CHAPTER II.

THE PROPHETS OF ISRAEL.

The overthrow of the house of Omri had not raised the power of the

kingdom of Israel. Jehu, it is true, sent tribute to Shalmanesar II.

king of Assyria (842 B.C.). But in spite of this subjection to the great

king on the Tigris, neither Jehu nor his son Jehoahaz was in a position

to repel the attacks of the princes of Damascus, Hazael and Benhadad

III.; the whole region to the East of the Jordan, the land of Gilead,

had to be conceded to Damascus after the most cruel devastation of that

district and of all Israel. It was the distress into which Bin-nirar

III. of Asshur brought Damascus which first afforded respite to Israel

in the last years of Jehoahaz, though tribute for this service also had

to be paid to Assyria (803 B.C.). His successor, king Joash (798-790

B.C.) was now able to wrest from Damascus at least those cities which

his father had lost, and the son of Joash, Jeroboam II. (790-749 B.C.),

the fourth sovereign of the house of Jehu, succeeded in gaining the

upper hand over Damascus, in completely reconquering the land of Gilead,

and inflicting heavy blows on Hamath. The land which he conquered from

Hamath he retained; the Books of Kings mention the brave deeds of

Jeroboam II., how "he set up again the borders of Israel, from the land

of Hamath to the sea of the plain." During his long and powerful

reign--he sat on the throne for 41 years[40]--agriculture was developed,

trade became again active, and, as it seems, very lucrative. In Samaria,

the metropolis, there were splendid houses, the inhabitants of which

lived in magnificence and luxury.[41]

In Judah the reign of Joash, whom the high-priest Jehoiada placed on the

throne in the year 837 B.C., again fully established the worship of

Jehovah in opposition to the favour which his grandmother Athaliah had

shown to the worship of Baal. Amaziah, the son of Joash, maintained his

throne against the murderers of his father; his arms were successful

against the Edomites, but failed against Israel. When he also was slain

by conspirators, the people, in the year 792 B.C., raised his son Uzziah

(Azariah) to the throne. Uzziah was only 16 years of age at the time of

his accession, but young as he was he learned well how to rule, and the

length of his reign allowed him to see the fruit of his labours. The

Chronicles say of him: "He loved husbandry; he had husbandmen and

vinedressers in the mountains, and dug many wells in the desert, for he

had many cattle in the low country and in the plain."[42] Uzziah was

also a brave warrior. Against the Philistines he obtained greater

successes than fell to the lot of any of his predecessors, including

even Saul and David, greater than those won by any of his successors. He

took Gath, the prince of which David had once served; he gained Jabneh

and conquered Ashdod, and destroyed the walls of this city. The loss of

Gath and Ashdod limited the league of the cities of the Philistines to

Ekron, Ascalon, and Gaza; Uzziah built Jewish cities in the conquered

districts,[43] he forced the Ammonites to pay tribute, he completed the

subjugation of the Edomites which his father Amaziah had begun, and his

fame reached even to Egypt.[44] He rebuilt the harbour-city of Elath on

the Red Sea, which the rebellion of the Edomites against Judah had

wrested from king Jehoram about the year 845 B.C. (II. 252), placed Jews

there, and apparently restored the Ophir trade of Solomon.[45] "He was

marvellously helped," say the Chronicles, "till he became strong." Amid

such successes Uzziah did not forget that changes would occur, that

other times would come. In the second half of his reign[46] he

strengthened the walls of Jerusalem with towers at the corner-gate,

_i.e._ at the north-west corner, of the city wall, at the valley gate,

and at the corner, _i.e._ where the wall of the upper city advances to

the west, and caused "engines invented by cunning men to be on the

towers and upon the bulwarks of the walls, to throw arrows and great

stones withal."[47] The levy of the people was put in order; the

fighting men were entered on a register; Uzziah "prepared for the whole

army shields and spears, coats of mail and helmets, bows and slinging

stones."[48] "And Uzziah did what was right in the eyes of Jehovah as

Amaziah his father had done, save that the people still sacrificed and

offered incense on the high places"--so we are told in the Books of

Kings. The Chronicles add that he sought God as long as the prophet

Zachariah lived.[49] Afterwards he had a quarrel with the priests of the

temple because he sacrificed with his own hands in the great space of

the temple, the holy place (before the Holy of Holies), on the altar in

that space intended for incense. David and Solomon had offered incense

there before him; the priesthood intended therefore to make good their

exclusive claim to every kind of sacrifice as against Uzziah.[50] Uzziah

succeeded in raising Judah to the highest point of power and importance,

which it reached after the defection of Israel.

Thus after severe tempests the reigns of Jeroboam II. and Uzziah brought

to Israel and Judah the restoration of order, power and prosperity. The

flourishing condition of agriculture and trade increased the well-being

of the people, and produced profits which led the wealthy classes into a

misuse of their wealth, into extravagance and luxury. This mode of life,

which seldom, in the East especially, fails to accompany gains easily

got, was attacked in both kingdoms by a merciless criticism. In Israel

and in Judah a careless enjoyment of life was connected not unfrequently

with a certain inclination towards the rites of the Syrians. From the

time that the house of Jehu ruled in Israel, and Joash ascended the

throne of Judah, the favourable feeling towards Syrian rites had

ceased, from the throne downwards. With the restoration of more active

relations towards the neighbouring nations their example operated with

renewed force on the wealthier classes of Israel, and among them, and

afterwards no doubt among the people, admission and recognition was thus

gained for the religious observances of the Syrians. As the sensual

elements in the forms of the gods and the cultus of the Syrians became

more marked--as the worship of the deities of procreation and birth

became more licentious and debauched, in connection with the increased

population, and consequent luxury and dissoluteness in the Phenician

cities (II. 276), as the prostitution became more general, the service

of androgynous deities more zealous--as the number of sacred servants,

of companions male and female, of eunuchs and men ready to make

themselves eunuchs, became larger--as this worship of lust and

mutilation grew more disgusting, and the flames on the altar of Moloch

rose more frequently--so much the more vigorous, in the circles of the

neighbouring nations, whose national and religious life was roused, must

have been the aversion and opposition to such licentious practices, to

rites of so different a nature, and so strongly at variance with their

own faith.

Three centuries before this time, Israel by the foundation of a monarchy

had gained rest and security against her nearest neighbours in the East

and West, against Moab and Ammon, and the Philistines. After the

division the powers of Israel and Judah had hardly sufficed at all times

to protect them against their neighbours; and even, at last, against the

Damascenes. Serious dangers threatened from a greater distance. Egypt,

the country from which in Syria there was naturally the most to fear,

had kept within her borders since the settlement of the Israelites in

Canaan, as if to secure space and freedom for the development of Israel.

Only once in the course of five centuries was this rest broken by the

campaign of the Pharaoh Shishak, and then in a very transitory manner.

But half a century after this campaign another opponent arose far to the

East on the banks of the Tigris, who now had secured a firm footing on

the Euphrates, whose armies first trod the north of Syria, and tried

their strength in repeated campaigns against Damascus. Ahab of Israel in

league with Damascus and other princes of the Syrians succeeded in

beating off the first attack; but after him Jehu and Jehoahaz of Israel

paid tribute to the kings of Asshur, and though the successors of

Bin-nirar III. had to fight in Arrapachitis and Gauzanitis, they

repeatedly led their armies against Northern Syria, against Arpad and

Hadrach.

However secure men might feel in Israel and Judah in the possession of

the position recently obtained under Jeroboam and Uzziah, it could not

escape a keener eye that a power had forced its way to the Euphrates,

and every moment threatened a renewed attack on Syria which Israel and

Judah were not in a position to resist, even in the favourable position

in which for a moment they were situated. Even if Israel and Judah

united their forces, which for the moment were excellently arranged, it

was scarcely conceivable that they could make any stand against the

supremacy of Assyria, if this were expressly directed against Syria.

Only in the event of a hearty combination of all the states and tribes

of Syria, the Philistines and the Phenicians, Hamath and Damascus,

Israel and Judah; only by the union of all Syria under one power, could

a sufficient counterpoise be provided to the Assyrian power. But the

feeling and tendencies of these states were different, as also was the

state of civilisation and religious life; and the thought of such an

union never arose among them. Even if it had it could hardly be realised

here, or elsewhere in the East, in any other way than by establishing

one despotic monarch. Such a form of union would at any rate have

required that Israel should give the best she had. Instead of a

political impulse which would have united Israel and Judah with Damascus

and Hamath, the Phenicians and Philistines, the internal circumstances

of Israel and Judah, the opposition to the renewed encroachments of the

Canaanitish worship, combined with the threatening position of Assyria,

gave a new, peculiar, and lofty flight to the religious development of

the Israelites.

In its struggles against the house of Omri the prophetic power was

inwardly ripened and strengthened. With the relaxation of persecution

the intensity and ecstacy of the prophets must have been relaxed. In the

place of the passionate strife came a more peaceful tone, greater

calmness, more earnest introspection. Yet the prophetic power was not

merely purified, it was also deepened. By degrees, elements which had

been developed in other spheres exercised an influence on the prophetic

work, on the reflection on the nature and will of Jehovah, and the

effort to be absorbed in him. The expression and outlet which religious

feeling had found in religious songs, in invocations, and hymns of

thanksgiving, praise and penitence, supplied to the prophetic feeling a

fuller, broader and more variable background. To the oldest account of

the fortunes of Israel, which arose in priestly circles, and of the

covenant which his God had once made with him, to the collection and

establishment of the law which formed the contents of this covenant,

was soon added the second text, which described in a more lively manner

the manifestations of the tribal God, his guidance of the patriarchs and

forefathers of the nation, and, like the older text, it was for a long

time in the hands of the prophets. Even before Joel, at the time when

the high-priest Jehoiada was regent for king Joash in Judah (II. 259),

urged the nation to repentance and introspection, the hand of a prophet

had united those two texts. Penetrated by their contents, he had, as

might be expected from his point of view, laid the main stress on the

promises and prophecies, on the relation of man to God, on the nature of

man, and his duty in life. In this form the books of the fortunes of the

patriarchs, of the covenant of Jehovah and Israel, of the promise of

protection and blessing in return for the observation of this covenant,

must have exercised an especial influence on the circle of the prophets;

they showed them the past in the closest relation to the present; they

strengthened their conviction that the external relation was

insufficient, that the essential point was the internal relation of man

to his God.

As a fact the people of Israel had experienced a peculiar fortune. Of

the same origin as a part of the Arabian and Syrian tribes and closely

allied to them, the Israelites had not followed the same path of

development. Branching off from those nearest, and then from their older

tribesmen, with whom they had previously pastured their flocks, they

grew up into a nation on the borders of Egypt and under Egyptian

supremacy; a nation in which nomadic simplicity met with certain

influences due to Egyptian culture. Forced back upon their feeling of

national independence by the oppression of the Egyptians, the children

of Jacob had emancipated themselves from Egyptian dominion, and had

embraced with renewed vigour the worship of their tribal God, and at

length had won by force of arms an abode among the kindred tribes, to

which they now stood opposed as enemies. The tribes of Syria were far

before them in culture of every kind, in wealth and adornment of life;

the tribes of the desert, the closely related neighbours on the east of

the Jordan, did not cease to attack and plunder the cantons of the

Israelites; their neighbours on the south coast sought with persistence

to subjugate them. Thus the national contrast remained in force, and the

fixity of it was favoured by the nature of the mountain country, the

seclusion of many valleys and heights possessed by the Israelites, while

these same natural conditions rendered impossible such a thorough

entrance into the life of the maritime cities, and the life of Damascus

and Hamath, as could lead to the dissolution of the nationality. The

fact that Israel, at the time of David and Solomon, obtained the

preponderance over their neighbours, tended, together with the national

pride, to strengthen the contrast instead of weakening it, and

maintained the consciousness of nationality as a great memory. Even from

this point of view, starting from the national feeling and

consciousness, the prophets could not but oppose the Syrian tribes and

their rites, and in this opposition they found the more ready acceptance

in Israel, the more thoroughly the consciousness was aroused that the

land had been won and maintained in conflict with the tribes to whom

this worship belonged. But the conception of the nature of the national

deity was far more powerful in the prophets than the sense of

nationality. In contrast to the lascivious worship of the powers of

nature, the God of Israel was originally conceived as a deity who was

alien and opposed to the creative powers of nature. In the sense of this

contrast Jehovah was regarded as an exalted and terrible deity, to look

on whom brought death; in this feeling the simple conception, which

cannot forego the sensuous element, saw Jehovah's manifestation in

flame, in the destroying but purifying glow of fire. The aversion to all

sensuous nature now rises to its fullest power in the mind of the

prophets in opposition to the Syrian rites; their supernatural point of

view, forced onward by the struggle and the contrast, disrobed the idea

of God of every material element which still adhered to it. How could

this supra-terrestrial power, before which all that is earthly is dust

and mire, dwell in a frail image made by human hands? The temple at

Jerusalem had no image, the greater part of the old places of sacrifice

were without any, and among the Hebrews it was well known that the

worship of Jehovah without images was the traditional mode of worship.

Neither the bull-images of Jehovah, which had been set up at the time of

the division of the kingdom in Israel, in contrast to the images of the

Syrian gods, though tolerated by the prophets at the time of Ahab and

Jehoram, nor any other image of the god, ought to be worshipped. If the

divine power is not only supernatural but also purely spiritual, beyond

nature and ruling over it; if it is without manifestation in the world

of sense; there can be no question of the worship or deification of

elementary powers, or the personification of physical processes; the

worship of these is nothing but deception and senseless rites. Moreover,

the power before which all nature quakes can be but one. Thus, to the

prophetic mind, Jehovah from being the tribal God of Israel, beside whom

other gods defended their nations, though not so mighty as he, becomes

the one and only God. And to them this God is no longer merely the power

which rules over nature, no longer merely the jealous and severe God of

his nation from whom the first-born must be purchased, who must be

worshipped with many sacrifices, and pleasant odours--to the inward

emotion, the inward certainty, and conscience of the prophets he is at

the same time the highest ethical power. Whatever they in their

enlightenment and in their hearts felt to be the just, the good, the

highest, is Jehovah's nature. In him were concentrated the moral

elements as conceived by the prophets, and nature is no more than the

footstool under his feet. He is now the one supernatural, spiritual and

moral power, which rules the world, before which earth and mankind

disappear. He is pure, holy and sublime; he hates injustice, violence,

exaction, avarice, deceit, and oppression of kindred, and looks not on

wickedness with favour. His will is just, he will requite every one

according to his actions, and will not forget the evil of the evil-doer.

What can the holy and just Lord in heaven care for offerings of food,

frankincense, and drink? The lips and the heart must be elevated to his

greatness, his commands must be kept, and men must make themselves holy

as he is holy. The only service of the holy God is a holy and righteous

life. Sacrifice is not required, but recognition of God, simplicity,

chastity, and moderation.

If from this point of view, to which their own conception had

laboriously risen--they had learned to know the ancient God of Israel in

his true nature--and following the lead of the sacred Scriptures, the

prophets cast a glance on the fortunes and achievements of their

nation,--had not Jehovah already announced himself to their forefathers?

Had he not by Moses commanded and established the true worship? Had he

not done great things for his people? Had he not led them out of Egypt

and given them this beautiful land for a possession? But had Israel been

grateful for this?--had he made any return?--had he kept the covenant

which Jehovah had made with him, and his law? At the best sacrifices

were offered at Jerusalem, prayer was made to bull-images at Dan and

Bethel. But how many were there who worshipped Baal, Astarte, and

Ashera! How regardless of their duties were the rich, and the judges,

how luxurious and dissolute in their lives! Was this the way to fulfil

the commands of the just and holy God?

From this arose a peculiar class of ideas. Jehovah had chosen Israel for

his people before other nations. He desires to protect him and grant him

his favour. But how can he, the pure and holy God, grant protection and

defence, if his people live an impure and unholy life? To protect

sinners would be against his own nature. Jehovah was a severe and

jealous God; was he not to punish the defection from his service, the

faithlessness and ingratitude of the nation, with grievous punishment?

Must he not visit these wrong-doers with a heavy penalty? The Assyrians

were on the Euphrates. From these suppositions, and the conclusion that

Jehovah, according to his pure and holy being as well as his severe

nature, must punish the error of the people; that he could not allow the

breach of the ancient covenant, the defection, the worship of idols, the

injustice, and the luxury to remain unvisited, grew up the idea of a

great sentence about to be executed on Israel and Judah. Among the

prophets this became a settled conviction. But according to their

conception, Jehovah is raised far above the weakness and the anger of

men. If his people return to him, amend their conversation, and serve

him with their lips and their heart, he will in his mercy pardon them,

or the punishment which he sends upon them will be merely a

purification; the stiff-necked obstinacy of the hard heart he will

break; many will fall, but he will spare those who are true to him; and

when he has corrected his people by a severe judgment, he will exalt

them anew, and take up his abode on Zion.

Filled with these conceptions the prophets came forward soon after the

beginning of the eighth century. They are no longer sooth-sayers and

seers; they do not predict any more; they do not announce definite

facts; they only know what will and must be the consequences of the

sinful life of the people: they proclaim a great judgment; they declare

what must be done in order to turn aside the wrath of Jehovah. Impelled

by inward certainty to ascertain and reveal the nature and will of

Jehovah, filled with religious inspiration, and in a tone of deepest

earnestness, the prophets give to their utterances an expression of

force and fire, which forms a proper sequel to the beautiful beginnings

of lyric poetry, as we have learned to know them in the songs of

victory, in the strains of thanksgiving and lamentation of the

Israelites, in the psalms--a sequel which corresponds to the power and

importance of the spiritual movement from which the exhortations of the

prophets arise. With unwearied zeal they exhort the people to return to

their ancient God and trust in him alone. Then, as Israel's power began

to decline after the death of Jeroboam and Uzziah, the view and

conception of the prophets becomes higher and higher; the more

threatening and dangerous the position of affairs, the greater their

influence; and at the time when the political existence of the

Israelites was broken down, their religious life is perfected and

purified, into a thorough recognition of ethical monotheism.

A man of the kingdom of Judah, Amos of Tekoa, a place not far from

Jerusalem, prophesied in Israel in the first decades of the reign of

Jeroboam, between 790 and 760 B.C. He calls himself "neither a prophet,

nor the son of a prophet;" he assures us that he was not a disciple of

the prophets, and did not wear the usual garb of a prophet, _i.e._ a

poor coarse clothing. He adds that he was a herdsman and a planter of

sycamores: "Jehovah took me from following the flock, and said to me; Go

and prophesy to my people in Israel."[51] From these prophecies, which

he afterwards wrote down, it is plain that the Holy Scriptures, in the

form in which the two texts had been united and revised by the hand of a

prophet, were familiar to him and present before him; that the

prophecies of Joel were known to him.[52] It was in Bethel, the chief

place of sacrifice in Israel, that he came forward. There, at the place

of the bull-image, he proclaimed the wickedness of this worship, and

branded in still stronger terms the moral corruption of the land. In

vain had Jehovah uttered warnings by his prophets; the law was not

regarded; justice was crooked; the weak were oppressed. No doubt Amos

exaggerated his reproaches, but we cannot doubt that the faults he

attacked were in existence. The careless he threatened with the

destruction which would soon burst upon them if they remained without

repentance or improvement. Then would the high places of Isaac be laid

waste, and the shrines of Israel destroyed, and Jehovah would rise up

with the sword against the house of Jeroboam. The priests of Israel

could not endure to hear such utterances. The high priest at Bethel,

Amaziah, said to Amos: "Seer, go flee thee away into the land of Judah,

and there eat bread and prophesy. Prophesy not again any more at Bethel:

for it is the king's chapel, and the king's court." Amos answered: "Thou

sayest, Prophesy not against Israel, and drop not thy word against the

house of Isaac. Therefore thus saith Jehovah: Thy wife shall be an

harlot in the city, and thy sons and thy daughters shall fall by the

sword, and thy land shall be divided by a line; and thou shalt die in

polluted land: and Israel shall surely go into captivity forth of his

land." Then Amaziah the priest sent to king Jeroboam: "Amos hath

conspired against thee in the midst of the house of Israel; the land is

not able to bear all his words; for he saith, By the sword shall

Jeroboam die, and Israel shall be led captive out of his land."

The proclamations of Amos were not directed against Israel alone. He

threatens the Damascenes and the Ammonites with vengeance for the

devastations they had caused in Gilead (II. 258); the Philistines

because they had carried away captives from Judah and sold them (II.

303); the city of Tyre because she put the captives of Judah in the

hands of the Edomites; the Edomites because they pursued their brothers

(the Judæans) with the sword (II. 252). Nor does he even spare the

kingdom of Judah; even there the law of Jehovah is despised, and his

ordinances are not kept. But the judgment of Jehovah will descend only

on the guilty, and when the day of judgment is over Jehovah will again

purify Israel and set up Zion.

"Did I not bring you up from Egypt?" so Amos represents Jehovah as

saying; "Did I not lead you forty years in the wilderness, to possess

the land of the Amorites? Did I not destroy the Amorites before you, who

were tall as cedars, and strong as oaks? Did I not raise up prophets

from your sons, and Nazarites from your young men?[53] Hear this word,

ye who oppress the weak and trample underfoot the poor;[54] ye who

stretch yourselves beside the altar on garments taken in pledge, and

drink the wine of the condemned in the house of your gods; ye who

overpower the just, and make the poor bow down at the gate;[55] who

purchase the thirsty for silver, and the helpless for a pair of

shoes;[56] who, father and son together, go to one mistress, and say:

When is the new moon over that we may sell grain, and the day of rest

that we may set forth wheat, making the ephah small, and the shekel

great, and falsifying the balance for deception. Do men hunt the horse

on the rocks, and plough the stone with oxen, that ye may turn justice

into poison, and the fruit of righteousness into hemlock?[57] Because ye

trample down the weak, and oppress them with burdens, ye have planted

pleasant vineyards, and built houses of hewn stone.[58] O ye that are at

ease in Zion, ye careless ones in the mount of Samaria, who imagine that

the day of destruction is far off, and draw near the seat of violence;

who lie on beds of ivory, and stretch yourselves on couches; who eat up

the lambs of the flock and the calves of the stall; who chant to the

sound of the harp, in order to invent instruments of music like

David;[59] who empty your wine cups, and anoint yourselves with the

chief oil, and trouble not yourselves for the affliction of Joseph; ye

shall not dwell in your houses, and drink the wine out of your pleasant

gardens: ye shall go forth into misery, with the first that go

captive.[60] Go to Bethel, and transgress; to Gilgal, and multiply

transgression. Bring your sacrifices every morning, and your tithes on

the third day; burn thank-offerings, and publish the free will

offerings.[61] Seek me not at Bethel, and go not to Gilgal and

Beersheba. I hate your festivals, and will not taste your offerings, or

look on the thank-offering of your stalled calves. Take from me the

noise of your songs, and let me not hear the sound of the harp.[62] Let

judgment run down as waters, and righteousness as a mighty stream. Seek

good, and not evil, that ye may live: establish judgment in the gate; it

may be that Jehovah will have mercy on the remnant of Joseph. Hate the

evil, and love the good, so will Jehovah, the God of hosts, be with

you."[63]

"But they multiply injustice and robbery in their palaces. The end of my

people Israel draws near; I will not overlook it longer in him. I will

change your festivals into lamentation, and all your songs into

mourning, and will bring sackcloth about your loins. The enemy comes

round the land, and tears down the power of Israel, and his palaces are

plundered.[64] Go to Calneh, and see, and from thence pass to Hamath the

great (II. 317, _supr._ p. 15), and go down to Gath (p. 18); are ye

better than these kingdoms, or is your land greater? I raise against you

a nation which will force you from Hamath unto the river of the

plain.[65] At the time when I avenge the evil of Israel upon him, and

the altars of Bethel, the horns of the altar will fall to the ground. I

will smite the winter house and the summer house; the houses of ivory

shall fall to the ground.[66] The flight shall perish from the swift;

the bowman shall not stand, the horseman shall not deliver himself, and

the most courageous among the mighty shall flee away naked on that

day.[67] All the sinners of my people shall die by the sword, which say:

The evil shall not overtake us.[68] But I will not utterly destroy the

house of Jacob. I will shake them as a man shaketh a sieve, and not a

grain shall fall to the ground. The days come when the ploughman shall

overtake the reaper, and the treader of grapes him that soweth seed, and

the mountains shall drop sweet wine, and I will bring again the

captivity of my people Israel, and they shall build the waste cities,

and inhabit them, and I will plant them fast in the land, which I have

given to them, that they be no more pulled out."

Amos had not deceived himself as to the want of inward cohesion in the

circumstances of Israel. The days of Jeroboam II. were coming to an end.

The power which he had gained for his kingdom, the order he had given to

it, were not so firmly fixed that they outlived the founders. His son

Zachariah, who ascended the throne in 749 B.C., remained on it for half

a year only. He was murdered "before the people" by a man of the name of

Shallum, the son of Jabesh, who placed himself at the head of a

conspiracy, and with him the house of Jehu came to an end in the fourth

generation. Shallum seized the throne, but maintained it only a month.

Menahem, the son of Gadi, rebelled against him in Tirzah, defeated and

slew him, and took his place on the throne (748 B.C.).[69] He met with

resistance in the land; internal strife distracted Israel, and loosed

all the bonds of order. "The idols have spoken vanity," so we find it in

the older Zachariah; "and the diviners have seen a lie, and have told

false dreams; they comfort in vain; therefore they went their way as a

flock; they were troubled, because they had no shepherd. Mine anger was

kindled against the shepherds, and I will punish the goats.[70] I will

no more pity the inhabitants of the land, saith Jehovah; but lo! I will

deliver the men, every man into his neighbour's hand, and into the hand

of his king, and they shall smite the land, and out of their hand I will

not deliver them. Three shepherds also I cut off in one month;[71] and

my soul loathed them; and I said, I will not feed you: that which dieth,

let it die; and that which is to be cut off, let it be cut off, and let

the rest eat every one the flesh of another. For lo! I will raise up a

shepherd in the land which shall not visit those that be cut off, nor

seek the strayed one, nor heal that which is wounded; but he shall eat

the flesh of the fat. Woe to the worthless shepherd that leaveth the

flock! the sword shall be upon his right arm, and upon his right eye.

His arm shall be clean dried up, and his right eye darkened.[72] Open

thy doors, O Lebanon, that the fire may devour thy cedars! Howl,

cypress, for the cedar is fallen; for the heights are made desolate:

howl, O oaks of Bashan; for the steep forest sinketh! Listen to the

howling of the shepherds; for their glory is spoiled: listen to the

roaring of lions, for the pride of Jordan is desolate.[73] The burden

descends on Hadrach, and on Damascus; on Hamath that shall border

thereby; on Tyre and Sidon, though it be very wise. Tyre built herself a

stronghold, and heaped up silver as the dust, and fine gold as the mire

of the streets. Behold, the Lord will take her, and cast her walls into

the sea, and she shall be consumed by fire. Ascalon shall see it, and

fear; Gaza, and be very sorrowful, and Ekron, for her expectation shall

be ashamed; and the king shall perish from Gaza, and Ascalon is

uninhabited. A strange race shall dwell in Ashdod, and I will destroy

the pride of the Philistines.[74] And I will cut off the chariot from

Ephraim, and horses from Jerusalem. But Jehovah shall save them in that

day as the flock of his people; they are the stones of a crown lifted up

upon his land."[75]

Even earlier, in the last years of the reign of Jeroboam, or the

beginning of the reign of his son Zachariah, Hosea, the son of Beeri,

had received the word. "Yet a little time," such is the word of Jehovah

in his lips, "and I will avenge the bloodguiltiness of Jezreel on the

house of Jehu (the murder of Jehoram and Jezebel by Jehu, II. 254), and

put an end to the kingdom of the house of Israel; and at the same time I

will break the bow of Israel in the valley of Jezreel."[76] When

Zachariah fell before Shallum, and Jehu's house was destroyed, we find

in Hosea, "They chose kings without me (Jehovah), captains of whom I

knew nothing." "I will give thee a king in my anger, and take him away

in wrath. All your kings shall fall, for none of them call upon me.

Israel is a heifer that cannot be tied."[77] The prophet demands with

the greatest vehemence that the worship of images shall be given up, and

the bull-images at Dan and Bethel (II. 237) removed: that robbery and

murder come to an end, that Israel turn to Jehovah; the judgment

threatens, and there is no helper but Jehovah.[78] "Hear this, ye

priests; receive it, house of Israel; and thou, house of the king, take

heed thereof," cries Hosea.[79] "When Israel was a child I loved him,

saith Jehovah; I called my son from Egypt. In the desert, in the land of

great drought, I did know thee.[80] I taught Ephraim to go, taking them

by the arm; I drew them with human cords, with bands of love; I took off

the yoke from their backs, and laid meat unto them.[81] Israel was an

empty vine, but the more that his fruit increased, the more altars did

he build; the better his land, the more beautiful pillars did he set

up.[82] They made images of their silver according to their knowledge,

idols, the work of craftsmen, and said: Let them that sacrifice kiss the

calves.[83] They sacrifice on the tops of the mountains, and burn

incense on the hills, under oaks, and poplars, and elms, because the

shadow thereof is good.[84] I will go after my lovers, saith Israel, the

faithless wife, who give me my bread and my water, my wool and my flax,

my oil and my drink; and she knows not that Jehovah increased her corn

and sweet wine, and oil, and silver.[85] There is no faithfulness, no

love, no knowledge of God in the land. Ye have ploughed wickedness and

reaped iniquity, and have eaten the fruit of lies.[86] They practise

swearing and lying, and stealing, and adultery, and violence; the

priests commit murder on the way to Shechem; they practise all iniquity

in Gilgal, and bloodguiltiness is joined to bloodguiltiness.[87] They

slay flesh for sacrifice, and eat it.[88] I desire not sacrifice but

mercy; and the knowledge of God more than burnt offerings.[89] Therefore

in my own time I will take back my corn; I will tear away my wool and my

flax from the harlot Israel; and make an end to her festivals, her new

moons, her sabbaths, and avenge on her the days of Baal, when she

offered incense to them which placed their nose-ring and ornaments upon

her, and went after her lovers, and loved the hire of the harlot at

every thrashing floor, but forgat me."[90]

"Israel hath forgotten his creator, and built palaces, and Judah hath

multiplied his fortified cities,"[91] says the prophet in regard to the

fortresses built by Uzziah (p. 19). "They trusted to the number of thy

warriors, but Israel's king passes away like a morning cloud. Ephraim is

as a silly dove; they call on Egypt; they go to Assyria to bring

whoredom. Ephraim goes after Asshur, and sends to the king for help.

Ephraim will hunt after the wind, and strain after the East wind, that

they may make a covenant with Assyria, and carry oil to Egypt.[92] The

Deliverer king will not heal you. The East will come; a wind of Jehovah

will rise out of the desert, which will plunder the treasure of costly

furniture, and Samaria will repent. The calf of Bethaven (= house of

Evil,--thus the prophet alters the name of Bethel = house of God, the

chief place of worship in the kingdom of Israel) will be carried to

Assyria, as a gift to the king, the Deliverer; Asshur shall be their

king, for they will not amend. The days of punishment, of vengeance will

come; as to the people, so shall it happen to the priests. Israel's

pride shall be bowed down, and Judah shall fall with him. They shall not

remain in the land of Jehovah; Ephraim shall return to Egypt, and eat

unclean things in Assyria. They are gone because of destruction; Egypt

shall gather them up, and Memphis shall bury them.[93] The high places

of Bethaven shall be destroyed; thorns and thistles shall come up on

their altars, and they shall say to the mountains, Cover us; and to the

hills, Fall on us."[94]

"What shall I do to thee, Ephraim? how shall I deal with thee? Shall I

destroy thee? saith Jehovah. But my heart is turned, my repentings are

kindled; I will not execute the fierceness of my wrath; I am God and not

man; as the Holy One I will not come into anger.[95] I will punish them

till they repent, and in their affliction they will seek me early.[96] I

will allure them into the wilderness; I will speak to their hearts, that

Israel may sing again as in the days of his youth, and on the day when

he came out of Egypt; and the name of Baal I will remove out of his

mouth.[97] Return, O Israel, to Jehovah thy God. Speak ye to him; Take

away iniquity, and receive us, that we offer the sacrifice of our lips.

Assyria shall not save us; we will not ride on horses; the work of our

hands shall be called our gods no more.[98] Then, saith Jehovah: I will

hear Ephraim, and look with favour upon him. I will heal their

backsliding, and come and love them freely; my anger is turned away, and

I will let them dwell in their houses. I will be as dew upon Israel;

Israel shall grow as a lily, and cast forth his roots as Lebanon: and I

will betroth thee unto me for ever; I will betroth thee in righteousness

and in judgment, in loving-kindness, gentleness, and mercies."[99]

The words of Hosea leave no doubt that Menahem, king of Israel, sought

aid from Assyria in order to maintain himself on the throne. With this

the Books of Kings agree. They tell us: Menahem gave to the king of

Assyria 1000 kikkar of silver (according to the Babylonian standard

about £300,000), "that the king might join him in establishing the

kingdom in his hand." The payment of the money was imposed by Menahem on

all the men of substance in Israel; fifty shekels of silver on every

man. According to this the king of Israel was himself without means, but

the land must have been in a position to pay such a considerable

tribute, so large a sum. There must, according to this statement, have

been at this time 60,000 families in Israel who were in a position to

pay a mina each (about £5). The monuments of Assyria inform us that in

the year 742 B.C. Tiglath Pilesar marched against northern Syria and

Arpad (Tel Erfad p. 2); that he conquered Arpad after a siege of three

years, or after three campaigns against the city.[100] In the city of

Arpad--so we are told in a fragment of his annals--he received the

tribute of Rezin of Damascus; 18 kikkar of gold, 3000 kikkar of silver,

200 kikkar of copper; and the tribute of Kustaspi of Kummukh, of Hiram

of Tyre, of Pisiris of Karchemish.[101] This must, therefore, have taken

place in the year 740 or 739 B.C. He received the tribute of Menahem

immediately before the ninth year of his reign (737 B.C.), _i.e._ in

the year 738 B.C. He tells us that at that time he received tribute from

Kustaspi of Kummukh, Rezin of Damascus, Menahem of Samaria, Hiram of

Tyre, Sibittibal of Gebal (Byblus), Urikki of Kui (Cilicia), Pisiris of

Karchemish, Eniel of Hamath, Tarchular of Gamguma, Sulumal of Milid,

Vassurmi of Tubal, and Zabibieh, the queen of the Arabs. Menahem,

therefore, sought to purchase the help of Tiglath Pilesar by offering

tribute soon after the fall of Arpad. Hence in these years the king of

Assyria held a position which included northern and central Syria, and

governed those countries immediately from the crossing of the Euphrates

at Karchemish, and from Arpad. Passing beyond Hamath and Damascus,

beyond Byblus and Tyre, he was now ruler over the kingdom of Samaria

also. From the South-east a princess of the Arabs, from the North-west

the prince of the Cilicians, sent tribute. Menahem of Israel must have

died soon after the payment of tribute; the subjection to Assyria

appears to have established his power so far that his son Pekahiah could

succeed him on the throne (738 B.C.). But in the second year of his

reign Pekahiah was murdered in the palace at Samaria by Pekah, the son

of Remaliah, who now ascended the throne of Israel (736 B.C.). Pekah

combined with Rezin, king of Damascus, for a united attack on the

kingdom of Judah.

Judah did not remain untouched by the establishment and extensive

advances of the Assyrian power in Syria. We saw in what successful

struggles Uzziah-Azariah had extended the territory of Judah in his long

reign; how agriculture and trade developed under him. The advance of

Tiglath Pilesar in the last years of the reign of Uzziah called these

successes in question once more. It did not find Uzziah wholly

unprepared. He had fortified Jerusalem more strongly; he had provided

for the arming of his forces, and arranged the levy of the men of

military age. A very mutilated fragment of the annals of Tiglath Pilesar

mentions twice the land of Judah, and three times the second half of the

name of Azariah, _i.e._ the name by which Uzziah is named in the Books

of Kings.[102] Another fragment, which deals with the events in Syria

which took place before the payment of tribute to Menahem, again

mentions Azariah (Uzziah); it informs us that Mount Lebanon, the land of

Baalzephon,[103] the land of Ammana (the region of the Amanus?) the city

of Hadrach had been subjugated; that the king "added to the land of

Assyria nineteen districts of Hamath, situated on the sea of the setting

sun, together with the cities in their land, which had revolted to

Azariah in faithless rebellion, and had placed his officers and viceroys

over them."[104] The districts of Hamath here mentioned must be sought

between the Orontes and the sea, immediately north of Aradus. The

occurrence no doubt took place in the time when Tiglath Pilesar fought

against or besieged Arpad, _i.e._ in the years from 742 B.C. to 740.

From this we must conclude that Azariah (Uzziah) of Judah (neither he

nor the kingdom of Judah is mentioned among the tributary states in

these fragments) assumed a hostile position towards Tiglath Pilesar;

that during the struggle for Arpad he attempted to unite some of the

states and tribes of Syria against the advance of Assyria. This

opposition of Judah may have formed another motive for Menahem to place

himself under the supremacy, and at the same time under the protection,

of Tiglath Pilesar. As vassals of Tiglath Pilesar, Rezin of Damascus

and Pekah of Israel may have felt themselves more justified in attacking

the southern neighbour-state, the kingdom of Judah, which would not

submit to the dominion of Assyria.

Uzziah was no more when Pekah obtained the throne of Israel. He had died

four years previously (740 B.C.), and was buried in the sepulchres of

the kings at Jerusalem. His son Jotham, who had already shared in the

rule during the last years of his father's reign, sat on the throne of

Judah. He withstood the attack of the combined Israelites and

Damascenes.[105] But his son Ahaz, who succeeded him in the year 734

B.C., was reduced by this war to the greatest distress. The Philistines

whom Uzziah had repelled and punished severely, the Edomites whom he had

subjugated, rebelled. Pekah's warriors laid Judah waste, and carried

rich booty and numerous prisoners to Samaria; Rezin pressed forward to

the south to aid the Edomites, expelled the Judæans from Elath, and

there established himself on the Red Sea. The hostile armies marched on

Jerusalem. Ahaz "made his son to go through the fire" to avert the

threatened ruin. At last he found no other means of rescue than to pay

homage to Assyria, and entreat the protection of Tiglath Pilesar.

In the last years of Uzziah, and in the reign of Jotham, Isaiah, the son

of Amoz, had received the word at Jerusalem. Like Amos and Hosea, Isaiah

contended against the luxury and dissoluteness of the rich, the

injustice of the elders, the corruption of the judges, the idolatry in

the land. He attacked the false security in which men reposed in the

possession of horses and chariots of war; he announced the coming

vengeance with even more vehement emphasis than his predecessors. If for

them the gods of the other nations have already disappeared beside the

One Jehovah, Isaiah represents the approaching destruction as breaking

out not only over Israel and Judah, but over all nations, because they

go after false gods. Their evil deeds will also be punished; no power on

the earth can stand before Jehovah. But behind this judgment, the horror

of which will turn all men to Jehovah, Isaiah also exhibits the

restoration of Israel and Judah, the restoration of the whole renewed

world, in the most glowing colours. That was Jehovah's purpose "since

the days of old."

"The land is full of horses," so Isaiah spake, "and there is no end of

its chariots." As we have seen, Uzziah had amassed munitions of war, and

arranged excellently the military power (p. 19),--"but the land is also

full of idols, and they worship the work of their own hands. Every man

oppresses his neighbour; the young man behaves proudly against the old,

and the base against the honourable. Thy chiefs, O Jerusalem, are

faithless men, the companions of thieves![106] Every one loves bribery,

and seeks after gain. They do no justice to the orphan, and regard not

the cause of the widow. Woe to them that decree unrighteous decrees, and

to the scribes who write iniquity, to turn aside the needy from

judgment, and to take away the right from the poor![107] Woe to them who

justify the wicked for reward, and take away the right of the just![108]

Woe to them that join house to house, and field to field, till they

alone are possessors of the land![109] What mean ye to beat my people in

pieces, saith Jehovah, and grind the faces of the poor?[110] Woe to them

that rise up early in the morning, and follow strong drink, who heated

with wine sit till the night; and the harp, and the viol, the tabret,

and pipe, and wine, are in their feasts![111] Woe to them that are

mighty to drink wine, and men of strength to mingle strong drink! Woe to

them that call evil good, and good evil; that put darkness for light,

and light for darkness; that put bitter for sweet, and sweet for bitter;

that are wise in their own eyes, and prudent in their own sight! Woe to

them who draw upon them punishment with cords of vanity, and reward of

sin with a cart-rope!"[112]

Isaiah carried the Jews from the service of sacrifice to the improvement

of the heart, to righteous conversation and good works. "To what purpose

is the multitude of your sacrifices to me?" so Isaiah represents Jehovah

as saying. "I am full of the burnt offerings of rams, and the fat of

stalled calves; and I delight not in the blood of bullocks, lambs, and

he-goats. Who hath required of you to tread my courts? Your new moons

and your appointed feasts my soul hateth; they are trouble to me, I am

weary to bear them. Bring no more vain oblations; incense is an

abomination to me: when ye spread forth your hands I will hide mine eyes

from you; and when ye pray, I will not hear you.[113] With your mouth ye

draw near to me, and with your lips ye honour me; but your heart ye keep

far from me, and your fear of me is taught by the precept of men.[114]

Relieve the oppressed, judge the fatherless, plead the cause of the

widow. Wash you, make you clean, put away the evil of your doings from

before mine eyes; cease to do evil."[115]

"What could have been done more to my vineyard, that I have not done to

it? Wherefore, when I looked that it should bring forth grapes, brought

it forth wild grapes? Ye have turned my vineyard into a pasture; the

spoil of the poor is in your houses. Now I will take away the hedge, and

pull down the walls, that it may be trodden down.[116] I will come to

judgment with your elders and chiefs, and I will deal marvellously with

this people; the wisdom of their wise men, and the understanding of the

prudent shall be hid."[117] After Isaiah had depicted the terrors of the

day of judgment, the quaking of the earth, the creeping away and the

death of sinners, in lively colours, he represents the people as crying

out: "Who of us shall dwell with the devouring fire, and the everlasting

flame?" and then answers: "He that walketh righteously, and speaketh

uprightly; who despiseth the gain of oppressions; that turneth his hands

from holding of bribes, and stoppeth his ears from hearing of blood, and

shutteth his eyes from seeing evil; who taketh justice for his measuring

line and righteousness for his balance: he shall dwell on high; his

place of defence shall be the munitions of the rock, and his waters

shall not be dried up. Though your sins be red like scarlet, they shall

be white as snow, if ye obey Jehovah."[118]

With the death of Jotham the distress increased. Isaiah warns his people

not to seek aid from Assyria. "Wickedness," he cries, "burneth as fire;

no man shall spare his fellow. He shall snatch on the right hand and be

hungry; and eat on the left hand and be unsatisfied. Manasseh shall eat

Ephraim, and Ephraim Manasseh, and both together shall fall upon

Judah."[119] "Fear not," he says to king Ahaz, "neither be

faint-hearted, for the two tails of these smoking firebrands; for the

fierce anger of Rezin and the son of Remaliah; they shall not break open

Jerusalem, and the land, before whose kings thou art afraid, shall soon

be made desolate.[120] But with the razor that is hired beyond the river

(Euphrates) the Lord will shear off thy head, and the hair of thy feet,

and thy beard."[121] And when Ahaz refused to be restrained, Isaiah

proclaimed: "Because Israel rejoices in Rezin and the son of Remaliah,

the Lord will bring upon them the waters of the river strong and many.

The stream shall come up over all his channels, and go over all his

banks; the riches of Damascus and the spoil of Samaria shall be taken

away before the king of Assyria. But the stream shall pass through

Judah; it shall overflow and go over till it reaches even to the

neck."[122]

"Ahaz sent messengers to Tiglath Pilesar, king of Assyria," so the Books

of Kings tell us, "saying, I am thy servant and thy son; come up and

save me out of the hands of the king of Aram (of Damascus) and the king

of Israel. And Ahaz took the silver and gold that was found in the house

of Jehovah, and in the treasures of the king's house, and sent a present

to the king of Assyria. Then the king of Assyria gave ear to him. He

marched out against Damascus and took it, and carried away the

inhabitants to Kir, and slew Rezin. And in Israel Tiglath Pilesar took

Ijon and Abel-beth-Maachah, and Janoha, and Kedesh, and Hazor, and

Gilead, the whole land of Naphtali, and led them away to Assyria. And

Hoseas, the son of Elah, set on foot a conspiracy against Pekah, and

defeated him, and slew him, and was king in his place. But Ahaz went to

Damascus to meet king Tiglath Pilesar."[123]

The Assyrian list of rulers mentions for the year 734 B.C. a campaign of

Tiglath Pilesar against the land of the Philistines, and for the years

733 and 732 B.C. campaigns of the king against Damascus. A fragment of

the annals informs us that the army of Damascus was defeated; that their

king Rezin (Rasunnu) fled to the great gate of his city; that his

captive generals were crucified; that the city was besieged; that

Hadara, the house of the father of Rezin, was taken; that 591 places in

16 districts of the kingdom of Damascus (Imirisu) were laid waste.[124]

A further fragment informs us that Tiglath Pilesar made himself master

of the cities of Hadrach, Zemar, and Arka (the two ancient cities of the

Phenicians on the coast, already known to us); that he reached the

borders of the land of Omri (Israel); that Hanno, king of Gaza, fled to

Egypt before the face of the warrior Tiglath Pilesar. Afterwards the

fragment mentions the land of Omri, speaks of a sending or carrying away

to Assyria, and continues: "Pekah (Pakaha) their king they had slain.

Hoseas (Husi) I made king over them."[125] The inscription, which

comprises the deeds of Tiglath Pilesar down to the last year of his

reign, mentions towards the end the princes of Assyria, who brought him

tribute: Sibittibal of Byblus, Eniel of Hamath, Mattanbal of Arvad,

Sanib of Ammon (Bit Ammanai), Salman of Moab, Mitinti of Ascalon, Ahaz

of Judah (Jauhazi, Jahudai), Kosmalak of Edom, Hanno (Hanun) of

Gaza.[126]

The attempt of Rezin of Damascus and Pekah of Israel to break the rise

of the Philistines and Edomites, and the power of the kingdom of Judah,

fortified as it was and strengthened by Uzziah, led to important

consequences, to the subjugation of Syria to Assyria throughout its

whole extent. When Ahaz called for help, Tiglath Pilesar turned against

the enemies of Judah. The kingdom of Damascus, which for 120 years had

so powerfully withstood the Assyrians, succumbed after a struggle of two

years. Tyre and Byblus had long paid tribute to Tiglath Pilesar, and now

Aradus was compelled to recognise the supremacy of Assyria; Israel was

overrun: the inhabitants of the northern towns--Ijon, Abel-beth-maacha,

Hazor and Kedesh, and the dwellers in the land of Naphtali on the lakes

of Merom and Genezareth, and of the land of Gilead--were carried away to

Assyria. The eastern neighbours of Israel and of the land of Gilead, the

Ammonites and Moabites, were driven to submit like the Edomites; the

cities of the Philistines were conquered. With the subjugation of

Ascalon and Gaza the Assyrian kingdom became the neighbour of Egypt.

FOOTNOTES:

[40] 2 Kings xiv. 23; Amos vi. 2, 14.

[41] Amos iii. 11; vi. 4-8; Hosea xii. 9. That the commencement of Jehu

and Athaliah must be placed at the year 843 B.C., has been shown Vol.

II. p. 234. The Books of Kings give 165 years from the accession of

Athaliah to the fall of Samaria, and 143 years from the accession of

Jehu to the same time. Hence the synchronism which they observe for

corresponding reigns in Israel and Judah cannot be correct at any rate

for the last half-century of this time, and varying statements with

reference to these reigns show that this fact was known to those who

made these observations. Moreover, the canon of the Assyrians puts the

fall of Samaria in the year 722 B.C., from which it follows

(843-722=121), that 44 years in excess for Judah, and 22 for Israel,

have been added. Thus we are driven to hypotheses for the period from

843 to 722 B.C., as well as for the period 953-843. In the traditional

numbers at least in one reign there has been abbreviation, not

extension, as in the previous period. Samaria was taken in the ninth

year of Hoshea, the seventh of Hezekiah (2 Kings xvii. 6; xviii. 10).

Hoshea therefore ascended the throne in 730, Hezekiah in 728 B.C. But

the facts narrated in a fragment of the annals of Tiglath Pilesar, that

he reached the borders of Bit Omri, that he conquered Gaza and made

Hoshea king (frag. 11, in G. Smith, "Disc." p. 284), fall, according to

the list of rulers, in the year 734 B.C. Hoshea's accession must,

therefore, be placed in the year 734 B.C. Hoshea's predecessor, Pekah,

is said to have reigned 20 years. If Hoshea ascended the throne in 734

B.C., Pekah, according to this statement, must have ascended it in 754

B.C., and Pekahiah, the son of Menahem, who only reigned two years, in

756. But the fragment of the annals of Tiglath Pilesar, which mentions

the payment of tribute by Menahem, puts this payment immediately before

the ninth year of Tiglath Pilesar, _i.e._ before the year 737 B.C.,;

frag. 8, in G. Smith, _loc. cit._ In 738, therefore, Menahem was still

on the throne; and his death cannot have taken place before this year.

Thus the interval between Menahem's death and Hoshea's accession, which

the Books of Kings reckon at 22 years, is reduced to four years; Pekah

cannot have reigned 20, but only two or three years. Menahem's death in

738 B.C., fixes the beginning of his reign, which lasted 10 years, at

748 B.C. Before him, Zachariah, the son of Jeroboam, and Shallum,

reigned seven months. Jeroboam's reign must, therefore, have ended in

749 B.C. It lasted 41 years, and must, therefore, have begun in 790 B.C.

Thus of the 82 years and seven months, which the Books of Kings reckon

for Israel from the accession of Jeroboam to the capture of Samaria, 68

only remain. We must place Jeroboam from 790 to 749, Zachariah and

Shallum in 749, Menahem's accession in 748, his death in 738; Pekahiah

from 738 to 736, Pekah from 736 to 734, in which year he is succeeded by

Hoshea.

In the list of the kings of Judah, 90 years are enumerated from Uzziah's

(Azariah's) accession to the fall of Samaria. Before Hezekiah, whose

accession as already observed is to be put in 728 B.C., comes Ahaz with

16 years; before Ahaz, Jotham also with 16 years. Hence Jotham's

predecessor, Uzziah-Azariah, died in 760, and Ahaz began to reign in

744. But the eighth fragment of the annals of Tiglath Pilesar, already

mentioned, puts the defection of the 19 districts of the land of Hamath

to Azariah not long before the year 738 B.C.,; other fragments mention

contacts with Azariah, which, according to the list of rulers, belong to

the years 742 or 740 B.C. Hence Azariah was alive at any rate as late as

740 B.C.; the interval given by the Books of Kings between

Uzziah-Azariah and the accession of Hezekiah is reduced from 32 to 12

years. The reigns of Jotham and Ahaz must therefore be reduced from 16

years each to six years each; and the 90 years from Uzziah's accession

to the fall of Samaria to 70 years. The parallelism with the reigns in

Israel remains undisturbed. Jotham reigned from 740 to 734, Ahaz from

734 to 728. In the year 734 Ahaz is attacked by Pekah, who, as we have

seen, reigned from 736 to 734, and before the accession of Ahaz had

attacked his predecessor Jotham (2 Kings xv. 37). The campaign of

Tiglath Pilesar against Pekah took place, according to the list of the

rulers, in the year 734 B.C. The same list puts the war of Tiglath

Pilesar against Damascus in the years 733 and 732 B.C. The great

inscription of Tiglath Pilesar which narrates his deeds down to the

seventeenth year of his reign, _i.e._ down to 729 B.C., mentions shortly

before the close the tribute of Jauhazi of Judah (in G. Smith, _loc.

cit._ p. 263), and the Books of Kings (II. xvi. 10, 18), mention the

journey of Ahaz to Damascus to pay homage there to Tiglath Pilesar. This

must, therefore, have taken place in 732 B.C.. The synchronism of

Jeroboam and Uzziah, which is also always marked at the commencement of

the prophetic writings referring to them, is not altered by our

assumptions. Uzziah, who ascended the throne at 16 years of age, reigned

from 792 to 740; Jeroboam from 790 to 749. From Uzziah's accession up to

the accession of Athaliah, the Books of Kings give 75 years; the

interval between 843 and 792 gives us 51 years; so that there must have

been an abbreviation. This can be assumed most conveniently in the reign

of Amaziah, which lasted for 29 years, and includes the years from 797

to 792. In the reign of his father Joash we know that there was a long

minority, and the twenty-third year of this reign is mentioned. Of

Amaziah's acts, the subjugation of Edom, which he did not complete,

comes after the year 803 B.C. Edom's tribute is mentioned under

Bin-nirar of Assyria (II. 326). Just as little is the parallelism of

Amaziah with Joash of Israel altered by our assumption. As 61 years,

i.e. eight years too many, were given for Israel from the accession of

Jeroboam (790) up to Jehu's accession, eight years must be taken from

the reign of Joash, and for his reign, therefore, eight years are left

instead of 16, i.e. the eight years from 798 to 790. Violent as these

assumptions seem as compared with the traditional numbers of the Books

of Kings, they are merely given as a forced hypothesis, and at any rate

leave the traditional facts undisturbed, while the coincidence, which

may be obtained by assuming joint regencies, a first and second reign of

Jeroboam II., a first and second Menahem, a first and second reign of

Pekah, for the lists of Judah and Israel, alters the tradition without

bringing the agreement into harmony with the list of eponyms.

[42] 2 Chron. xxvi. 10.

[43] 2 Chron. xxvi. 6; Zech. ix. 6. As Amos mentions the capture of Gath

(vi. 2), and Judah is still to conquer the remnant of Edom (Amos ix.

12), the war against the Philistines must be regarded as one of Uzziah's

deeds in arms.

[44] 2 Chron. xxvi. 7; Isa. ii. 7.

[45] 2 Kings xiv. 22. The re-conquest of the Judæan settlement and

harbour city, which had been destroyed by the Edomites in their revolt

from Judah under Jehoram (II. 252), can have had no other object than to

restore the trade connections on the Red Sea. Besides, it is expressly

stated (2 Kings xvi. 6): "At the same time (734 B.C.), Rezin again

gained Elath for Syria, and drove the Jews out of Elath, and the Syrians

came to Elath, and dwelt there to this day."

[46] This follows from the fact that Amos speaks of the ruined

tabernacle of David, and the breaches in its wall (ix. 11).

[47] 2 Chron. xxvi. 15.

[48] 2 Chron. xxvi. 11-14.

[49] An older prophet of this name, distinct from the son of Jehoiadah,

and perhaps also distinct from the son of Berechiah (Isa. viii. 2), but

identical with this Zachariah, if the words of the Chronicles may be

explained to mean: "So long as he (Uzziah) listened to Zachariah."

[50] 2 Kings xv. 3; 2 Chron. xxvi 6-21; 1 Kings ix. 25.

[51] Amos i. 2; iv. 9.

[52] The date of Amos is fixed not only by the superscription, but by

the mention of the house of Jeroboam in his prophecies. Moreover, the

desolation caused by the Damascenes in Israel, the campaigns of the

Philistines against Judah (II. 252), appear to be in recent remembrance.

If the "fallen tabernacle of David, the breaches in its wall," are also

mentioned (ix. 11, 12), it is clear that Uzziah, who came to the throne

in the year 792 B.C. at an age of 16 years, had not completely restored

Judah, that he had not recovered Elath. On the other hand, it is clear

that Gath was already taken. Hence Amos cannot have come forward before

the tenth or twelfth year of Uzziah, _i.e._ before 782 or 780, according

to our computation (p. 18, _note_). The canon of the Assyrians agrees

with this in putting the campaign of Bin-nirar to the coast in the year

803 B.C.; and afterwards records the last campaign of the Assyrians to

Damascus before the time of Tiglath Pilesar II. in the year 773 B.C.;

after which time only contests against Hadrach (772-765) and against

Arpad are mentioned (p. 2), which Tiglath Pilesar then resumes in the

year 743 B.C. In Amos the Assyrians are still in the back-ground.

[53] Amos ii. 9-12.

[54] Amos viii. 4; v. 12.

[55] Amos ii. 6, 7.

[56] Amos viii. 6.

[57] Amos vi. 12.

[58] Amos v. 11.

[59] Amos vi. 1-7.

[60] Amos v. 11.

[61] Amos iv. 4, 5.

[62] Amos v. 21-23.

[63] Amos v. 14, 15, 24.

[64] Amos iii. 10, 11; vi. 2.

[65] Amos vi. 14.

[66] Amos iii. 14, 15.

[67] Amos ii. 14-16.

[68] Amos ix. 10.

[69] 2 Kings xv. 8-15.

[70] Zech. x. 2, 3.

[71] King Zachariah, and then Shallum: the third is the opponent of

Menahem who sought to maintain himself in Tipsach (Taanach?).

[72] Zech. xi. 6, 8, 9, 16, 17.

[73] Zech. xi. 1-3.

[74] Zech. ix. 1-6.

[75] Zech. ix. 10, 16.

[76] Hosea i. 4, 5.

[77] Hosea viii. 4; iv. 16; vii. 7; xiii. 11.

[78] Hosea xiii. 4.

[79] Hosea v. 1.

[80] Hosea xiii. 5.

[81] Hosea xi. 1-4.

[82] Hosea x. 1.

[83] Hosea xiii. 2.

[84] Hosea iv. 13.

[85] Hosea ii. 5-8.

[86] Hosea x. 13.

[87] Hosea iv. 2.

[88] Hosea viii. 13.

[89] Hosea vi. 6.

[90] Hosea ii. 9-13; ix. 1.

[91] Hosea viii. 14.

[92] Hosea xii. 2.

[93] Hosea ix. 1-6; v. 13; vii. 11; viii. 9; x. 6; xi. 5; xiii. 15; xiv.

1.

[94] Hosea x. 8.

[95] Hosea xi. 9.

[96] Hosea v. 15.

[97] Hosea ii. 14-17.

[98] Hosea xiv. 2-4.

[99] Hosea xiv. 5-9; ii. 19.

[100] Lists of rulers, 742-740, "during three years he conquered Arpad."

[101] Frag. 6, in G. Smith, p. 274.

[102] Eberhard Schrader, "Jahrb. protest. Theolog." 1876, s. 374.

[103] A different Baalzephon from that on the Red Sea; Exod. xiv. 2, 9.

[104] Schrader, _loc. cit._ s. 375; Rodwell, "Records of the Past," 5,

46; G. Smith, "Disc." p. 277.

[105] 2 Kings xv. 5, 7, 37.

[106] Isa. ii. 7. The moral precepts of Isaiah are collected in the text

without regard to the chronology.

[107] Isa. x. 1, 2.

[108] Isa. v. 23.

[109] Isa. v. 8.

[110] Isa. iii. 14, 15.

[111] Isa. v. 11, 12.

[112] Isa. v. 18-22.

[113] Isa. i. 10-15.

[114] Isa. xxix. 13.

[115] Isa. i. 16, 17.

[116] Isa. v. 4, 5, 3, 14.

[117] Isa. xxix. 14.

[118] Isa. xxxiii. 14-16; i. 18, 19.

[119] Isa. ix. 17-20.

[120] Isa. vii. 4, 6, 16.

[121] Isa. vii. 20.

[122] Isa. viii. 4-8.

[123] 2 Kings xv. 29, 30; xvi. 5-10.

[124] Frag. 10, in G. Smith, "Disc." p. 282; E. Schrader, "K. A. T." s.

151.

[125] Frag. 12, in G. Smith, p. 224, 225; Rodwell, "Records of the

Past," 5, 52; E. Schrader, "K. A. T." s. 145.

[126] Ll. 57-62, in G. Smith, "Disc." p. 262, 263; E. Schrader, _loc.

cit._ s. 147.

The History of Antiquity, Vol. 3 (of 6) · 第 2 / 18 章