EGYPT UNDER THE LAST PHARAOHS.
Necho's views for subjugating Syria to his dominion, and renewing the
campaigns of the ancient Pharaohs to the Euphrates, were wrecked after
some successes. The day of Karchemish, which he lost to the Babylonians,
carried with it the loss of the conquests in Syria, with perhaps the
exception of Gaza and one or two other places of the Philistines. Necho
might count himself fortunate that Nebuchadnezzar remained within Syria.
His attempt to support the rebellion of Judah against Babylon, which
king Jehoiakim ventured upon in the year 597 B.C., miscarried, as we saw
above (p. 331). Nebuchadnezzar now took all as far as the brook of
Egypt. Necho's son, Psammetichus II., who succeeded his father in the
year 595 B.C., took no steps to hinder the fall of the Phenician cities,
which were subjugated by Nebuchadnezzar in the year 593 B.C. Of
Psammetichus' short reign--it lasted only six years--Herodotus merely
tells us that he undertook a campaign against the Ethiopians, and died
immediately after it. From this statement we must conclude that since
the time of Psammetichus I. and the emigration of a part of the warrior
caste, Egypt had been in strained relations with the kingdom of Napata,
and the successors of Urdamane. From the words of Herodotus it would
seem that Psammetichus made an unprovoked attack on Ethiopia; but of the
success of the undertaking we know nothing. From some words which Greek
mercenaries of Pharaoh have left behind them, and the place where they
were written, it would seem to have been the intention of Psammetichus
to win back for Egypt lower Nubia, which, as we have seen, had for
centuries been a province of Egypt.
We know the colossi which Ramses II. caused to be hewn out of the rocks
before the entrance of the temple which he excavated at Abu Simbel.[745]
On the left thigh of the second colossus from the south some Greeks,
Ionians, and Dorians, have cut the following words in Ionic letters:
"When Psammetichus came to Elephantine, those who came by vessel with
Psammetichus, the son of Theocles, wrote this inscription. They came up
above Kerkis, as far as the river permitted. The foreigner
Dechepotasimto, the Egyptian Amasis. But Archon, the son of
Amoebichus, and Pelecus, the son of Udames, wrote me." Others of the
mercenaries, who were acquainted with the art of writing, have also
inscribed their names there; we find a Helesibius of Teos, a Telephus of
Ialysus, a brother of Archon, Python the son of Amoebichus, and three
others. The Phenician mercenaries were not either now or later behind
the Greeks: Phenician inscriptions are inscribed beside the Greek.[746]
Those of the Greeks prove that Psammetichus had encamped with his army
at Elephantine, that he had sent a part of it up the Nile with a Greek,
the son of Theocles, who had already got an Egyptian name,
Psammetichus--(which he must, therefore, have obtained under the reign
of Psammetichus I.). His object was certainly not to obtain information
about the land and the river, which was well enough known to the
Egyptians as far as Napata and above it. But it might very well be
necessary to ascertain the views and powers of the opponent in Napata.
Among the names in the inscription first mentioned the name of the
"foreigner Dechepotasimto"--a name which no doubt belonged to an
Ethiopian--and the name of the Egyptian Amasis prove that Egyptians and
Ethiopians acquainted with the land and the river were in the division
of the son of Theocles. How far to the south this division penetrated,
we cannot determine, for the place Kerkis, beyond which it passed, is
not mentioned elsewhere. On the return the detachment encamped to the
north of the falls of Wadi Halfa at Abu Simbel, and those among the
Greeks who knew how to write and wished to do so made use of their stay
to perpetuate in this manner their journey and their presence in this
distant region. Nothing is said of their collision with the Ethiopians;
it appears that the ruler of Napata had then abandoned lower Nubia to
the Egyptians. If this reconnoitering of the enemy by the detachment of
Theocles took place on the campaign of Psammetichus against Ethiopia, of
which Herodotus speaks, we must place it in the year 590 B.C., for
Psammetichus II. died "immediately after," in the next year.[747]
Nothing is left of the monuments of Psammetichus II.; we merely find
his name-shield on the rocks of the islands of Elephantine and Konosso;
they may arise from the time when the king was staying there, and had
his head-quarters at Elephantine, as the Greeks showed us. We are also
told by the sarcophagus of an Apis, buried under the successor of
Psammetichus, that this bull was brought into the temple of Ptah in the
first year of the reign of Psammetichus II.[748]
In spite of the double subjugation (600 and 597 B.C.), Judah remained in
ferment and bitterness against the dominion of Babylon. The accession of
Hophrah, the son of Psammetichus II. (Apries of the Greeks, Uahabra of
the inscriptions), aroused in Jerusalem, as we saw, the hope of shaking
off the yoke of Nebuchadnezzar with the aid of Egypt. According to the
statements in the prophets Jeremiah and Ezekiel, which are confirmed by
the course of events in Syria, Hophrah must have promised assistance to
Zedekiah, king of Judah. The Jews rebelled; but before the Egyptians
were ready, Nebuchadnezzar had already invested the fortified cities of
Judah, together with the metropolis (588 B.C.). In the next year
Hophrah's army marched to the relief of Jerusalem, which held out
stubbornly. Nebuchadnezzar raised the siege, in order to meet the
Egyptians with the united force of his army. He compelled the Egyptians
to retire. After a renewed investment and furious attack, Jerusalem fell
(p. 343).
After the fall of Jerusalem, as remarked above, the prophets of the Jews
expected that Egypt would be attacked by Nebuchadnezzar and subjugated.
From the Chaboras Ezekiel announced to the dwellers on the Nile the
bloody vengeance and punishment awaiting them because they had been a
staff of reed for Israel; and Jeremiah, who had been carried to Egypt a
few months after the fall of Jerusalem by the Jews who took to flight in
consequence of the assassination of the viceroy of Nebuchadnezzar, and
had there found a welcome and protection together with the rest,
announced at Daphne, on Egyptian soil, to Hophrah and the Egyptians,
their destruction by the sword of Nebuchadnezzar; he saw the king of
Babylon already enthroned on his carpet at Daphne. But Nebuchadnezzar
contented himself with maintaining and fortifying still further his
dominion over Syria. He followed up the capture of Jerusalem with the
long investment and siege of Tyre. When Tyre finally submitted (573
B.C.), Ezekiel again saw Nebuchadnezzar's army invading Egypt. In
reference to the long siege of Tyre, and the fact that it ended not in
the storming and plundering of the city, but in coming to terms, Ezekiel
says: "Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, caused his army to serve a great
service against Tyre: every head was made bald, and every shoulder was
peeled; yet he had no wages, nor his army, from Tyre. Now will I give to
Nebuchadnezzar, the king of Babylon, the land of Egypt, and he shall
take her multitude and take her spoil and take her prey, and it shall be
the wages for his army. I will give him the land of Egypt for his
reward, saith Jehovah. The king and his people, and with him the
mightiest of the nations, shall be led forth for the desolation of
Egypt. They shall draw their sword against Egypt and fill the land with
slain. The pride of Egypt shall come down; from Migdol to Syene they
shall fall by the sword; and in the same day messengers shall go forth
in ships to make the careless Ethiopia afraid. I will make the canals
dry. I will destroy the idols, and cause the images to cease out of Noph
(Memphis). I will make Patrus (upper Egypt) desolate, and will set fire
to Zoan (Tanis), and will execute judgments in No (Thebes). I will pour
my fury upon Sin (Pelusium), the strength of Egypt, and will cut off the
multitude of No. I will set fire in Egypt; Sin shall have great pain,
and No shall be rent asunder. The young men of On (Heliopolis) and
Bubastis shall fall by the sword, and at Tachpanhes (Daphne) the day
shall be darkened."[749] But even after the subjugation of Tyre,
Nebuchadnezzar did not pass beyond Syria.
Herodotus tells us that Hophrah marched out against Sidon, and fought a
battle by sea with the king of Tyre. Of the results of this battle
Herodotus says nothing: he only remarks that after his great-grandfather
Psammetichus, Hophrah was the most successful of this family. Diodorus
narrates: Hophrah attacked Cyprus and Phoenicia with a well-appointed
army by land and sea; took the city of Sidon by storm, and the rest of
Phenician cities by the terror of his name; conquered the Phenicians and
Cyprians in a great battle by sea, and then returned to Egypt with great
spoil.[750] These accounts are very extraordinary. In the year 593 B.C.,
Tyre and Sidon had striven with the Ammonites and Moabites against
Nebuchadnezzar; they were defeated. Then, as has been already shown,
Nebuchadnezzar blockaded Tyre from 586 B.C. to 573 B.C. We saw that
Hophrah opposed Nebuchadnezzar in the years of the Jewish war, _i.e._
from his accession till the fall of Jerusalem (589-586 B.C.). If during
this period, or subsequently, when Nebuchadnezzar was blockading Tyre,
he had made war upon Sidon and Tyre, and the other cities of the
Phenicians, he would have worked for Nebuchadnezzar; whereas, on the
contrary, he must have regarded it as of the first importance that the
last independent city of Syria, Tyre, should not be reduced. He must do
for Tyre what he had done for Jerusalem, and for that city also he must
venture on war with Nebuchadnezzar. Hence Hophrah can only have carried
on war against the Phenician cities in the three last years of his reign
(between 573 and 570 B.C.), and this again is only conceivable under the
hypothesis that Hophrah set out with the Egyptian fleet against Cyprus,
which Diodorus regards as the object of the campaign, in order to
prevent this island as well as Tyre from becoming subject to
Nebuchadnezzar--in order to obtain in this island a counterpoise to the
incorporation of Syria and the Phenician cities in the Babylonian
kingdom. The war with Tyre and Sidon would then have broken out because
Sidon wished to prevent the island from passing under the dominion of
Egypt. But if Hophrah, as Diodorus states, had taken the cities of the
Phenicians, he must have taken them from Nebuchadnezzar, which seems
highly improbable. If Hophrah wished to take them from Nebuchadnezzar,
he could not be guilty of greater folly than to wait thirteen years,
till the submission of Tyre, in order to attack the city when it had
fallen, and Nebuchadnezzar had established a firm foot on the coasts of
Syria. If he wished to liberate the cities from Babylon, they would
have been eager, so far as lay in their power, to receive the Egyptian
garrisons; we must then suppose that in their anxiety not to lose their
trade with the lands of the Euphrates, they had now vigorously repelled
the Egyptians. But if this be so, how are we to explain their earlier
resistance, and the thirteen years' struggle of Tyre against Babylon? As
already remarked, Herodotus tells us nothing of any successes which
Hophrah gained against Tyre and Sidon; in Diodorus the campaign of
Hophrah is primarily directed against Cyprus, then against Sidon and the
other cities. Hophrah returns home laden with booty; but of permanent
successes even Diodorus says nothing. Herodotus, on the contrary,
remarks that the successor of Hophrah was the first conqueror of Cyprus;
and in Diodorus it is the successor of Hophrah who conquers Cyprus.
Besides, after Hophrah's time we find Babylonia still in possession of
the supremacy over Tyre (p. 394). It is obviously statements of the
Egyptians about the achievements of Hophrah on the coast of Syria, which
Herodotus and Diodorus hand down to us: we know the style of the
Egyptian accounts of victory; but even according to these, as repeated
in Diodorus, there was nothing more than a plundering raid.[751]
The power of Babylon over Syria could not now be shaken. Egypt must be
content to be free from attacks. But in the West, in Libya, there was a
better prospect of success than against Babylon. Some 60 years
previously Greek settlers had built the city of Cyrene, to the east of
the great Syrtis, and the flourishing condition of this city was hardly
contemplated with satisfaction in Egypt. Its importance was increased by
a great number of new settlers, whom Battus III. had summoned to Cyrene;
and to maintain these a considerable portion of land had been taken from
the neighbouring Libyans. Adikran, the prince of these tribes, summoned
Hophrah to his assistance against the Cyrenæans; for this protection he
was prepared to recognise the supremacy of Egypt. Hophrah sent a strong
army against Cyrene. But the Cyrenæans succeeded in defeating it at the
fountain of Theste, and in inflicting a severe blow on the Egyptians
(571 B.C.). This disaster caused a new outbreak of ill-feeling on the
part of the Egyptian military caste against the Ionian mercenaries. As
these, on whom devolved the protection of the eastern border against the
Babylonians, had been left behind, the Egyptian warriors thought that
the Pharaoh had purposely sent them to their destruction. On their
return the remnant of the army rebelled against the Pharaoh; Hophrah
sent Amasis to bring back the troops to obedience.[752]
Amasis of Siuph in the canton of Sais was of humble origin, a man of
loose morals, who loved wine, and the pleasures of the table, merriment
and riotous living, but still possessed intelligence and ambition.
Instead of bringing back the rebellious troops to obedience, he allowed
himself when he arrived in the camp to be saluted by them as king.
Hearing of this, Pharaoh Hophrah put himself at the head of the Ionians
and Carians--they were 30,000 in number--and went to meet the rebels,
who had already reached the borders of Egypt. In spite of the bravest
efforts the Ionians and Carians were defeated by the Egyptians at
Momemphis, as Herodotus states, or as Diodorus tells us, at Marea, on
the south-western shore of Lake Mareotis. Hophrah himself was taken
prisoner. Amasis intended to spare him. He brought him to Sais, and
there put him in prison in the citadel which his forefather Psammetichus
had built. But afterwards Amasis yielded to the request of the people,
and gave up Hophrah to the mob who put him to death (570 B.C.).[753]
Thus ended the race of Psammetichus in Egypt; in the same region where
his great-grandfather is said to have obtained the liberation of Egypt
and the throne, Hophrah had lost it. Since the times of the Ramessids,
the Pharaohs of Tanis and Bubastis had no longer sought their sepulchres
at Thebes: the family of Psammetichus had prepared a sepulchre at Sais
where his citadel stood. It was situated at the temple of Neith the
goddess of Sais, at the tomb of Osiris, where the Saites kept the
funeral festival of the god: here also was Hophrah's body buried.[754]
Amasis (Ahmes) was raised to the throne by the Egyptians against the
Greeks, to break down the influence and favoured position of the
foreigners. His victory over the Ionians had brought him to the throne.
As soon as he had gained it, he returned back to the system which
Psammetichus and his successors had followed, and established it yet
more firmly. He made ancient Egypt an Egypto-Grecian state. His first
care was to conclude peace and alliance with the Cyrenæans. To king
Battus III. of Cyrene he sent a gilded image of the goddess of Sais and
his own portrait. He took to wife a woman of the house of Battus, by
name Laodice. The Ionians and Carians conquered by him he removed from
the eastern border, from the Pelusiac arm of the Nile, into the interior
to Memphis. They were no longer to protect the border of Egypt which was
most threatened, but the person of the king. He made them his
bodyguard.[755] The Greek merchants he allowed to live at Naucratis
under their own overseers and their own system of justice. The settlers
came in greater numbers than ever. Greek Hetæræe followed trade into the
distant land and accumulated treasures in Egypt.[756] The Greeks were
even allowed to erect altars and temples in the country; the king
himself provided the necessary sites; a proceeding which must have
filled with horror and dismay the priests of the land, and all Egyptians
of the old way of thinking. Hence the four Ionian cities, Chios, Teos,
Clazomenæ, Phocæa; and the four Dorian, Cnidus, Rhodes, Halicarnassus,
Phaselis, and the Æolian Mytilene, built a common shrine for their
deities at Naucratis. Miletus erected a special temple to her deity
Apollo. Samos and Ægina also built special temples. Amasis went still
further: he honoured the Greek gods by dedicatory gifts. Two statues of
stone, portraits of himself, and a wonderful corslet, as Herodotus
assures us, he dedicated at Cnidus in the temple of Athene; and when the
Delphians made a collection among the settlers in Egypt in aid of their
temple which had been burnt down, Amasis also sent them a
contribution.[757]
If Amasis allowed such advantages to the Greeks, he also knew how to
reckon with the old Egyptian feeling. Besides two Greek women, Laodice
and Sebaste, he took to wife two Egyptians, of whom one was the daughter
of Psammetichus II. The monuments of Egypt give us their names,
Tentchet and Anchnas. The latter we see represented at Selsilis, beside
Amasis, pouring libations to Ammon, Mut, and Chons; her sarcophagus is
in existence: Tentchet is mentioned by the successor of Amasis on a
monument as his mother; she must therefore have been the sister of
Hophrah, the daughter of Psammetichus II.[758] By this union Amasis
sought to legitimize his dominion and to connect himself with the race
of Psammetichus: and with this view he also gave to the son whom
Tentchet bore him the name of his grandfather, Psammetichus. Thus his
rule seemed to be only the continuation of the dominion of the
descendants of the liberator of the house of Sais.
He exhibited a proper reverence for the worship of Egypt. In the twelfth
year of the reign of Hophrah an Apis had died, and had been buried in
the customary manner at the expense of the king. In the fifth year of
the reign of Amasis (566 B.C.) an Apis was again born, to which Amasis
appears to have paid especial honour. To this bull while yet alive, he
presented a large coffin of red granite. The inscription on the cover
runs thus: "The king Amasis. He has caused this to be made for his
memorial of the living Apis, this huge sarcophagus of red granite, for
his majesty approved the custom that all the kings in all ages had had
such made of costly stones. This did he, the bestower of life for
ever."[759] When this Apis died in the year 548 B.C., he was buried with
extraordinary pomp, and a memorial stone from the new sepulchres of the
Apis (p. 312) informs us what part Psammetichus, the son of Amasis and
heir to the throne, took in this burial, and in all the ceremonials
observed during the days of lamentation.[760]
In the effort in which the rulers of Egypt resembled each other almost
without exception--in the desire to erect great buildings--Amasis
emulated his predecessors. His buildings began with his accession and
ended with his life. Sais was adorned by him with the largest and most
magnificent works, for which the stones were mostly brought from the
quarries at Memphis, and the largest from the quarries at Elephantine.
To the temple of Neith at Sais he added marvellous propylæa, which, as
Herodotus says, surpassed all others by their height and size, as well
as by the size and beauty of the stones of which they were constructed.
Here Amasis also set up great colossi and sphinxes, and caused to be
brought from Elephantine a chapel hewn out of a single stone 21 cubits
in length, 14 cubits in breadth, and 8 cubits in height, which was set
up at Sais before the temple of Neith. Two thousand seamen were occupied
for three years in bringing this chapel from Elephantine to Sais. A
similar memorial of Amasis lies on the site of the ancient Thmuis in the
Delta. At Memphis Amasis built a temple to Isis; "a work large and
worthy to be seen beyond all others," says Herodotus, and before the
temple of Ptah he placed a colossus of 75 feet in height, and on either
side of it two statues of Ethiopian stone of 20 feet in height. When
Herodotus visited Egypt this mighty colossus lay at Memphis thrown down
on its back, and one of equal dimensions (no doubt they were portraits
of Amasis) lay in a similar position at Sais. The other temples were not
forgotten; Amasis caused restorations to be undertaken at Thebes,
especially at the great temple of Karnak: other temples were also
restored and adorned with new buildings and statues. His sepulchre
Amasis built at Sais beside the tombs of the race of Psammetichus, whose
dynasty he wished to continue, just as he continued and completed their
system of government. It lies, says Herodotus, somewhat farther from the
temple than the tomb of Hophrah and his forefathers, at the side of the
colonnade before the temple. It was a separate colonnade, of which the
portico was supported by pillars with capitals carved like
palm-branches. In this portico lay the sepulchral chamber, a room of
stone closed by double doors.[761] Of the eagerness with which Amasis
built we have still evidence in the inscriptions found with his name in
all the quarries of Egypt; in the limestone quarries of Memphis, in the
granite quarries at Hamamat, and in the sandstone quarries at Selsilis,
and in the quarries of red granite in the south of Egypt. The quarries
of Hamamat also give us the name of the chief architect of Amasis, "the
chief of all the buildings in Upper and Lower Egypt," and his
forefathers to the twenty-fourth generation.[762]
Amid the cares of the throne Amasis did not forget the easy and cheerful
enjoyment of life, which he loved. When he had finished his business in
the morning he sat down to table with his friends, drank deeply, and
made merry with them without any regard for the ancient ceremonial of
the Egyptian court, or the remonstrances of his friends, who would
recall him to more dignified behaviour. Nevertheless, in spite of the
favour shown to the Greeks, he knew how to win the good-will of the
Egyptians, by a just, moderate, and mild government, and by regard for
the well-being of the land. The tradition of the Egyptians counts him
among the lawgivers of the land. He is said to have regulated the
economical relations and the duties of the nomarchs as well as their
power.[763] With the Greeks too he passed as a ruler of extraordinary
wisdom. In any case, under his long reign--he sat on the throne for 44
years--Egypt attained a high degree of prosperity. The freedom of trade
brought in products: agriculture, manufactures, and trade were active.
"Under Amasis," says Herodotus, "Egypt is said to have been most
prosperous, both in regard to that which the river did for the land, and
the soil gave to the inhabitants, and at that time there are said to
have been 20,000 inhabited places in the land."[764]
But these were the last days of Egyptian splendour. If Babylon had
hitherto been a dangerous neighbour, the position of affairs in the East
changed in the reign of Amasis for the most decided disadvantage to
Egypt. When Cyrus had brought the kingdom of the Medes into his power,
he reduced the nations on the east and west of Persia. At length Babylon
herself succumbed to the arms of Cyrus in the thirty-second year of the
reign of Amasis. With the fall of Babylon Syria became subject to him,
so that the youthful and mighty kingdom of the Persians already bordered
on Egypt. Amasis avoided giving any support to the resistance offered by
Babylon and Lydia to this new power. If he succeeded, after the fall of
Babylon, in possessing himself of the island of Cyprus, and so obtaining
a position opposite the Syrian coast, which might paralyse the
possession of the Phenician cities, this success, as opposed to the
supremacy of Persia, was only of importance in so far as it rendered the
use of the Phenician fleet difficult for the Persians. The close
connection also into which Amasis entered with Polycrates, who in the
year 536 B.C. made himself master of the island of Samos, and got
together a splendid fleet of 80 heavy and 100 light ships of war--for
Polycrates was threatened more heavily by the neighbourhood of Persia
than Egypt was--could only be of use to Egypt in defending her against
an attack from the sea; it was useless against the attack of a far
superior power by land. If in his last years Amasis could take breath
for a moment owing to the death of the great conqueror, the anxiety for
the future soon returned with double weight. When Amasis died (526 B.C.)
Cambyses, the son of Cyrus, was already preparing a great armament
against Egypt. To his son Psammetichus III. (Psammenitus) he bequeathed
the difficult task of meeting the attack of the Persians.
FOOTNOTES:
[745] Vol I. 175.
[746] They are contemporaneous; if the reading Hamsabatichi
(Psammetichus) is correct. The names of the mercenaries are said to be
Pethah ben Jethar and Sillon ben Pethiach. Blau. "Z. D. M. G." 19, 522
ff.
[747] If A. Kirchhoff's supplement of inscription No. 9 is correct
("Studien z. G. d. Griechischen Alphabets," s. 35^3), "[Greek: hoka
basileus hêlase ton straton to praton]" the date of the expedition of
the son of Theocles must be put earlier. Cp. Ross, "N. Jahrbücher f.
Philolog." 1854, s. 528 ff. The name of the father of Theocles
determines me in accepting Bergk's opinion that these inscriptions of
the Ethiopian expedition of Psammetichus II. do not belong to the
pursuit of the emigrant soldiers of Psammetichus I. (above, p. 307).
[748] Brugsch, "History of Egypt," II. p. 287.
[749] Ezekiel xxix. 17-21; chap xxx., from the twenty-seventh year of
the carrying away captive of Ezekiel, _i.e._ from the year 571 B.C.
Josephus ("Antiq." 10, 9, 7) tells us, it is true, that Nebuchadnezzar
invaded Egypt in the fifth year after the capture of Jerusalem, in the
twenty-third year of his reign, slew king Hophrah, put another king in
his place, and carried away as prisoners to Babylon the Jews who had
fled for refuge to Egypt. The death of Hophrah in battle against or by
the hand of Nebuchadnezzar contradicts all credible tradition. In the
year denoted by Josephus there may have been a sharp contest on the
borders, which Josephus has exaggerated in order to favour the
statements of the prophets, if, indeed, the year also is not derived
from Jeremiah, chap. lii. The carrying away of the Jews who had fled to
Egypt has obviously arisen out of Jeremiah's prophecy.
[750] Herod. 2, 160; Diod. 1, 68.
[751] To conclude from the three fragments from Aradus of Egyptian, and
especially Saitic style, on one of which Psammetichus I. is read, and
the bas-relief of Byblus (Renan, "Mission," p. 25), with the picture of
a Pharaoh and Hathor (de Rougé, "Rev. Archéol." N.S. 1863, p. 194 ff),
that Hophrah ruled in Aradus and Byblus, is more than rash. From all
antiquity there was a lively connection between Egypt and Phoenicia.
If the Phenicians built temples in Egypt, the Egyptians might also build
temples at Byblus.
[752] Herod. 2, 161, 162; 4, 159.
[753] Herod. 2, 169. Diod. 1, 68.
[754] Herod. 2, 170. Strabo, pp. 802, 803.
[755] Herod. 2, 154.
[756] Herod. 2, 135.
[757] Herod. 2, 178.
[758] De Rougé ("Notice") regards Anchnas as the daughter of
Psammetichus II.
[759] Brugsch, "Hist. of Egypt," II. 288.
[760] Brugsch, "Hist. of Egypt," pp. 263, 294.
[761] Herod. 2, 175, 176, 169; 3, 116.
[762] Brugsch, "Hist. of Egypt," II. 299.
[763] Diod. 1, 95.
[764] Herod. 2, 177. According to Diod. 1, 31, Egypt in the ancient time
had 18,000 communities, and under the Ptolemies 30,600. According to
Theocritus ("Idyll." 17, 83), Egypt possessed 33,600 communities.