples, like the churches of the present day, were used not

only as places of worship, but as galleries of pictures, museums of

statuary, and "cabinets" of precious objects. In chapter v. of

"Ancient Rome," I have given the catalogue of the works of art

displayed in the temple of Apollo on the Palatine. The list includes:

The Apollo and Artemis driving a quadriga, by Lysias; fifty statues of

the Danaids; fifty of the sons of Egypt; the Herakles of Lysippos;

Augustus with the attributes of Apollo (a bronze statue fifty feet

high); the pediment of the temple, by Bupalos and Anthermos; statues

of Apollo, by Skopas; Leto, by Kephisodotos, son of Praxiteles;

Artemis, by Timotheos; and the nine Muses; also a chandelier, formerly

dedicated by Alexander the Great at Kyme; medallions of eminent men; a

collection of gold plate; another of gems and intaglios; ivory

carvings; specimens of palæography; and two libraries.

[Illustration: Entablature of the Temple of Concord.]

The Temple of Apollo was by no means the only sacred museum of ancient

Rome; there were scores of them, beginning with the Temple of

Concord, so emphatically praised by Pliny. This temple, built by

Camillus, at the foot of the Capitol, and restored by Tiberius and

Septimius Severus, was still standing at the time of Pope Hadrian I.

(772-795), when the inscription on its front was copied for the last

time by the _Einsiedlensis_. It was razed to the ground towards 1450.

"When I made my first visit to Rome," says Poggio Bracciolini, "I saw

the Temple of Concord almost intact (_ædem fere integram_), built of

white marble. Since then the Romans have demolished it, and turned the

structure into a lime-kiln." The platform of the temple and a few

fragments of its architectural decorations were discovered in 1817.

The reader may appreciate the grace of these decorations, from a

fragment of the entablature now in the portico of the Tabularium, and

one of the capitals of the cella, now in the Palazzo dei Conservatori.

The cella contained one central and ten side niches, in which eleven

masterpieces of Greek chisels were placed, namely, the Apollo and

Hera, by Baton; Leto nursing Apollo and Artemis, by Euphranor;

Asklepios and Hygieia, by Nikeratos; Ares and Hermes, by Piston; and

Zeus, Athena, and Demeter, by Sthennis. The name of the sculptor of

the Concordia in the apse is not known. Pliny speaks also of a picture

by Theodoros, representing Cassandra; of four elephants, cut in

obsidian, a miracle of skill and labor, and of a collection of

precious stones, among which was the sardonyx set in the legendary

ring of Polykrates of Samos. Most of these treasures had been offered

to the goddess by Augustus, moved by the liberality which Julius Cæsar

had shown towards his ancestral goddess, Venus Genetrix. We know from

Pliny, xxxv. 9, that Cæsar was the first to give due honor to

paintings, by exhibiting them in his Forum Julium. He gave about

$72,000 (eighty talents), for two works of Timomachos, representing

Medea and Ajax. At the base of the Temple of Venus Genetrix he placed

his own equestrian statue, the horse of which, modelled by Lysippos,

had once supported the figure of Alexander the Great. The statue of

Venus was the work of Arkesilaos, and her breast was covered with

strings of British pearls. Pliny (xxxvii. 5), after mentioning the

collection of gems made by Scaurus, and another made by Mithradates,

which Pompey the Great had offered to Jupiter Capitolinus, adds:

"These examples were surpassed by Cæsar the dictator, who offered to

Venus Genetrix six collections of cameos and intaglios."

A descriptive catalogue of these valuables and works of art was kept

in each temple, and sometimes engraved on marble. The inventories

included also the furniture and properties of the sacristy. In 1871

the following remarkable document was discovered in the Temple of

Diana Nemorensis. The inventory, engraved on a marble pillar three

feet high, is now preserved in the Orsini Castle at Nemi. It has been

published by Henzen in "Hermes," vol. vi. p. 8, and reads as follows,

in translation:--

Objects offered to [or belonging to] both temples [the temple of Isis

and that of Bubastis]:--Seventeen statues; one head of the Sun; four

silver images; one medallion; two bronze altars; one tripod (in the

shape of one at Delphi); a cup for libations; a patera; a diadem [for

the statue of the goddess] studded with gems; a sistrum of gilded

silver; a gilt cup; a patera ornamented with ears of corn; a necklace

studded with beryls; two bracelets with gems; seven necklaces with

gems; nine ear-rings with gems; two nauplia [rare shells from the

Propontis]; a crown with twenty-one topazes and eighty carbuncles; a

railing of brass supported by eight _hermulæ_; a linen costume

comprising a tunica, a pallium, a belt, and a stola, all trimmed with

silver; a like costume without trimming.

[Objects offered] to Bubastis:--A costume of purple silk; another of

turquoise color; a marble vase with pedestal; a water jug; a linen

costume with gold trimmings and a golden girdle; another of plain

white linen.

The objects described in this catalogue did not belong to the Temple

of Diana itself, one of the wealthiest in central Italy; but to two

small shrines, of Isis and Bubastis, built by a devotee within the

sacred enclosure, on the north side of the square.

The ancients displayed remarkably bad taste in loading the statues of

their gods with precious ornaments, and in spoiling the beauty of

their temples with hangings of every hue and description. A document

published by Muratori[35] speaks of a statue of Isis which was

dedicated by a lady named Fabia Fabiana as a memorial to her deceased

granddaughter Avita. The statue, cast in silver, weighed one hundred

and twelve and a half pounds, and was muffled in ornaments and jewelry

beyond conception. The goddess wore a diadem in which were set six

pearls, two emeralds, seven beryls, one carbuncle, one _hyacinthus_,

and two flint arrow-heads; also earrings with emeralds and pearls, a

necklace composed of thirty-six pearls and eighteen emeralds, two

clasps, two rings on the little finger, one on the third, one on the

middle finger; and many other gems on the shoes, ankles, and wrists.

Another inscription discovered at Constantine, Algeria, describes a

statue of Jupiter dedicated in the Capitol of that city. The devotees

had placed on his head an oak-wreath of silver, with thirty leaves and

fifteen acorns; they had loaded his right hand with a silver disk, a

Victory waving a palm-leaf, and a crown of forty leaves; and in the

other had fastened a silver rod and other emblems.

The hangings and tinsel not only disfigured the interior of temples,

but were a source of danger from their combustibility. When we hear of

fires destroying the Pantheon in A. D. 110, the Temple of Apollo in

363, that of Venus and Rome in 307, and that of Peace in 191, we may

assume that they were started and fed by the inflammable materials

with which the interiors were filled. There is no other explanation to

be given, inasmuch as the structures were fire-proof, with the

exception of the roof. As for the disfiguration of sacred buildings

with all sorts of hangings, it is enough to quote the words of Livy

(xl. 51). "In the year of Rome, 574, the censors M. Fulvius Nobilior

and M. Æmilius Lepidus restored the temple of Jupiter on the Capitol.

On this occasion they removed from the columns all the tablets,

medallions, and military flags _omnis generis_ which had been hung

against them."

The right of performing sacrifices was sometimes granted to

civilians, on payment of a fee. An inscription discovered among the

ruins of the Temple of Malakbelos, outside the Porta Portese, on the

site of the new railway station, relates how an importer of wine,

Quintus Octavius Daphnicus, having built at his own expense a

banqueting hall within the sacred enclosure, was rewarded with the

_immunitas sacrum faciendi_, that is, the right of performing

sacrifices without the assistance of priests. The performances were

regulated by tariffs, which specified a price for every item; and one

of these has actually survived to our day.[36]

D

PRO·SANGVINE (_nomen animalis_)

ET·CORIVM

SI·HOLOCAVSTVM·[Symbol: -X] X

PRO·SANGVINE·AGNI·ET·PELLE [Symbol: -X] IS

SI·HOLOCAVSTVM·[Symbol: -X]·II[Greek: S]

PRO·GALLO HOLOCAVSTO [Symbol: -X] I[Greek: S]

PRO·SANGVINE· A·XIII

PRO·CORONA· A·IIII

PRO·CALIDAM·IN·HOMINEM·A·II

D....

For the blood of ---- (perhaps a bull) ----

And for its hide ----

If the victim be entirely burnt xxv asses.

For the blood and skin of a lamb iv asses.

If the lamb be entirely burnt vi½ asses.

For a cock (entirely burnt) iii½ asses.

For blood alone xiii asses.

For a wreath iv asses.

For hot water (per head) ii asses.

The meaning of this tariff will be easily understood if we recall the

details of a Græco-Roman sacrifice, in regard to the apportionment of

the victim's flesh. The parts which were the perquisite of the priests

differ in different worships; sometimes we hear of legs and skin,

sometimes of tongue and shoulder. In the case of private sacrifices

the rest of the animal was taken home by the sacrificer, to be used

for a meal or sent as a present to friends. This was, of course,

impossible in the case of "holocausts," in which the victim was burnt

whole on the altar. In the Roman ritual, hides and skins were always

the property of the temple.[37] In the above tariff two prices are

charged: a smaller one for ordinary sacrifices, when only the

intestines were burnt, and the rest of the flesh was taken home by the

sacrificer; a larger one for "holocausts," which required a much

longer use of the altar, spit, gridiron, and other sacrificial

instruments. Four asses are charged for each crown or wreath of

flowers, half that amount for hot water.

The site of a sanctuary can be determined not only from its actual

ruins, but, in many cases, from the contents of its _favissæ_, or

vaults, which are sometimes collected in a group, sometimes spread

over a considerable space of ground. The origin of these deposits of

terra-cotta or bronze votive objects is as follows:--

Each leading sanctuary or place of pilgrimage was furnished with one

or more rooms for the exhibition and safe-keeping of ex-votos. The

walls of these rooms were studded with nails on which ex-voto heads

and figures were hung in rows by means of a hole on the back. There

were also horizontal spaces, little steps like those of a _lararium_,

or shelves, on which were placed those objects that could stand

upright. When both surfaces were filled, and no room was left for the

daily influx of votive offerings, the priests removed the rubbish of

the collection, that is, the terra-cottas, and buried them either in

the vaults (_favissæ_) of the temple, or in trenches dug for the

purpose within or near the sacred enclosure.

During these last years I have been present at the discovery of five

deposits of ex-votos, each marking the site of a place of pilgrimage.

The first was found in March, 1876, on the site of a temple of

Hercules, outside the Porta S. Lorenzo; the second in the spring of

1885, on the site of the Temple of Diana Nemorensis; the third in

1886, near the Island of Æsculapius (now of S. Bartolomeo); the fourth

in 1887, near the shrine of Minerva Medica; the last in 1889, on the

site of the Temple of Juno at Veii.

The existence of a temple of Hercules, outside the Porta S. Lorenzo,

within the enclosure of the modern cemetery, was first made known in

1862, in consequence of the discovery of an altar raised to him by

Marcus Minucius, the "master of the horse" or lieutenant-general of Q.

Fabius Maximus (217 B. C.). This altar is now exhibited in the

Capitoline Museum.[38] Fourteen years later, in 1876, the _favissæ_ of

the temple were found in the section of the cemetery called the

Pincio. There were about two hundred pieces of terra-cotta, vases of

Etruscan and Italo-Greek manufacture; several statuettes of bronze,

and pieces of _æs rude_, and _æs grave librale_, one of them from the

town of Luceria. This deposit seems to have been buried at the

beginning of the sixth century of Rome.

[Illustration: Nemi and the site of the Temple of Diana. _A_ Platform

of the Temple of Diana. _B_ Village of Nemi and Castle of the

Orsinis.]

[Illustration: Portrait Bust of Person cured at Nemi.]

The excavation of the temple of Diana Nemorensis was undertaken in

1885, by Sir John Savile Lumley, now Lord Savile of Rufford, the

English ambassador at Rome, with the kind consent of the Italian

government. It seems that this _Artemisium Nemorense_ was not only a

place of worship and devotion, but also a hydro-therapeutic

establishment. The waters employed for the cure were those which

spring from the lava rocks at Nemi, and which, until a few years ago,

fell in graceful cascades into the lake, at a place called "Le Mole."

They now supply the city of Albano, which has long suffered from

water-famine. I can vouch for their therapeutic efficiency from

personal experience; in fact I could honestly put up my votive

offering to the long-forgotten goddess, having recovered health and

strength by following the old cure. Diana, however, was chiefly

worshipped in this place as Diana Lucina. I need not enter into

particulars on this subject. The ex-votos collected in large quantity

by Lord Savile, representing young mothers nursing their first-born,

and other offerings of the same nature, testify to the skill of the

priests. Perhaps they practised other branches of surgery, because,

among the curiosities brought to light in 1885, are several figures

with large openings on the front, through which the intestines are

seen. Professor Tommasi-Crudeli, who has made a study of this class of

curiosities, says that they cannot be considered as real anatomical

models, because the work is too rough and primitive to enable us to

distinguish one intestine from the other. The number of objects

collected by Lord Savile may be estimated at three thousand.

[Illustration: The stern of the ship of the Island of the Tiber.]

Characteristic objects of a like nature--breasts cut open and showing

the anatomy--have been found in large numbers in and near the island

of the Tiber, where the Temple of Æsculapius stood, at the stern of

the marble ship. It seems that the street leading from the Campus

Martius to the Pons Fabricius, and across it to the temple, was lined

with shops and booths for the sale of ex-votos, as is the case now

with the approaches to the sanctuaries of Einsiedeln, Lourdes,

Mariahilf, and S. Jago. In the foundations of the new quays of the

Tiber, above and below the bridge, the ex-votos have been found in

regular strata along the line of the banks, whereas in the island

itself they have come to light in much smaller quantities. As the

votive objects deposited in this sanctuary, from the year 292 before

Christ to the fall of the Empire, may be counted not by thousands, but

by millions of specimens, I believe that the bed of the Tiber must

have been used as a _favissa_.

The name of Minerva Medica is familiar to students and visitors of old

Rome;[39] but the monument which bears it, a nymphæum of the gardens

of the Licinii, near the Porta Maggiore, has no connection whatever

with the goddess of wisdom. Minerva Medica was the name of a street on

the Esquiline, so called from a shrine which stood at the crossing, or

near the crossing, with the Via Merulana, not far from the church of

SS. Pietro e Marcellino. Its foundations and its deposit of ex-votos

were discovered in 1887. The shape and nature of the offerings bear

witness to numberless cases of recovery performed by the merciful

goddess, the Athena Hygieia or Paionia of the Greeks. There is a

fragment of a lamp inscribed with her name, which leaves no doubt as

to the identity of the deposit. There is also a votive head, not cast

from the mould, but modelled _a stecco_, which alludes to Minerva as a

restorer of hair. The scalp is covered with thick hair in front and on

the top, while the sides are bald, or showing only an incipient

growth. It is evident, therefore, that the woman whose portrait-head

we have found had lost her curls in the course of some malady, and

having regained them through the intercession of Minerva, as she

piously believed, offered her this curious token of gratitude. This,

at least, is Visconti's opinion. Another testimonial of Minerva's

efficiency in restoring hair has been found at Piacenza, a votive

tablet put up MINERVÆ MEMORI by a lady named Tullia Superiana,

RESTITUTIONE SIBI FACTA CAPILLORUM (for having restored her hair).

[Illustration: Fragment of a Lamp inscribed with the name of

Minerva.]

[Illustration: Votive Head.]

As regards the multitude of ex-votos, no other temple or deposit

discovered in my time can be compared with the _favissæ_ of the Temple

of Juno at Veii. In Roman traditions this temple was regarded as the

place where Camillus emerged from the _cuniculus_, or mine, on the day

of the capture of the city. The story runs that Camillus, having

carried his _cuniculus_ under the Temple of Juno within the citadel,

overheard the Etruscan _aruspex_ declare to the king of Veii that

victory would rest with him who completed the sacrifice. Upon this,

the Roman soldiers burst through the floor, seized the entrails of the

victims, and bore them to Camillus, who offered them to the goddess

with his own hand, while his followers were gaining possession of the

city. The account is certainly more or less fabricated; but, as Livy

remarks, "it is not worth while to prove or disprove these things." We

are content to know that within the citadel of Veii, the "Piazza d'

Armi" of the present day, there was a temple of great veneration and

antiquity, and that it was dedicated to Juno. Both points have been

proved and illustrated by modern discoveries.

[Illustration: The Cliffs under the Citadel of Veii (now called

Piazza d' Armi).]

The ex-votos of the Latin sanctuaries were, as I have just remarked,

buried in the _favissæ_; but at Veii, because of the danger and the

difficulty of excavating them within the citadel, and in solid rock,

the ex-votos were carted away and thrown from the edge of the cliff

into the valley below. The place selected was the north side of the

rocky ridge connecting the citadel with the city, which ridge towers

one hundred and ninety-eight feet above the cañon of the Cremera. The

mass of objects thrown over here in the course of centuries has

produced a slope which reaches nearly to the top of the cliff. The

reader will appreciate the importance of the deposit from the fact

that the mine has been exploited ever since the time of Alexander VII.

(1655-1667); and in the spring of 1889, when the most recent

excavations were made, by the late empress Theresa of Brazil, the mass

of terra-cottas brought to the surface was such that work had to be

given up after a few days, because there was no more space in the

farmhouse for the storage of the booty. Pietro Sante Bartoli left an

account of the excavations made on the same spot by cardinal Chigi,

during the pontificate of Alexander VII. Modern topographers do not

seem to be aware of this fact; it is not mentioned by Dennis, or Gell,

or Nibby, although it is the only evidence left of the discovery of

the famous sanctuary. "Not far from the Isola Farnese a hill [the

Piazza d' Armi], rises from the valley of the Cremera, on the plateau

of which cardinal Chigi has discovered a beautiful temple with fluted

columns of the Ionic order. The frieze is carved with trophies and

panoplies of various kinds; the reliefs of the pediment represent the

emperor Antoninus[?] sacrificing a ram and a sow, and although the

panels lie scattered around the temple, and the figures are broken,

apparently no important piece is missing. There is also an altar four

feet high, with figures of Etruscan type, which was removed to the

Palazzo Chigi [now Odescalchi]. The columns and marbles of the temple

were bought by cardinal Falconieri to build and ornament a chapel in

the church of S. Giovanni de' Fiorentini.... Not far from the temple a

stratum of ex-votos has been found, so rich that the whole of Rome is

now overrun with terra-cottas. Every part of the human body is

represented,--heads, hands, feet, fingers, eyes, noses, mouths,

tongues, entrails, lungs, symbols of fecundity, whole figures of men

and women, horses, oxen, sheep, pigs,--in such quantities as to make

several hundred cartloads. There were also bronze statuettes, sacred

utensils, and mirror-cases, which were all stolen or destroyed. I have

known of one workman breaking marvellous objects (_cose insigni_) into

small fragments to melt them into handles for knives."

When the farms of Isola Farnese and Vaccareccia, in which the remains

of Veii and of its extensive cemeteries are situated, were sold, a few

years ago, by the empress of Brazil to the marchese Ferraioli, the

parties concerned agreed that the right of excavating and the objects

discovered should belong to her, for a limited number of years, up to

1891, I believe. The first campaign, opened January 2, 1889, and

closed in June, must be considered as one of the most valuable

contributions to the study of Etruscan civilization which have been

supplied of late to students, either by chance or by design. Had the

empress been able to carry out her plans for two or three years more,

the whole city and necropolis would have been explored, surveyed, and

illustrated, in the most strictly scientific manner. Political events

and the death of this noble woman brought the enterprise to a close.

To come back, however, to the bed of votive objects in terra-cotta and

bronze, I was able to make a rough estimate of its dimensions, which

are two hundred and fifty feet in length, fifty feet in width, and

from three to four in depth; nearly forty-four thousand cubic feet.

The objects collected in two weeks number four thousand; the fragments

buried again as worthless, double that number. The heads of veiled

goddesses alone amount to four hundred and forty-seven, of which three

hundred and seventy are full-faced, the rest in profile. The vein

contains fifty-two varieties of types; to Bartoli's list, we must add

busts, masks, arms, breasts, wombs, spines, bowels, lungs, toes,

figures cut open across the breast and showing the anatomy, figures

approximately human, or male and female embryos ending like the trunk

of a tree with stumps corresponding to the feet, figures of

hermaphrodites, human torsos modelled purposely without heads, arms

without hands, legs without feet, hands holding apples or

jewel-caskets, figurines of mothers nursing twins, beautiful

life-sized statues of draped women, with movable hands and feet, rats,

wild boars, sucking pigs, cows, rams, apples and other fruits, and

"marbles."

* * * * *

The first structures dedicated to the gods in Rome were called _aræ_,

and had the shape of a cube of masonry, in the centre of a square

platform. They were modelled, in a measure, on the pattern of the

Pelasgic _hierones_, in which the territory of Tibur and Signia is

especially abundant. The _aræ_ best known in Roman history and

topography are six in number, namely, the _ara maxima Herculis_; the

_Roma quadrata_; the _ara Aii Locutii_; the _ara Ditis et

Proserpinæ_; the _ara pacis Augustæ_; and the _ara incendii

Neroniani_. The oldest of these were built of rough stones; those of

later periods took the characteristic shape of the altar of Verminus,

represented on page 52 of my "Ancient Rome," and of the altar raised

to Vedjovis by the members of the Julian family, at Bovillæ, their

birthplace, where it was found by the Colonnas in 1823. It is now in

the villa of that family on the Quirinal.[40] In imperial times the

conventional shape was preserved, with the addition of two _pulvini_,

or volutes, on the opposite edges of the cornice, as represented in

the illustration on page 35 of "Ancient Rome" (a marble altar found at

Ostia).

[Illustration: A Pelasgic hieron, or platform of altar, at Segni.]

[Illustration: Round Temple of Hercules in the Forum Boarium.]

THE ARA MAXIMA HERCULIS. This altar, the oldest in Rome, was raised in

memory of the visit of Hercules to our country. Tacitus and Pliny

attribute its construction to Evander the Arcadian, forgetting that in

prehistoric times the tract of land on which the altar stood, between

the Forum Boarium and the Circus Maximus, was submerged by the waters

of the Velabrum. It was at all events a very ancient structure, held

in great veneration. Its rough shape and appearance were never

changed, as shown by a precious--yet unpublished--sketch by

Baldassarre Peruzzi which I found among his autographs in Florence. A

round temple was built near the altar, in later times, of which we

know two particulars: first, that it had a mysterious power of

repulsion for dogs and flies;[41] second, that it contained, among

other works of art, a picture by the poet Pacuvius, next in antiquity

and value to the one painted by Fabius Pictor, in the Temple of

Health, in 303 B. C.[42] The Temple of Hercules, the Ara Maxima, and

the bronze statue of the hero-god were discovered, in a good state of

preservation, during the pontificate of Sixtus IV., between the apse

of S. Maria in Cosmedin (the Temple of Ceres), and the Circus Maximus.

We have a description of the discovery by Pomponio Leto, Albertini,

and Fra Giocondo da Verona; and excellent drawings by Baldassarre

Peruzzi.[43]

Except the bronze statue, and a few votive inscriptions, which were

removed to the Capitoline Museum, everything--temple, altar, and

platform--was levelled to the ground by the illustrious Vandals of the

Renaissance.

THE ROMA QUADRATA. According to the ancient ritual, the founder of a

city, after tracing the _sulcus primigenius_ or furrow which marked

its limits, buried the plough, the instruments of sacrifice, and other

votive offerings, in a round hole, excavated in the centre of the

marked space. The round hole was called _mundus_, and its location was

indicated by a heap of stones, which in course of time took the shape

of a square altar. The _mundus_ of ancient Rome was located in the

very heart of the Palatine, in front of the Temple of Apollo, and the

altar upon it was named the _Roma Quadrata_. This name has been much

discussed, and it has even been applied to the Palatine city itself,

although it is an established fact that there is, strictly speaking,

no connection between the two. The controversy has been resumed lately

by Professor Luigi Pigorini in a paper still unpublished which was

read at the sitting of the German Institute, December 17, 1890; and by

Professor Otto Richter in his pamphlet _Die älteste Wohnstätte des

römischen Volks_, Berlin, 1891.

In view of the ignorance of ancient writers on this subject, and the

almost absurd definitions they give of the word, we had come to the

conclusion that the altar had been removed or concealed by Augustus,

when he built the Temple of Apollo and the Portico of the Danaids, in

28 B. C. A remarkable inscription discovered September 20, 1890 (to

which I shall refer at length later), by mentioning the Roma Quadrata

as existing A. D. 204, shows that our opinion was wrong, and that the

old altar, the most venerable monument of Roman history, had survived

the vicissitudes of time, and the transformation of the Palatine from

the cradle of the city into the palace of the Cæsars.

In December, 1869, when the nuns of the Visitation were laying the

foundations of a new wing of their convent on the area of the Temple

of Apollo,[44] I saw a line of square pilasters at the depth of

forty-one feet below the pavement of the Portico of the Danaids, and

in the centre of the line a heap of stones, either of tufa or

peperino, roughly squared. It is more than probable that, in 1869, I

did not think of the Roma Quadrata, and of its connection with those

remains, so deeply buried in the heart of the hill; but I am sure that

a careful investigation of that sacred spot would lead to very

important results.

THE ARA OF AIUS LOCUTIUS. In 1820, while excavations were proceeding

near the western corner of the Palatine (at the spot marked No. 7, on

the plan, page 106, of "Ancient Rome"), an altar was discovered, of

archaic type, inscribed with the following dedication: "Sacred to a

Divinity, whether male or female. Caius Sextius Calvinus, son of

Caius, praetor, has restored this altar by decree of the Senate."

Nibby and Mommsen believe Calvinus to be the magistrate mentioned

twice by Cicero as a candidate against Glaucias in the contest for the

praetorship of 125 B. C. They also identify the altar as (a

restoration of) the one raised behind the Temple of Vesta, in the

"lower New Street," in memory of the mysterious voice announcing the

invasion of the Gauls, in the stillness of the night, and warning the

citizens to strengthen the walls of their city. The voice was

attributed to a local Genius, whom the people named Aius Loquens or

Locutius. As a rule, the priests refrained from mentioning in public

prayers the name and sex of new and slightly known divinities,

especially of local Genii, to which they objected for two reasons:

first, because there was danger of vitiating the ceremony by a false

invocation; secondly, because it was prudent not to reveal the true

name of these tutelary gods to the enemy of the commonwealth, lest in

case of war or siege he could force them to abandon the defence of

that special place, by mysterious and violent rites. The formula _si

deus si dea_, "whether god or goddess," is a consequence of this

superstition; its use is not uncommon on ancient altars; Servius

describes a shield dedicated on the Capitol to the Genius of Rome,

with the inscription: GENIO URBIS ROMÆ SIVE MAS SIVE FEMINA, "to the

tutelary Genius of the city of Rome, whether masculine or feminine."

The Palatine altar, of which I give an illustration, cannot fail to

impress the student, on account of its connection with one of the

leading events in history, the capture and burning of Rome by the

Gauls, 390 B. C.

[Illustration: Ara of Aius Locutius on the Palatine.]

THE ARA DITIS ET PROSERPINÆ. On the 20th of September, 1890, the

workmen employed in the construction of the main sewer on the left

bank of the Tiber, between the Ponte S. Angelo and the church of S.

Giovanni dei Fiorentini, found a mediæval wall, built of materials

collected at random from the neighboring ruins. Among them were

fragments of one or more inscriptions which described the celebrations

of the _Ludi Sæculares_ under the Empire. By the end of the day,

seventeen pieces had been recovered, seven of which belonged to the

records of the games celebrated under Augustus, in the year 17 B. C.,

the others to those celebrated under Septimius Severus and Caracalla,

in the year 204 A. D. Later researches led to the discovery of

ninety-six other fragments, making a total of one hundred and

thirteen, of which eight are of the time of Augustus, two of the time

of Domitian, and the rest date from Severus.

[Illustration: Pillar commemorating the _Ludi Sæculares_.]

The fragments of the year 17 B. C., fitted together, make a block

three metres high, containing one hundred and sixty-eight minutely

inscribed lines. This monument, now exhibited in the Baths of

Diocletian, was in the form of a square pillar enclosed by a

projecting frame, with base and capital of the Tuscan order, and it

measured, when entire, four metres in height. I believe that there is

no inscription among the thirty thousand collected in volume vi. of

the "Corpus" which makes a more profound impression on the mind, or

appeals more to the imagination than this official report of a state

ceremony which took place over nineteen hundred years ago, and was

attended by the most illustrious men of the age.

The origin of the sæcular games seems to be this: In the early days of

Rome the northwest section of the Campus Martius, bordering on the

Tiber, was conspicuous for traces of volcanic activity. There was a

pool here called Tarentum or Terentum, fed by hot sulphur springs, the

efficiency of which is attested by the cure of Volesus, the Sabine,

and his family, described by Valerius Maximus. Heavy vapors hung over

the springs, and tongues of flame were seen issuing from the cracks of

the earth. The locality became known by the name of the fiery field

(_campus ignifer_), and its relationship with the infernal realms was

soon an established fact in folk-lore. An altar to the infernal gods

was erected on the borders of the pool, and games were held

periodically in honor of Dis and Proserpina, the victims being a black

bull and a black cow. Tradition attributed this arrangement of time

and ceremony to Volesus himself, who, grateful for the recovery of his

three children, offered sacrifices to Dis and Proserpina, spread

_lectisternia_, or reclining couches, for the gods, with tables and

viands before them, and celebrated games for three nights, one for

each child which had been restored to health. In the republican epoch

they were called _Ludi Tarentini_, from the name of the pool, and were

celebrated for the purpose of averting from the state the recurrence

of some great calamity by which it had been afflicted. These

calamities being contingencies which no man could foresee, it is

evident that the celebration of the _Ludi Tarentini_ was in no way

connected with definite cycles of time, such as the _sæculum_.

Not long after Augustus had assumed the supreme power, the

_Quindecemviri sacris faciundis_ (a college of priests to whom the

direction of these games had been intrusted from time immemorial)

announced that it was the will of the gods that the _Ludi Sæculares_

should be performed, and misrepresenting and distorting events and

dates, tried to prove that the festival had been held regularly at

intervals of 110 years, which was supposed to be the length of a

_sæculum_. The games of which the Quindecemviri made this assertion

were the Tarentini, instituted for quite a different purpose, but

their suggestion was too pleasing to Augustus and the people to be

despised. Setting aside all disputes about chronology and tradition,

the celebration was appointed for the summer of the year 17 B. C.

[Illustration: Plan and section of the Altar of Dis and Proserpina.]

What was the exact location of the sulphur springs, the Tarentum, and

the altar of the infernal gods? I have reason to regard the discovery

of the Altar of Dis and Proserpina as the most satisfactory I have

made, especially because I made it, if I may so express myself, when

away from Rome on a long leave of absence. It took place in the winter

of 1886-87, during my visit to America. At that time the work of

opening and draining the Corso Vittorio Emanuele had just reached a

place which was considered _terra incognita_ by the topographers, and

indicated by a blank spot in the archæological maps of the city. I

mean the district between the Vallicella (la Chiesa Nuova, the Palazzo

Cesarini, etc.) and the banks of the Tiber near S. Giovanni dei

Fiorentini. The reports spoke vaguely about the discovery of five or

six parallel walls, built of blocks of peperino, of marble steps in

the centre of this singular monument, of gates with marble posts and

architraves, leading to the spaces between the six parallel walls, and

finally, of a column with foliage carved upon its surface. On my

return to Rome, in the spring of 1887, every trace of the monument had

disappeared under the embankment of the Corso Vittorio Emanuele. I

questioned foremen and workmen, I consulted the notebooks of the

contractors, every day I visited the excavations which were still in

progress, on each side of the Corso, for building the Cavalletti and

Bassi palaces, and lastly, I examined the "column with foliage carved

upon its surface," which in the mean time had been removed to the

courtyard of the Palazzo dei Conservatori on the Capitol. This marble

fragment, the only one saved from the excavations, gave me the clue to

the mystery. It was not a column, it was a _pulvinus_, or volute, of a

colossal marble altar, worthy of being compared, in size and

perfection of work, with the Altar of Peace discovered under the

Palazzo Fiano, with that of the Antonines discovered under the Monte

Citorio, and with other such monumental structures. There was then no

hesitation in determining the nature of the discoveries made in the

Corso Vittorio Emanuele; an altar had been found there, and this altar

must have been the one sacred to Dis and Proserpina, as no other is

mentioned in history in the northwest section of the Campus Martius.

The drawings which illustrate my account of the discovery[45] prove

that the altar rose from a platform twelve feet square, approached on

all sides by three or four marble steps, that platform and altar were

enclosed by three lines of wall at an interval of thirty-six feet from

one another, and that on the east side of the square ran a _euripus_,

or channel, eleven feet wide, and four feet deep, lined with stone

blocks, the incline of which towards the Tiber is about 1:100. This

last detail proves that when the rough altar of Volesus Sabinus was

succeeded by the later noble structure, the pool was drained, and its

feeding springs were led into the _euripus_, so that the patients

seeking a cure for their ailments could bathe in or drink the

miracle-working waters with greater ease. No attention whatever was

paid to the discovery at the time it took place. Instead of reaching

the ancient level, the excavation for the main sewer of the Corso

Vittorio Emanuele was stopped at the wrong place, within three feet of

the pavement; consequently whatever fragments of the altar, of

inscriptions, or of works of art, were lying on the marble floor will

lie there forever, as the building of the palaces on either side of

the Corso, and the construction of the Corso itself, with its costly

sewers, sidewalks, etc., have made further research impossible, at

least with our present means.

Concerning the celebration which took place around this altar in the

year 17 B. C., we already possessed ample information from such

materials as the oracle of the Sibyl, referred to by Zosimus, the

_Carmen Sæculare_ of Horace, and the legends and designs on the medals

struck for the occasion; but the official report, discovered September

20, 1890, produces an altogether different impression; it enables us

actually to take part in the pageant, to follow with rapture Horace as

he leads a chorus of fifty-four young men and girls of patrician

birth, singing the hymn which he composed for the occasion.[46]

There is such a tone of simplicity and common-sense, such a display of

method and mutual respect between Augustus, the Senate, and the

Quindecemviri, in the official transactions which preceded, attended

and followed the celebration, in the resolutions passed by the several

bodies, in the proclamations addressed to the people, and in the

arrangements for the festivities, which a mass of a million or more

spectators was expected to attend, that a lesson in civic dignity

could be learned from this report by modern governments and

corporations.

The official report begins, or rather began (the first lines are

missing), with the request presented by the Quindecemviri to the

Senate to take their proposal into consideration, and grant the

necessary funds, followed by a decree of the Senate accepting the

proposal and inviting Augustus to take the direction of the

festivities. The request was addressed to the Senate on February 17,

by Marcus Agrippa, president of the Quindecemviri, standing before the

seat of the consuls. What a scene to witness! We can picture to

ourselves the two consuls, Gaius Furnius and Junius Silanus, clad in

their official robes, listening to the speech of the great statesman,

who is supported by twenty colleagues, all ex-consuls, and chosen

among the noblest, richest, and most gallant patricians of the age.

The Senate agrees that the preparations for the festival, the building

of the temporary stages, hippodromes, tribunes, and scaffoldings shall

be executed by the contractors (_redemptores_), and that the treasury

officials shall provide the funds.

Lines 1-23 contain a letter from Augustus to the Quindecemviri

detailing the programme of the ceremonies, the number and quality of

persons who shall take part in it, the dates and hours, and the number

and character of the victims. Two clauses of the imperial manifesto

are especially noteworthy. First, that during the three days, June

1-3, the courthouses shall be closed, and justice shall not be

administered. Second, that ladies who are wearing mourning shall lay

aside that sign of grief for this occasion. The date of the manifesto

is March 24.

Upon the receipt of this document the Quindecemviri meet and pass

several resolutions: that the rules regarding the ceremonies shall be

made known to the public by advertisement (_albo propositæ_); that the

mornings of May 26, 27, and 28, shall be set apart for the

_distributio suffimentorum_, in which the Quindecemviri were wont to

distribute among the citizens torches, sulphur and bitumen, for

purification; and the mornings of May 29, 30, and 31, for the _frugum

acceptio_, or distribution of wheat, barley, and beans. To avoid

overcrowding, four centres of distribution are named, and each of them

is placed under the supervision of four members of the college, making

a total of sixteen delegates. The places indicated in the programme

are the platform of the Capitolium, the area in front of the Temple of

Jupiter Tonans, the Portico of the Danaids on the Palatine, and the

Temple of Diana on the Aventine.

On May 23 the Senate meets in the Septa Julia--the ruins of which

still exist, under the Palazzo Doria and the church of S. Maria in Via

Lata--and passes two resolutions. Horace's hymn, vv. 17-20, alludes to

the first: "O Goddess, whether you choose the title of Lucina or of

Genitalis, multiply our offspring, and prosper the decree of the

Senate in relation to the giving of women in wedlock, and the

matrimonial laws." Among the penalties imposed on men and women who

remained single between the ages of twenty and fifty years, was the

prohibition against attending public festivities and ceremonies of

state. The Senate, considering the extraordinary case of the _Ludi

Sæculares_, which none among the living had seen or would ever see

again, removes this prohibition. The second resolution provides for

the erection of two commemorative pillars, one of bronze, the other of

marble, upon which the official report of the celebration shall be

engraved. The bronze pillar is probably lost forever, but the marble

one is that recovered on the banks of the Tiber, September 20, 1890,

the inscription on which I am endeavoring to explain.

The celebration in the strict sense of the word began at the second

hour of the night of May 31. Sacrifices were offered to the Fates, on

altars erected between the Tarentum and the banks of the Tiber, where

S. Giovanni dei Fiorentini now stands; and the other ceremonies were

performed on a wooden stage which was illuminated by lights and fires.

This temporary theatre was not provided with seats, and the report

calls it "a stage without a theatre." In the performances of the next

day and in those of June 2 and 3, which took place on the Capitol and

the Palatine, the following order was observed in the ceremonial

pageant; first came Augustus as Emperor and Pontifex Maximus, next the

Consuls, the Senate, the Quindecemviri and other colleges of priests,

then followed the Vestal Virgins, and a group of one hundred and ten

matrons (as many as there were years in the _sæculum_) selected from

among the most exemplary _matres familiæ_ above twenty-five years of

age.

Twenty-seven boys and twenty-seven girls of patrician descent whose

parents were both living (_patrimi et matrimi_) were enlisted on June

3, to sing the hymn composed expressly by Horace. "Carmen composuit Q.

Horatius Flaccus," so the report says (line 149). The first stanzas of

the beautiful canticle were sung when the procession was marching from

the Temple of Apollo to that of Jupiter Capitolinus, the middle

portion on the Capitol, and the last on the way back to the Palatine.

The accompaniments were played by the orchestra and the trumpeters of

the official choir (_tibicines et fidicines qui sacris publicis præsto

sunt_). The wealth of magnificence and beauty which the Romans beheld

on the morning of June 3, 17 B. C., we can see as in a dream, but it

baffles description. Imagine the group of fifty-four young patricians

clad in snow-white tunics, crowned with flowers, and waving branches

of laurel, led by Horace down the Vicus Apollinis (the street which

led from the Summa Sacra Via to the house of Augustus on the

Palatine), and the Sacra Via, singing the praises of the immortal

gods:--

"Quibus septem placuere colles!"

During those days and nights Augustus gave evidence of a truly

remarkable strength of mind and body, never missing a ceremony, and

himself performing the sacrifices. Agrippa showed less power of

endurance than his friend and master. He appeared only in the daytime,

helping the emperor in addressing supplications to the gods, and in

immolating the victims.

ARA PACIS AUGUSTAE. Among the honors voted to Augustus by the Senate

in the year 13 B. C., on the occasion of his triumphal return from the

campaigns of Germany and Gaul, was the erection of a votive altar in

the Curia itself. Augustus refused it, but consented that an altar

should be raised in the Campus Martius and dedicated to Peace. Judging

from the fragments which have come down to us, this _ara_ was one of

the most exquisite artistic productions of the golden age of Augustus.

It stood in the centre of a triple square enclosure, on the west side

of the Via Flaminia, the site of the present Palazzo Fiano. Twice its

remains have been brought to light; once in 1554, when they were drawn

by Giovanni Colonna,[47] and again in 1859, when the present duke of

Fiano was rebuilding the southern wing of the palace on the Via in

Lucina. Of the panels and basreliefs found in 1554, some were removed

to the Villa Medici and inserted in the front of the casino, on the

garden side; others were transferred to Florence; those of 1859 have

been placed in the vestibule of the Palazzo Fiano. They are well worth

a visit.

[Illustration: The family of Augustus. Relief from the Ara Pacis, in

the Gallery of the Uffizi, Florence.]

ARA INCENDII NERONIANI. In the month of July, A. D. 65, half Rome was

destroyed by the fire of Nero. The citizens, overwhelmed by the

greatness of the calamity, and ignorant of its true cause, made a vow

for the annual celebration of expiatory sacrifices, on altars

expressly constructed for the purpose in each of the fourteen regions

of the metropolis. The vow was, however, forgotten until Domitian

claimed its fulfilment some twenty or twenty-five years later. One of

these altars, which adjoined Domitian's paternal house on the

Quirinal, has just been found near the church of S. Andrea del

Noviziato, in the foundations of the new "Ministero della Casa

Reale."

The altar, six metres long by three wide, built of travertine with a

coating of marble, stands in the middle of a paved area of

considerable size. The area is lined with stone cippi, placed at an

interval of two and a half metres from one another. The following

inscription has been found engraved on two of them: "This sacred area,

marked with stone cippi, and enclosed with a hedge, as well as the

altar which stands in the middle of it, was dedicated by the emperor

Domitian in consequence of an unfulfilled vow made by the citizens at

the time of the fire of Nero. The dedication is made subject to the

following rules: that no one shall be allowed to loiter, trade, build,

or plant trees or shrubs within the line of terminal stones; that on

August 23 of each year, the day of the Volkanalia, the magistrate

presiding over this sixth region shall sacrifice on this altar a red

calf and a pig; that he shall address to the gods the following prayer

(text missing)." The inscription has been read twice: once towards the

end of the fifteenth century, when the cippus containing it was

removed to S. Peter's and made use of in the new building, and again

in 1644, when Pope Barberini was laying the foundations of S. Andrea

al Quirinale, one of the most graceful and pleasing churches of modern

Rome.

* * * * *

Let us now turn our attention to more imposing structures. The first

temple in the excavation of which I took part was that of Jupiter

Optimus Maximus on the Capitoline Hill.[48] Its discovery was due more

to an intuition of the truth, than to actual recognition of existing

remains. On November 7, 1875, while digging for the foundation of the

new Rotunda in the garden which divides the Conservatori palace from

that of the Caffarellis,--the residence of the German ambassador,--our

workmen came upon a piece of a colossal fluted column of Pentelic

marble, lying on a platform of squared stones, which were laid without

mortar, in a decidedly archaic style. Were we in the presence of the

remains of the famous Capitolium, or of one of the smaller temples

within the Arx? To give this query a satisfactory answer, we must

remember that the Capitoline Hill had two summits, one containing the

citadel, or Arx, the other the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, the

Capitolium. Ancient writers never use the two names promiscuously, or

apply them indifferently to either summit or to the whole hill. The

name of the hill is the _Capitoline_; not the _Capitol_, which means

exclusively the portion occupied by the great temple. Suffice it to

quote Livy's evidence (vi. 20), _ne quis in Arce aut Capitolio

habitaret_, and also the passage of Aulus Gellius (v. 12) in which the

shrine of Vedjovis is placed between the Arx and the Capitolium.

For many generations topographers tried to discover which summit was

occupied by the citadel, and which by the temple. The Italian school,

save a few exceptions, had always identified the site of the

Aracoeli with that of the temple, the Caffarelli palace with that of

the citadel. The Germans upheld the opposite theory. In these

circumstances it is not surprising that the discovery made November

7, 1875, should have excited us; because we saw at once our chance of

settling the dispute, not theoretically, but with the evidence of

facts.

The Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, designed by Tarquinius Priscus,

built by Tarquinius Superbus, and dedicated in 509 B. C. by the consul

M. Horatius Pulvillus, stood on a high platform 207½ feet long, by

192½ feet broad. The front of the edifice, ornamented with three

rows of columns, faced the south. The style of the architecture was

purely Etruscan, and the intercolumniations were so wide as to require

architraves of timber. The cella was divided into three sections, the

middle one of which was sacred to Jupiter, that on the right to

Minerva, that on the left to Juno Regina; the top of the pediment was

ornamented with a terra-cotta quadriga. Of the same material was the

statue of the god, with the face painted red, and the body dressed in

a _tunica palmata_ and a _toga picta_, the work of an Etruscan artist,

Turianus of Fregenæ.

In 386 B. C. it was found necessary to enlarge the platform in the

centre of which the temple stood; and as the hill was sloping, even

precipitous, on three sides, it was necessary to raise huge foundation

walls from the plain below to the level of the platform, a work

described by Pliny (xxxvi. 15, 24) as prodigious, and by Livy (vi. 4)

as one of the wonders of Rome.

On July 6, 83 B. C., four hundred and twenty-six years after its

dedication by Horatius Pulvillus, an unknown malefactor, taking

advantage of the abundance of timber used in the structure, set fire

to it, and utterly destroyed the sanctuary which for four centuries

had presided over the fates of the Roman Commonwealth. The incendiary,

less fortunate than Erostratos, remained unknown, the suspicions cast

at the time against Papirius Carbo, Scipio, Norbanus and Sulla

having proved groundless. He probably belonged to the faction of

Marius, because we know that Marius himself laid hands on the

half-charred ruins of the temple, and pillaged several thousand pounds

of gold.

[Illustration: _R. Lanciani del._

THE WESTERN SUMMIT OF THE CAPITOLINE HILL]

Sulla the dictator undertook the reconstruction of the Capitolium, for

which purpose he caused some columns of the temple of the Olympian

Jupiter to be removed from Athens to Rome. Sulla's work was continued

by Lutatius Catulus, and finished by Julius Cæsar in 46 B. C. A second

restoration took place in the year 9 B. C. under Augustus, a third A.

D. 74 under Vespasian, and the last in the year 82, under Domitian. It

was therefore evident that, if the temple had not been literally

obliterated since that time, its remains would show the

characteristics of the age of Domitian, who is known to have made use

of Pentelic marble in his reconstruction. We should also find these

remains in the middle of a platform of the time of the kings,

surrounded by foundation walls of the time of the republic. The

accompanying plan shows how perfectly the remains discovered on the

southwestern summit of the Capitoline Hill corresponded to this

theory.

The platform, in the shape of a parallelogram, 183 feet broad and a

few feet longer, is built of roughly squared blocks of _capellaccio_,

exactly like certain portions of the Servian walls. Its area and

height were reduced by one third, when the Caffarellis built their

palace, in 1680. A sketch taken at that time by Fabretti and published

in his volume "De Columna Trajana" shows that fourteen tiers of stone

have disappeared. A portion of the same platform, discovered in 1865,

by Herr Schloezer, Prussian minister to Pius IX., is represented on

the next page.

The foundation walls, which Pliny and Livy enumerate among the wonders

of Rome, have been, and are still being, discovered on the three

sides of the hill which face the Piazza della Consolazione, the Piazza

Montanara, and the Via di Torre de' Specchi. They are built of blocks

of red tufa, with facing of travertine. The travertine facing is

covered with inscriptions set up in honor of the great divinity of

Rome by the kings and nations of the whole world. One cannot read

these historical documents[49] without acquiring a new sense of the

magnitude and power of the city.

[Illustration: View of the Platform of the Temple of Jupiter.]

These inscriptions are found mostly at the foot of the substructure,

on the side towards the Piazza della Consolazione. The latest, found

in the foundations of the Palazzo Moroni, contain messages of

friendship and gratitude from kings Mithradates Philopator and

Mithradates Philadelphos, of Pontus, from Ariobarzanes Philoromæus of

Cappadocia and Athenais his queen, from the province of Lycia, from

some townships of the province of Caria, etc.

As for the remains of the temple itself, the colossal column

discovered November 7, 1875, in the Conservatori garden, is not the

only one saved from the wreck. Flaminio Vacca, the sculptor and

amateur-archæologist of the sixteenth century, says: "Upon the

Tarpeian Rock, behind the Palazzo de' Conservatori, several pillars of

Pentelic marble (_marmo statuale_) were lately found. Their capitals

are so enormous that out of one of them I have carved the lion now in

the Villa Medici. The others were used by Vincenzo de Rossi to carve

the prophets and other statues which adorn the chapel of cardinal Cesi

in the church of S. Maria della Pace. I believe the columns belonged

to the Temple of Jupiter. No fragments of the entablature were found:

but as the building was so close to the edge of the Tarpeian Rock, I

suspect they must have fallen into the plain."

The correctness of this surmise is shown not only by the discovery of

the dedicatory inscriptions, in the Piazza della Consolazione, just

alluded to, but also from what took place in 1780, when the duca Lante

della Rovere was excavating the foundations of a house, No. 13, Via

Montanera. The discoveries are described by Montagnani as "marble

entablatures of enormous size and beautiful workmanship, with festoons

and _bucranii_ in the frieze. No one took the trouble to sketch them;

they were destroyed on the spot. I have no doubt that they belonged to

the temple seen by Vacca on the Monte Tarpeo, one hundred and

eighty-six years ago."

All these indications, compared with the discovery of the platform,

the substructure, and the column of Pentelic marble in the

Conservatori garden, leave no doubt as to the real position of the

Temple of Jupiter. To that piece of marble we owe the opportunity and

the privilege of settling a dispute on Roman topography which had

lasted at least three centuries.

The temple, rebuilt by Domitian, stood uninjured till the middle of

the fifth century. In June, 455, the Vandals, under Genseric,

plundered the sanctuary, its statues were carried off to adorn the

African residence of the king, and half the roof was stripped of its

gilt bronze tiles. From that time the place was used as a stone-quarry

and lime-kiln to such an extent that only the solitary fragment of a

column remains on the spot to tell the long tale of destruction.

Another piece of Pentelic marble was found January 24, 1889, near the

Tullianum (S. Pietro in Carcere). It belongs to the top of a column,

and has the same number of flutings,--twenty-four. This fragment seems

to have been sawn on the spot to the desired length, seven feet, and

then dragged down the hill towards some stone-cutter's shop. Why it

was thus abandoned, half way, in a hollow or pit dug expressly for it,

there is nothing to show.

The Temple of Jupiter is represented in ancient monuments of the class

called pictorial reliefs. I have selected for my illustration one of

the panels from the triumphal arch of Marcus Aurelius, near S.

Martina, because it contains a good sketch of the reliefs of the

pediment, with Jupiter seated between Juno and Minerva. The temple

itself is most carelessly drawn, the number of columns being reduced

by one half, that is, from eight to four.[50]

[Illustration: PANEL FROM THE ARCH OF MARCUS AURELIUS]

There is one interesting feature of the Capitolium, which is not well

known among those who do not make a profession of archæology. It was

used as a place for advertising State acts, deeds, and documents, in

order that the public might take notice of them and be informed of

what was going on in the administrative, military, and political

departments. This fact is known from a clause appended to imperial

letters-patent by which veterans were honorably discharged from the

army or navy, and privileges bestowed on them in recognition of their

services. These deeds, known as _diplomata honestæ missionis_, were

engraved on bronze tablets shaped like the cover of a book, the

original of which was hung somewhere in the Capitolium, and a copy

taken by the veteran to his home. The originals are all gone, having

fallen the prey of the plunderers of bronze in Rome, but copies are

found in great numbers in every province of the Roman empire from

which men were drafted.[51] These copies end with the clause:--

"Transcribed (and compared or verified) from the original bronze

tablet which is hung in Rome, in the Capitolium"--and here follows the

designation of a special place of the Capitolium, such as,--

"On the right side of the shrine of the _Fides populi romani_"

(December 11, A. D. 52).

"On the left side of the _ædes Thensarum_" (July 2, A. D. 60).

"On the pedestal of the statue of Quintus Marcius Rex, behind the

temple of Jupiter" (June 15, 64).

"On the pedestal of the _ara gentis Iuliæ_, on the right side,

opposite the statue of Bacchus" (March 7, 71).

"On the vestibule, on the left wall, between the two archways" (May

21, 74).

"On the pedestal of the statue of Jupiter Africus" (December 2, 76).

"On the base of the column, on the inner side, near the statue of

Jupiter Africus" (September 5, 85).

"On the tribunal by the trophies of Germanicus, which are near the

shrine of the _Fides_" (May 15, 86).

Comparing these indications of localities with the dates of the

diplomas,--there are sixty-three in all,--it appears that they were

not hung at random, but in regular order from monument to monument,

until every available space was covered. In the year 93 there was not

an inch left, and the Capitol is mentioned no more as a place for

exhibiting or advertising the acts of Government. From that year they

were hung "_in muro post templum divi ad Minervam_," that is, behind

the modern church of S. Maria Liberatrice.

THE TEMPLE OF ISIS AND SERAPIS. In the spring of 1883, in surveying

the tract of ground between the Collegio Romano and the Baths of

Agrippa, formerly occupied by the Temple of Isis and Serapis, and in

collecting archæological information concerning it, I was struck by

the fact that, every time excavations were made on either side of the

Via di S. Ignazio for building or restoring the houses which line it,

remarkable specimens of Egyptian art had been brought to light. The

annals of discoveries begin with 1374, when the obelisk now in the

Piazza della Rotonda was found, under the apse of the church of S.

Maria sopra Minerva, together with the one now in the Villa Mattei von

Hoffman. In 1435, Eugenius IV. discovered the two lions of Nektaneb I.

which are now in the Vatican, and the two of black basalt now in the

Capitoline Museum. In 1440 the reclining figure of a river-god was

found and buried again. The Tiber of the Louvre and the Nile of the

Braccio Nuovo seem to have come to light during the pontificate of Leo

X.; at all events it was he who caused them to be removed to the

Vatican. In 1556 Giovanni Battista de Fabi found, and sold to cardinal

Farnese, the reclining statue of Oceanus now in Naples. In 1719 the

Isiac altar now in the Capitol was found under the Biblioteca

Casanatense. In 1858 Pietro Tranquilli, in restoring his house,--the

nearest to the apse of la Minerva,--came across the following-named

objects: a sphinx of green granite, the head of which is a portrait of

Queen Haths'epu, the oldest sister of Thothmes III., who was famous

for her expedition to the Red Sea, recently described by

Dümmichen;[52] a sphinx of red granite, believed to be a Roman

replica; a group of the cow Hathor, the living symbol of Isis, nursing

the young Pharaoh Horemheb; the portrait statue of the grand dignitary

Uahábra, a good specimen of Saïtic art; a column of the temple,

covered with high reliefs, which represented a procession of

bald-headed priests holding canopi in their hands; a capital, carved

with papyrus leaves and lotus flowers; and a fragment of an Egyptian

basrelief in red granite, with traces of polychromy.

In 1859 Augusto Silvestrelli, the owner of the next house, on the same

side of the Via di S. Ignazio, found five capitals of the same style

and size, which, I believe, are now in the Museo Etrusco Gregoriano.

Inasmuch as no excavation had ever been made under the pavement of the

street itself, which is public property, and as there was no reason

why that strip of public property should not contain as many works of

art as the houses about it, I asked the municipal authorities to try

the experiment, and my proposal was accepted at once.

The work began on Monday, June 11, 1883. It was difficult, because we

had to dig to a depth of twenty feet between houses of very doubtful

solidity. First to appear, at the end of the third day, was a

magnificent sphinx of black basalt, the portrait of King Amasis. It is

a masterpiece of the Saïtic school, perfected even in the smallest

details, and still more impressive for its historical connection with

the conquest of Egypt by Cambyses.

[Illustration: The Sphinx of Amasis.]

The cartouches bearing the king's name appear to have been purposely

erased, though not so completely as to render the name illegible. The

nose, likewise, and the _uræus_, the symbol of royalty, were hammered

away at the same time. The explanation of these facts is given by

Herodotos. When Cambyses conquered Saïs, Amasis had just been buried.

The conqueror caused the body to be dragged out of the royal tomb,

then flogged and otherwise insulted, and finally burnt, the maximum of

profanation, from an Egyptian point of view. His name was erased from

the monuments which bore it, as a natural consequence of the _memoriæ

damnatio_. This sphinx is the surviving testimonial of the eventful

catastrophe. When, six or seven centuries later, a Roman governor of

Egypt, or a Roman merchant from the same province, singled out this

work of art, to be shipped to Rome as a votive offering for the Temple

of Isis, ignorant of the historical value of its mutilations, he had

the nose and the _uræus_ carefully restored. Now both are gone again,

and there is no danger of a second restoration. I may remark, as a

curious coincidence, that, as the name of Amasis is erased from the

sphinx, so that of Hophries, his predecessor, is erased from the

obelisk discovered in the same temple, and now in the Piazza della

Minerva. In these two monuments of the Roman Iseum we possess a

synopsis of Egyptian history between 595 and 526 B. C.

[Illustration: Obelisk of Rameses the Great.]

The second work, discovered June 17, was an obelisk which was

wonderfully well preserved to the very top of the pinnacle, and

covered with hieroglyphics. It was quarried at Assuan, from a richly

colored vein of red granite, and was brought to Rome, probably under

Domitian, together with the obelisk now in the Piazza del Pantheon.

The two monoliths are almost identical in size and workmanship, and

are inscribed with the same cartouches of Rameses the Great. The one

which I discovered was set up, in 1887, to the memory of our brave

soldiers who fell at the battle of Dogali. The site selected for the

monument, the square between the railway station and the Baths of

Diocletian, is too large for such a comparatively small shaft.

Two days later, on the 19th, we discovered two _kynokephaloi_ or

_kerkopithekoi_, five feet high, carved in black porphyry. The

monsters are sitting on their hind legs, with the paws of the forearms

resting on the knees. Their bases contain finely-cut hieroglyphics,

with the cartouche of King Necthor-heb, of the thirtieth Sebennitic

dynasty. One of these _kynokephaloi_, and also the obelisk, were

certainly seen in 1719 by the masons who built the foundations of the

Biblioteca Casanatense. For some reason unknown to us, they kept their

discovery a secret. Many other works of art were discovered before the

close of the excavations, in the last days of June. Among them were a

crocodile in red granite, the pedestal of a candelabrum, triangular in

shape, with sphinxes at the corners; a column of the temple, with

reliefs representing an Isiac procession; and a portion of a capital.

From an architectural point of view, the most curious discovery was

that the temple itself, with its colonnades and double cella, had been

brought over, piece by piece, from the banks of the Nile to those of

the Tiber. It is not an imitation; it is a purely original Egyptian

structure, shaded first by the palm-trees of Saïs, and later by the

pines of the Campus Martius.

The earliest trustworthy account we have of its existence is given by

Flavius Josephus. He relates how Tiberius, after the assault of Mundus

against Paulina,[53] condemned the priests to crucifixion, burned the

shrine, and threw the statue of the goddess into the Tiber. Nero

restored the sanctuary; it was, however, destroyed again in the great

conflagration, A. D. 80. Domitian was the second restorer; Hadrian,

Commodus, Caracalla, and Alexander Severus improved and beautified the

group, from time to time. At the beginning of the fourth century of

our era it contained the _propylaia_, or pyramidal towers with a

gateway, at each end of the _dromos_; one near the present church of

S. Stefano del Cacco, one near the church of S. Macuto. They were

flanked by one or more pairs of obelisks, of which six have been

recovered up to the present time, namely, one now in the Piazza della

Rotonda, a second in the Piazza della Minerva, a third in the Villa

Mattei, a fourth in the Piazza della Stazione, a fifth in the

Sphæristerion at Urbino, and fragments of a sixth in the Albani

collection.

From the propylaia, a _dromos_, or sacred avenue, led to the double

temple. To the dromos belong the two lions in the Museo Etrusco

Gregoriano, the two lions in the Capitoline Museum, the sphinx of

Queen Hathsèpu in the Barracco collection, the sphinx of Amasis and

the Tranquilli sphinx in the Capitol, the cow Hathor and the statue of

Uahábra in the Museo Archeologico in Florence, the _kynokephaloi_ of

Necthor-heb, the _kynokephalos_ which gave the popular name of _Cacco_

(ape) to the church of S. Stefano, the statue formerly in the Ludovisi

Gallery, the Nile of the Braccio Nuovo, the Tiber of the Louvre, the

Oceanus at Naples, the River-God buried in 1440, the Isiac altars of

the Capitol and of the Louvre, the tripod, the crocodile and sundry

other fragments which were found in 1883. Of the temple itself we

possess two columns covered with mystic bas-reliefs, seven

capitals,--one in the Capitol, the others in the Vatican,--and two

blocks of granite from the walls of the cella, one in the Barberini

gardens, one in the Palazzo Galitzin.

The last historical mention we possess of this admirable Egyptian

museum of ancient Rome was found by Delille in the "Cod. Parisin."

8064, in which the attempt by Nicomachus Flavianus to revive the pagan

religion in 394 A. D. is minutely described.[54] The reaction caused

by this final outburst of fanaticism must have been fatal to the

temple. The masterpieces of the dromos were upset, and otherwise

damaged, the faces of the _kynokephaloi_ and the noses and paws of the

sphinxes were knocked off, and statues of Pharaohs, gods, priests,

dignitaries, and Pastophoroi were hurled from their pedestals, and

broken to pieces. When this wholesale destruction took place, the

pavement of the temple was still clear of the rubbish and loose soil.

The sphinx of Amasis, found June 14, was lying on its left side on the

bare pavement; the two apes had fallen on their backs. No attempt,

however, was made to overthrow the obelisks, at least the one which I

discovered. When the monolith fell, in the eighth or ninth century,

the floor of the Iseum was already covered with a bed of rubbish five

feet thick. To this fact we owe the wonderful preservation of the

obelisk, the soft, muddy condition of the soil having eased the weight

of the fall.

Students have wondered at the existence, in our time, of such a mine

of antiquities in this quarter of the Campus Martius, where it appears

as if, in spite of the feverish search for ancient marbles, this spot

had escaped the attention of the excavators of the past four or five

centuries. It did not escape their attention. The whole area of the

Iseum, save a few recesses, has been explored since the Middle Ages,

but the search was made to secure marble, which could be burnt into

lime, or turned into new shapes. Of what use would porphyry, or

granite, or basalt be for such purposes? These materials are useless

for the lime-kiln, and too hard to be worked anew, and accordingly

they were left alone. In the excavations of 1883 I found the best

evidence that such was the case. The obelisk is of granite; its

pedestal of white marble. The obelisk escaped destruction, but the

pedestal was split, and made ready for the lime-kiln.

THE TEMPLE OF NEPTUNE. The discoveries made in 1878 in the Piazza di

Pietra, on the site of the Temple of Neptune, rank next in importance

to those just described. In repairing a drain which runs through the

Via de' Bergamaschi to the Piazza di Pietra, the foundations of an

early mediæval church, dedicated to S. Stephen (Santo Stefano del

Trullo) were unearthed, together with historical inscriptions, pieces

of columns of _giallo antico_, and other architectural fragments. On a

closer examination of the discoveries, I was able to ascertain that

the whole church had been built with spoils from the triumphal arch of

Claudius in the Piazza di Sciarra, and from the Temple of Neptune in

the Piazza di Pietra. To enable the reader to appreciate the value of

the discovery, I must begin with a short description of the temple

itself.

Dio Cassius (liii. 27) states that, in 26 B. C., Marcus Agrippa built

the Portico of the Argonauts, with a temple in the middle of it,

called the Poseidonion ([Greek: POSEIDÔNION]), in token of his

gratitude to the god of the seas for the naval victories he had gained

over the foes of the commonwealth; but the beautiful ruins still

existing in the Piazza di Pietra do not belong to Agrippa's work, nor

to the golden age of Roman art. They belong to the restoration of the

temple which was made by Hadrian after the great fire of A. D. 80, by

which the Neptunium, or Poseidonion, was nearly destroyed. The

characteristic feature of the temple was a set of thirty-six

bas-reliefs representing the thirty-six provinces of the Roman Empire

at the beginning of the Christian era. These reliefs were set into the

basement of the temple, so as to form the pedestals of the thirty-six

columns of the peristyle, while the intercolumniations, or spaces

between the pedestals, were occupied by another set of bas-reliefs

representing the military uniforms, flags and weapons which were

peculiar to each of the provinces. The fifteen provinces and fourteen

trophies belonging to the colonnade of the Piazza di Pietra, that is,

to the north side of the temple, have all been accounted for. Four

provinces were found during the pontificate of Paul III. (1534-50),

two during that of Innocent X. (1644-55), two during that of Alexander

VII. (1655-1667), three in our excavations of 1878, and four either

are still in the ground or have perished in a lime-kiln. Here again we

have an instance of the shameful dispersion of the spoils of ancient

Rome. We have this wing of the temple still standing in all its glory,

in the Piazza di Pietra; we have eleven pedestals out of fifteen, and

as many panels for the intercolumniations; the others are _probably_

within our reach, and we have beautiful pieces of the entablature with

its rich carvings. The temple, entablature, and nearly all the

trophies and provinces are public property; nothing would be easier

than to restore each piece to its proper place, and make this wing of

the Neptunium one of the most perfect relics of ancient Rome. Alas!

three provinces and two trophies have emigrated to Naples with the

rest of the Farnese marbles, one has been left behind in the portico

of the Farnese palace in Rome, five provinces and four trophies are in

the Palazzo dei Conservatori, two are in the Palazzo Odescalchi, one

is in the Palazzo Altieri, two pieces of the entablature are used as

a rustic seat in the Giardino delle Tre Pile on the Capitol, and

another has been used in the restoration of the Arch of Constantine.

[Illustration: One of the Provinces from the Temple of Neptune.]

THE TEMPLE OF AUGUSTUS. It is a remarkable fact that, at the beginning

of archæological research in the Renaissance, there was great

enthusiasm over a few strange monuments of little or no interest, the

existence of which would have been altogether unknown but for an

occasional mention in classical texts. As a rule, the cinquecento

topographers give a prominent place in their books to the _columna

Mænia_, the _columna Lactaria_, the _senaculum mulierum_, the _pila

Tiburtina_, the _pila Horatia_ and other equally unimportant works

which, for reasons unknown to us, had forcibly struck their fancy. The

fashion died out in course of time, but never entirely. Some of these

more or less fanciful structures still live in our books, and in the

imagination of the people. The place of honor, in this line, belongs

to Caligula's bridge, which is supposed to have crossed the valley of

the Forum at a prodigious height, so as to enable the young monarch to

walk on a level from his Palatine house to the Temple of Jupiter on

the Capitol. This bridge is not only mentioned in guide-books, and

pointed out to strangers on their first visit to the Forum, but is

also drawn and described in works of a higher standard,[55] in which

the bridge is represented from "remains concealed under a house, which

have been carefully examined and measured, as well as drawn by

architectural draughtsmen of much experience."

The bridge never existed. Caligula made use of the roofs of edifices

which were already there, spanning only the gaps of the streets with

temporary wooden passages. This is clearly stated by Suetonius in

chapters xxii. and xxxvii. and by Flavius Josephus, "Antiq. Jud." xix.

1, 11. From the palace at the northeast corner of the Palatine, he

crossed the roof of the _templum divi Augusti_, then the _fastigium

basilicæ Juliæ_, and lastly the Temple of Saturn close to the

Capitolium. The Street of Victory which divided the emperor's palace

from the Temple of Augustus, the Street of the Tuscans which divided

the temple from the basilica, and the Vicus Iugarius between the

basilica and the Temple of Saturn, were but a few feet wide and could

easily be crossed by means of a _passerelle_. We are told by Suetonius

and Josephus how Caligula used sometimes to interrupt his aerial

promenade midway, and throw handfuls of gold from the roof of the

basilica to the crowd assembled below. I have mentioned this bridge

because the words of Suetonius, _supra templum divi Augusti ponte

transmisso_, gave me the first clew towards the identification of the

splendid ruins which tower just behind the church of S. Maria

Liberatrice, between it and the rotunda of S. Teodoro.

The position of Caligula's palace at the northeast corner of the

Palatine being well known, as also the site of the Basilica Julia, it

is evident that the building which stands between the two must be the

Temple of Augustus. This conclusion is so simple that I wonder that no

one had mentioned it before my first announcement in 1881. The last

nameless remains adjoining the Forum have thus regained their place

and their identity in the topography of this classic quarter.

[Illustration: Plan of the Temple of Augustus.]

[Illustration: Remains of the Temple of Augustus, from a sketch by

Ligorio.]

The construction of a temple in honor of the deified founder of the

empire was begun by his widow Livia, and Tiberius, his adopted son,

and completed by Caligula. An inscription discovered in 1726, in the

Columbaria of Livia on the Appian Way, mentions a C. Julius Bathyllus,

sacristan or keeper of the temple. Pliny (xii. 19, 42) describes,

among the curiosities of the place, a root of a cinnamon-tree, of

extraordinary size, placed by Livia on a golden tray. The relic was

destroyed by fire in the reign of Titus. Domitian must have restored

the building, because the rear wall of the temple, the _murus post

templum divi Augusti ad Minervam_, is mentioned in contemporary

documents as the place on which state notices were posted. It has been

excavated but once, in June, 1549, when the Forum, the Sacra Via and

the Street of the Tuscans were ransacked to supply marbles and lime

for the building of S. Peter's. Two documents show the wonderful state

of preservation in which the temple was found. One is a sketch, taken

in 1549, by Pirro Ligorio, which, through the kindness of Professor T.

H. Middleton,[56] I reproduce from the original, in the Bodleian

Library; the other is a description of the discovery by Panvinius.[57]

The place was in such good condition that even the statue and altar

of Vortumnus, described by Livy, Asconius, Varro and others, were

found lying at the foot of the steps of the temple.

THE SACELLUM SANCI, or Shrine of Sancus on the Quirinal.[58] The

worship of _Semo Sancus Sanctus Dius Fidius_ was imported into Rome at

a very early period, by the Sabines who first colonized the Quirinal

Hill. He was considered the Genius of heavenly light, the son of

Jupiter _Diespiter_ or _Lucetius_, the avenger of dishonesty, the

upholder of truth and good faith, whose mission upon earth was to

secure the sanctity of agreements, of matrimony, and hospitality.

Hence his various names and his identification with the Roman

Hercules, who was likewise invoked as a guardian of the sanctity of

oaths (_me-Hercle_, _me-Dius Fidius_). There were two shrines of Semo

Sancus in ancient Rome, one built by the Sabines on the Quirinal, near

the modern church of S. Silvestro, from which the _Porta Sanqualis_ of

the Servian walls was named, the other built by the Romans on the

Island of the Tiber (S. Bartolomeo) near the Temple of Jupiter

Jurarius. Justin, the apologist and martyr, laboring under the

delusion that Semo Sancus and Simon the Magician were the same,

describes the altar on the island of S. Bartolomeo as sacred to the

latter.[59] He must have glanced hurriedly at the first three names of

the Sabine god,--SEMONI SANCO DEO,--and translated them [Greek: SIMÔNI

DEÔ SANKTÔ]. The altar on which these names were written, the very one

seen and described by S. Justin, was discovered on the same island, in

July, 1574, during the pontificate of Gregory XIII. The altar is

preserved in the Galleria Lapidaria of the Vatican Museum, in the

first compartment (_Dii_).

The shrine on the Quirinal is minutely described by classical writers.

It was hypæthral, that is, without a roof, so that the sky could be

seen by the worshippers of the "Genius of heavenly light." The oath

_me-Dius Fidius_ could not be taken except in the open air. The chapel

contained relics of the kingly period, the wool, distaff, spindle, and

slippers of Tanaquil, and brass _clypea_ or medallions, made of money

confiscated from Vitruvius Vaccus.

[Illustration: Statue of Semo Sancus.]

Its foundations were discovered in March, 1881, under what was

formerly the convent of S. Silvestro al Quirinale, now the

headquarters of the Royal Engineers. The monument is a parallelogram

in shape, thirty-five feet long by nineteen feet wide, with walls of

travertine, and decorations of white marble; and it is surrounded by

votive altars and pedestals of statues. I am not sure whether the

remarkable work of art which I shall describe presently was found in

this very place, but it is a strange coincidence that, during the

progress of the excavations at S. Silvestro, a statue of Semo Sancus

and a pedestal inscribed with his name should have appeared in the

antiquarian market of the city.

The statue, reproduced here from a heliogravure, is life-sized, and

represents a nude youth, of archaic type. His attitude may be compared

to that of some early representations of Apollo, but the expression of

the face and the modelling of some parts of the body are realistic

rather than conventional. Both hands are missing, so that it is

impossible to state what were the attributes of the god. Visconti

thinks they may have been the _avis Sanqualis_ or _ossifraga_, and the

club of Hercules. The inscription on the pedestal is very much like

that seen by S. Justin:--

SEMONI. SANCO. DEO. FIDIO. SACRUM. DECURIA. SACERDOT[UM] BIDENTALIUM.

According to Festus, _bidentalia_ were small shrines of second-rate

divinities, to whom _bidentes_, lambs two years old, were sacrificed.

For this reason the priests of Semo were called _sacerdotes

bidentales_. They were organized, like a lay corporation, in a

_decuria_ under the presidency of a _magister quinquennalis_. Their

residence, adjoining the chapel, was ample and commodious, with an

abundant supply of water. The lead pipe by which this was distributed

through the establishment was discovered at the same time and in the

same place with the bronze statues of athletes described in chapter

xi. of my "Ancient Rome."

The pipe has been removed to the Capitoline Museum, the statue and its

pedestal have been purchased by Pope Leo XIII. and placed in the

Galleria dei Candelabri, and the foundations of the shrine have been

destroyed.

FOOTNOTES:

[34] On the almanacs (_Notitia, Curiosum_), containing catalogues and

statistics of Roman buildings in the fourth century, see Mommsen:

_Chronograph von 354_, etc., in the _Abhandlungen der Sächsischen

Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften_, vols. ii. 549; iii. 269; viii.

694.--Preller: _Die Regionen der Stadt Rom_. Jena: Hochhausen,

1846.--Jordan: _Topographie der Stadt Rom_. Berlin: Weidmann, ii., pp.

1 & 178.--Richter: _Topographie der Stadt Rom_, 1889, p. 5; id.:

_Hermes_, xx., p. 91.--De Rossi: _Piante iconografiche e prospettiche

di Roma anteriori al sec. XVI_. Roma: Salviucci, 1879.--Guido: _Il

testo siriaco della descrizione di Roma_, etc., in the _Bullettino

Comunale_, 1884, p. 218; and 1891, p. 61.--Lanciani: _Ricerche sulle

XIV regioni urbane_; in the _Bullettino comunale_, 1890, p. 115.

[35] _Inscript._ 139, i.

[36] The fac-simile here presented is from the _Corpus Inscriptionum

Latinarum_, vi. 820.

[37] The sale of skins of victims sacrificed at Athens in the year 334

B. C., in state sacrifices only, brought a revenue of 5,500 drachmas.

[38] See Henzen, _Bullettino dell' Instituto_, 1863, p. 58.--Mommsen:

_Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, vol. i. no. 1503.

[39] See Cicero: _De Divinatione_, ii. 59, 123.--Preller: _Die

Regionen_, p. 133.--Nibby: _Roma Ant._, ii. p. 334.--Beckner:

_Topogr._, p. 539.--Cavedoni: _Bull. dell' Inst._ 1856, p.

102.--Visconti: _Bullettino Comunale_, 1887, p. 154, 156.--Middleton:

_The Remains of Ancient Rome_, ed. 1892, vol. ii. p. 233.

[40] Concerning this celebrated monument, see Tambroni and Poletti:

_Giornale arcadico_, vol. xviii., 1823, p. 371-400.--Gell: _Rome and

its Vicinity_, i. p. 219.--Klausen: _Æneas_, ii. p. 1083.--Canina:

_Via Appia_, i. p. 209-232.--Mommsen: _Corpus Inscriptionum

Latinarum_, vol. i. p. 207, no. 807.

[41] Pliny, _N. H._, x. 29, 41.

[42] A copy of this celebrated picture, dating from the second century

B. C., has been found in a tomb on the Esquiline. It was published in

facsimile and illustrated by Visconti in the _Bullettino Comunale_,

1889, p. 340, tav. xi.-xii.

[43] See the _Annali dell' Instituto_, 1854, p. 28.

[44] The convent and its garden occupy the sites of the house of

Augustus, the temples of Vesta and Apollo, the Greek and Latin

libraries, and the Portico of the Danaids, described in _Ancient

Rome_, ch. v., p. 109. The estate has been owned successively by the

Mattei, Spada, and Ronconi families, and by Charles Mills. Its finest

ornament is a portico built by the Matteis in the sixteenth century

from the designs of Raffaellino del Colle. This pupil of Raphael was

also the painter of the exquisite frescoes representing Venus and

Cupid, Jupiter and Antiope, Hermaphrodite and Salmace, and other

subjects engraved by Marcantonio and Agostino Veneziano. These

frescoes, greatly injured by age and neglect, were restored in 1824,

by Camuccini, at the expense of Mr. Charles Mills.

[45] See Lanciani: _L' itinerario di Einsiedlen_, in the _Monumenti

antichi pubblicati dalla Accademia dei Lincei._ 1891.

[46] This inscription is of such exceptional interest that it is

given, as edited by Mommsen, at the close of this volume.

[47] _Codex Vatic._ 7,721, f. 67.

[48] See Rycquius: _De Capitolio romano_. Leyden, 1669.--Bunsen:

_Beschreibung der Stadt Rom_, iii. A, p. 14.--Hirt: _Der

capitolinische Jupitertempel_, in the _Abhandlungen der Berliner

Akademie_, 1813.--Dureau de la Malle: _Mémoire sur la position de la

roche tarpeienne_, in the _Mémoires de l'Academie des Inscriptions_,

1819.--Niebuhr: _Römische Geschichte_, i. 5,588.--Mommsen: _Bullettino

dell' Instituto_, 1845, p. 119.--Lanciani: _Il tempio di Giove Ottimo

Massimo_, in the _Bullettino comunale_, 1875, p. 165, tav.

xvi.--Jordan: _Osservazioni sul_ _tempio di Giove Capitolino_. Lettera

al sig. cav. R. Lanciani, Roma, 1876.--Hülsen: _Osservazioni sull'

architettura del tempio di Giove Capitolino_, in the _Mittheilungen

des deutschen archäologischen Instituts, römische Abtheilung_, 1888,

p. 150.--Audollent: _Dessin inédit d'un fronton du temple de Jupiter

Capitolin_, in the _Mélanges de l'Ecole française_, 1889, Juin.

[49] See _Bullettino Comunale_, 1886, p. 403; 1887, p. 14, 124, 251;

1888, p. 138.--Mommsen: _Zeitschrift für Numismatik_, xv. p. 207-219.

[50] The same illustration has been selected by Middleton: _The

Remains of Ancient Rome_, vol. i. p. 363.--The reliefs of the pediment

are also well shown in a sketch by Pierre Jacques, dated 1576, and

published by Audollent in the _Mélanges_, 1889, planche ii.

[51] See Clemente Cardinati: _Diplomi imperiali di privilegi_.

Velletri, 1835.--Joseph Arneth: _Zwölf römische Militärdiplome_, Wien,

1843.--Mommsen: _Bullettino dell' Instituto_, 1845, p. 119; _Annali

dell' Instituto_, 1858, p. 198; _Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum_, vol.

iii. part ii. p. 843.--Léon Rénier: _Récueil des diplomes militaires_,

première livraison, Paris, 1876.

[52] _Die Flotte einer ägyptischen Königin aus dem siebzehnten

Jahrhundert._

[53] See Flavius Josephus, _Ant. Ind._, xviii. 4.

[54] See Morel: _Révue Archéologique_, 1868.--De Rossi: _Bullettino di

archeologia cristiana_, 1868.

[55] See Parker's _Forum Romanum_, London, 1876, plates xxiii. and

xxiv.

[56] It has since been published by Middleton himself in his _Remains

of Ancient Rome_, vol. i. p. 275, fig. 35, from a heliogravure of the

original.

[57] In the _Cod. Vat._, 3,439, f. 46.

[58] See Dressel: _Bullettino dell' Instituto_, 1881, p.

38.--Lanciani: _Bullettino Comunale_, 1881, p. 4.--Visconti: _Un

simulacro di Semo Sancus_, Roma, 1881.--Preller: _Römische

Mythologie_, p. 637.

[59] _Apolog._ 26.

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