As time passed Parliamentary reporting came to be tacitly recognized,

but the law of libel still retained all its terrors. Bentham told the

truth when he said “Anything which any man for any reason, chooses to be

offended with is libel.” Lord Mansfield in the case of Henry Sampson

Woodfall, prosecuted for publishing a seditious libel, enunciated the

theory that the work of the jury began and ended with deciding the fact

as to whether the accused was or was not responsible for the publication

of the matter complained of, the crown, through the court, to decide

whether the matter was libellous. For twenty years the question was

fought over, and at last in 1791, Fox having changed his views in the

matter, introduced his famous bill to amend the law of libel, and in

1792 the bill became law. The importance of this act can hardly be

overestimated. After stating that “doubts have risen whether on the

trial of an indictment or information for the making and publishing any

libel, where an issue or issues are joined between the king and the

defendant or defendants, on the plea of not guilty pleaded it be

competent to the jury empanelled to try the same to give their verdict

upon the whole matter in issue.” It goes on to enact that “the jury may

give a general verdict of guilty or not guilty upon the whole matter in

issue, and shall not be required or directed by the court or judge to

find the defendant guilty merely in the proof of the publication by such

defendant of the paper charged to be a libel, and of the sense ascribed

to it in the indictment or information.” In the same spirit Judge

Fitzgerald told a jury[45] “You are the sole judges of the guilt or

innocence of the defendant. The judges are here to give any help they

can; but the jury are the judges of law and fact, and on them rests the

whole responsibility.”

Thus the idea of legal restrictions on the press passes away, and the

law of libel becomes a law of the press in any case where defamation or

false report is charged, and to a jury is committed the task of deciding

whether the statement made was justified and proper. As Prof. Dicey

aptly puts it,[46] “freedom of discussion is, then, in England, little

else than the right to write or say anything which a jury, consisting of

twelve shopkeepers, think it expedient should be said or written....

Whether in any particular case a given individual is to be convicted of

libel depends wholly on their judgment, and they have to determine the

questions of truth, fairness, intention, and the like, which affect the

legal character of a published statement.”

But this point of view, which is the position in England, and to a large

extent in our own land, has not been reached without a struggle, and it

is to that struggle, so far as it was carried on in the American

Colonies, that we must now turn out attention.

LIVINGSTON ROWE SCHUYLER.

NEW YORK CITY.

(_To be continued._)

THE AUTOGRAPH

UNPUBLISHED POEM BY THOMAS DUNN ENGLISH

[The MS. was sold in New York recently.]

Some hunt the tiger in his jungle deep,

Some chase the altitudinous giraffe,

Some fight the grizzly bear on mountain steep

And all of these their cup of pleasure quaff.

But fiercer rapture theirs who forward leap

To meet the grim, ferocious Autograph.

A terrible brute! but not so dangerous when

The prudent author keeps him in his—pen.

THE THIRTIETH OF MAY.

[Uncle John in the Cemetery, after the Decoration]

These are not all!

Here by the wall

Is the grave of one who died in the war,

Though her body hadn’t a wound nor scar.

Her hope and heart was broken, when

In a mass o’ men

Her lover fell in a pool of gore

With the flag he bore.

Her life and her love together fled

When he was dead.

Any vi’lets left, girls? Let them fall

Here by the wall.

These are not all!

Go back, and call

The boys that carry the evergreen.

Here is a grave you men hain’t seen.

It’s old man Brown’s. His heart clean broke

’Most as if he was women-folk.

He had five sons—his wife was dead—

Nothin’ could keep ’em to home, he said.

An’ every last one o’ that whole lot

Had to get shot!

Th’ old man hadn’t no grit, no pride—

Jest up and died!

Lay the evergreen softly down

Over the grave of old man Brown.

These are not all!

Let lilies fall

Here on this wee small grave in the shade.

I can remember the day we laid

The Captain’s baby in this green spot.

Cap. he was shot.

An’ some fool neighbor made haste to tell

The Captain’s widder the news, and—well,

Down she went in a faint—jest fell!

And it killed the baby. She lived on,

Health and reason forever gone.

Lay lilies here.

Was that a tear?—

I went to the war myself that year.

Put roses here.

This grave is dear—

She was my sister. The truest heart,

Always ready to do her part.

Gave up _her_ son

When the first gun

Thundered at Sumter! She had but one.

An’ _she_ died, when

(With stronger men)

He starved to death in a prison pen.

(The boy she had fed, and clothed, and kissed,

An’ done for, so that he hardly missed

His father—dead when he was a child.)

She never smiled.

She loved red roses when we was small;

Here let them fall.

We honor the soldiers; but they ain’t all!

MRS. E. M. ADAMS.

MOUND CITY, KANSAS.

ANTIQUITIES OF THE SOUTHWEST AND THEIR PRESERVATION

Those who are studying the history of civilization on the American

Continent realize that the subject presents many and intricate problems

which can not be solved in this generation. Accordingly, to preserve the

material on which this study is based for the use of future generations,

is as important as are present investigations.

The title of this paper suggests two classes of material to be

considered. The historian will be concerned principally with the remains

that mark the advance of the Caucasian race. The remains of the

indigenous tribes interest the ethno-archæologist.

To a country so poor in archives as ours is, the possession of numerous

historic monuments, landmarks and remains of structures where history

has been made is especially fortunate and their preservation doubly

important. For a nation to cherish its own history, live in the heroic

and righteous acts of its past, is to conserve its vitality and

independence.

In the majority of the States we find a moderate degree of enthusiasm

for historic sites; sufficient at least to afford them adequate

protection and insure their preservation. Some far-seeing societies are

alive to the significance of the historic highways that penetrated the

American wilderness and are marking them with permanent milestones. A

notable example of this is the marking of the “Old Santa Fe Trail” by

the people of Kansas—a movement in which Colorado and New Mexico might

well join. The determination of Coronado’s line of march has occupied

the attention of careful students for many years and we may hope at some

future time to see positively determined sites on this historic way

permanently marked and recorded.

The significance of our frontier has not been recognized except in

social science. Fortunately its advance is well marked. The movement of

the military frontier is preserved in monuments and military post

buildings throughout the west. Court-house corner stones record the

advance of law and order, we may say, the legal frontier—its earliest

landmarks in the far west in the form of prominent trees, high bridges,

and projecting beams, being pointed out with modest pride by the early

inhabitants as memorials of Judge Lynch and the Vigilantes. The progress

of education and religion is marked by record stones upon the public

edifices devoted to these uses. The importance of all these records

should be more generally recognized. Whenever a modern structure is to

succeed an antiquated public building, the old record stone should

invariably be preserved and reset in some conspicuous place. Future

students of history and social sciences will see in these the ancient

shore-lines of American social development.

The military-religious frontier of the Spanish-American civilization

moved from south to north. Its limits are marked by the quaint old

mission churches of New Mexico and California. Some of these buildings

are still in the hands of the Church, in use and kept in repair. Some

are on the sites of long-abandoned Pueblo Indian villages, at the mercy

of the elements and the vandals. In California these splendid old

landmarks are being cared for by the organized efforts of thinking

people and we need give ourselves no concern as to their preservation.

Not so in New Mexico. Here we have ruins of five of the oldest historic

structures of which any vestiges remain on the soil of the United

States, all dating from the first half of the 17th century; all

abandoned yet nobly resisting the elements. These are the ruins of the

mission churches at the abandoned pueblos of Pecos in western San Miguel

county; Giusewa in the Jemez valley near Perea; Tabira, popularly known

as “Gran Quivira” in northeastern Socorro county, and Abo and Cuaray in

eastern Valencia county.

A peculiarly interesting class of ruins is that of the pueblo villages

that were occupied at the time of the coming of the Spaniards and

abandoned during the next century. Archæological work in such sites

should yield valuable results by disclosing the first influences of the

exotic civilization upon the indigenous tribes. Noteworthy sites of this

character are those near Zuñi and a number of the Rio Grande Valley.

The Southwest is rich in historic sites, but in prehistoric remains its

wealth is practically limitless. It is with these that we shall deal

principally in this paper.

The distribution of the indigenous tribes of America was determined

primarily by drainage; that is to say, the food quest was the chief

concern of primitive man. First of all, he sought food and water, and we

can readily see that, of these two, water was first in importance. Where

water was, there food was likely to be. Game frequented water courses.

Plant food depended upon moisture. Now in the southwest, water was

scarce, consequently no other portion of the United States was so poor

in game. Hunting tribes, therefore, shunned its desert wastes. Their

frontiers were the Pecos valley in eastern New Mexico, practically the

western limit of the buffalo, and the divide running east and west

across southern Colorado and Utah, separating the San Juan, south of

which lay the arid region, from the splendid hunting ranges on the north

which extended from ocean to ocean except where broken by the Utah and

Nevada deserts. There was thus a tract of country bounded on the east by

the Pecos river, on the north by the San Juan, extending west to the

Colorado and south to the Gila in which aridity was the dominant

climatic condition. Being poor in game, it was not until comparatively

recent times that it was much frequented by nomadic Indians. Comanches,

Utes, Navajos and Apaches had no use for this region until it was

occupied by some one whom they could dispossess of wealth. Primitive

economic systems are not unlike those of civilized men. In both states

of culture, wealth is acquired in two ways, namely, by producing it and

by dispossessing others of it. Savages and civilians naturally divide

into two great classes, the productive and the predatory. It is a far

cry from the murderously straightforward method of the Apache to the

highly specialized up-to-date commercial system, or even the

comparatively direct methods of modern politics, but the difference is

merely in technique. Now in the absence of game and of victims for

robbery, the first settlers of that arid region were driven to produce

their living by agriculture. This could only be successfully done by

irrigation. Accordingly lines of migration followed water ways and

springs. Moreover, this condition was conducive to a comparatively

sedentary life, and this leads to permanent home building.

Now the region under consideration embraces all of New Mexico and

Arizona, southwestern Colorado and southeastern Utah, and is comprised

within four principal drainage areas, viz: the Rio Grande, the San Juan,

the Little Colorado, and the Gila, the last three being tributary to the

Colorado. Over this area physiographic conditions are quite uniform and

the indigenous tribes now inhabiting it likewise; not as to linguistic

stock, but in general and specific culture. By indigines I mean the

various sedentary tribes generally called Pueblos as distinguished from

the intrusive Utes, Navajos and Apaches, which tribes cames in chiefly

for predatory reasons after the indigenous tribes had acquired

sufficient property to make them desirable prey. This indigenous culture

was doubtless composite as to blood and the uniformity developed was the

natural result of living for a long period of time under definite

uniform environmental conditions. Its primary migration movement was

from south to north, but branching in all directions, and the almost

countless prehistoric ruins following the water-courses of the southwest

are the remains of these early migrations.

The present sedentary Indians of the southwest, called by us Pueblos,

are thus the true indigines of that arid region so far as we can judge

from existing evidences. All presumption of earlier or different races

is purely hypothetical, as yet unsupported by any shadow of evidence.

These primitive agriculturists became builders of more or less permanent

houses, dependent always upon the permanence of the water supply. The

character of their habitations was usually determined by geological

environment. The characteristic style of architecture evolved was the

multiple-chambered stone structure that we call the _pueblo_. The

earliest of these were comparatively small, single-storied dwellings of

an indefinite number of rooms rarely exceeding fifty, scattered about

over the arable areas. The ruins of these to be found in the southwest

are quite uncountable. Later, as predatory neighbors multiplied and the

people crowded together for mutual aid the enormous hives of hundreds of

cells came into existence. These were often carried to a height of five

or six stories. At the same time and for the same reason another style

of habitation came into existence, namely, the cliff-dwelling. Its type

was always determined by geological conditions. If ledges difficult of

access and protected by overhanging cliffs could be found, dwellings

were built upon them, not differing structurally from pueblos. If the

cliffs presented only perpendicular faces, and were of comparatively

soft material, dwellings were excavated in them, single or

multiple-chambered, and thus strongly defensive homes established.

Thus we have in the southwest a most fortunate situation for the

archæologist. The ruins are of such a character and so situated as to

resist the action of the weather, and the climate singularly adapted to

the preservation of not only the buildings, but also the more perishable

remains. So completely did the indigenous culture overspread the area in

question that there is not a waterway of any consequence from the Pecos

to the Colorado and from the San Juan to the Gila that is without

numerous ruins. They are distributed along not less than a hundred

valleys in New Mexico, Arizona, Colorado and Utah. In a paper and map

prepared recently for the use of the Department of the Interior, I have

indicated the distribution of the ruins over the four general

drainage-areas, the Rio Grande, the San Juan, the Little Colorado, the

Gila, and as a tentative scheme have shown how they may be grouped into

twenty archæological districts. (This grouping has no ethnological

significance.)

The districts are grouped as follows:

I. The Rio Grande Basin:

1. Pajarito Park district.

2. Pecos Pueblo district.

3. Gran Quivira district.

4. Jemez district.

5. Acoma district.

II. The San Juan Basin:

1. Aztec district.

2. Mesa Verde district.

3. Chaco Cañon district.

4. Cañon de Chelly district.

5. Bluff district.

III. The Little Colorado Basin:

1. Tusayan district.

2. Flagstaff district.

3. Holbrook district.

4. Zuñi district.

IV. The Gila Basin:

1. Rio Verde district.

2. San Carlos district.

3. Lower Gila district.

4. Middle Gila district.

5. Upper Gila district.

6. San Francisco River district.

Following is a brief memorandum showing the extent of each district:

I. RIO GRANDE BASIN.

This culture area, lying wholly in New Mexico, embraces the Rio Grande

Valley with its tributaries from Ojo Caliente on the north to Socorro on

the south and from Acoma on the west to the plains east of the Manzano

Mountains.

II. SAN JUAN BASIN.

The ruins of the San Juan Basin consist of both large and small communal

houses and true cliff dwellings in great numbers. They are scattered in

numerous, irregular groups over the contiguous portions of New Mexico,

Colorado, Utah, and Arizona. All the ruins of the San Juan and its

tributaries have suffered much from destructive collectors.

III. LITTLE COLORADO BASIN.

This extensive region embraced in the valley of the Little Colorado and

its tributaries is pre-eminently a region of pueblo ruins, though some

cave dwellings are found. It is especially rich in prehistoric pottery.

Because of its wealth of relics this region has suffered more than any

other from the traffic in prehistoric wares. However, we are fortunate

in that Dr. J. Walter Fewkes of the Bureau of American Ethnology has

made the districts of the Little Colorado a subject of research for many

years. His voluminous reports on this region have put us in possession

of a vast amount of information on the archæology and ethnology of the

Southwest. His collections from Sikyatki for the National Museum, made

in 1895, with the assistance of Mr. F. W. Hodge of the Smithsonian

Institution, together with the collections made from the Holbrook

district by Doctors Fewkes and Hough, form, probably, the most valuable

collection of prehistoric pottery in existence. Another extensive

collection of pottery from this region may be seen in the Field

Columbian Museum in Chicago.

IV. GILA BASIN.

This is another region that embraces practically every species of

prehistoric ruins. It is of vast extent and comprises, besides the

valley of the Gila proper, the large valleys of the Salt and Verde

rivers. As a seat of prehistoric culture it was one of the most

extensive and populous. Many ruins of these three great valleys are on

irrigable lands, and, accordingly, have disappeared with the advancement

of agriculture.

It would not be possible within the limits set for this paper to

describe the ruins of each of these twenty districts, but we may point

out briefly the principal features of one district in each drainage

area.

1. PAJARITO PARK DISTRICT.

This district lies between the Rio Grande on the east and the Jemez

Mountains on the west, and extends from Ojo Caliente on the north to

Cochiti on the south. In the northern part are the ruins of Homayo,

Houiri (Ho-we-re), and Pose on Ojo Caliente Creek. Ten miles west,

below El Rito, is the large ruin of Sepawi (Se-paw-we). Near the

village of Abiquiu, on the Rio Chama, is the important ruin of Tsiwari

(Tsi-wa-re). These are all pueblo ruins, and not well preserved.

The central portion of the district is the Pajarito Park proper, the

region that has for some years been under withdrawal by the General

Land Office and favorably reported on for a national park, for which

it has many advantages, being of great scenic beauty, accessible, and

one of the richest in the Southwest in well-preserved prehistoric

remains. It contains innumerable cavate houses, a vast number of small

pueblo ruins, and the ruins of the great communal dwellings of Puye,

Otowi, Tsankiwi (Tsan-ke-we), Navakwi (Nav-a-kwe), and Pajarito or

Tchrega. Vandalism has greatly diminished among these ruins since the

park has been under withdrawal.

In the southern part of this district, between the Rito de los

Frijoles and Cochiti, are the ruins of six pueblos, and a considerable

number of cavate houses, the interesting Cueva Pintada (painted cave),

and the famous shrines known as the “Stone Lions of Potrero de las

Vacas and Potrero de los Idolos.”

2. MESA VERDE DISTRICT.

In this district are the finest specimens of true cliff dwellings.

They are very numerous in the cañons of Mesa Verde and along the

Mancos River. Cliff Palace is justly one of the most famous works of

prehistoric man in existence. Numerous pueblo and cliff ruins are

distributed along the McElmo, the Yellowjacket and the Hovenweep. On

the whole, this is one of the most interesting of all prehistoric

districts. A portion of it is under withdrawal by the General Land

Office, pending the creation of the Colorado Cliff Dwellings National

Park. The intelligent interest of the people of Colorado has done much

toward the preservation of these ruins. However, the entire district

has suffered much from vandalism, a majority of the burial mounds

having been destroyed. A national park in this region would be of

great educational value.

3. ZUÑI DISTRICT.

This region is rich in both historic and prehistoric ruins. On Zuñi

Reservation are the ruins of the historic seven cities of Cibola. El

Morro, or Inscription Rock, is an interesting historic monument east

of Zuñi which is under temporary withdrawal by the General Land

Office. The region south of Zuñi to Quemado is known to be full of

ruins, and traders are securing large collections of pottery therefrom

at the present time. The ruins of Zuñi have been thoroughly made known

to us through the work of the Hemenway expedition, under the direction

of the late Frank Hamilton Cushing, assisted by Mr. F. W Hodge. The

collections of this expedition are now in the Peabody Museum at

Harvard University. Other important researches have been made in the

Zuñi district by Doctor Fewkes.

4. RIO VERDE DISTRICT.

On the northern tributaries of the Rio Verde are many cliff ruins. Of

these, Honanki and Palatki are the most important. They are within the

limits of the San Francisco Mountains Forest Reserve. There are

numerous cliff ruins along Oak Creek and Beaver Creek and their

tributaries. Near Camp Verde is the ruin known as “Montezuma Castle,”

and a little farther up Beaver Creek, on the Black Mesa Forest

Reserve, is the interesting Montezuma well. Mr. Mindeleff and Doctor

Fewkes have made important studies and reports on the ruins of this

district.

Fortunately not less than nine-tenths of the prehistoric ruins of the

Southwest are on lands owned or controlled by the Government of the

United States; that is, they are on Forest Reserves, on unreserved

public lands and on Indian Reservations.

By virtue of Section 441, U. S. Revised Statutes, the care and custody

of the public lands is vested in the Secretary of the Interior, and

Section 453 declares that the Commissioner of the General Land Office

shall perform under the direction of the Secretary of the Interior all

executive duties in anywise respecting such lands. There can be no

question that this statute lays upon the Department of the Interior and

the General Land Office the obligation to protect the archæological

remains that are upon the public lands as definitely as it does the

timber and other values.

In the exercise of the power thus conferred a policy has grown up in the

Department of the Interior that should be more widely understood. This

policy mobilizes, so to speak, the entire force of forest supervisors,

rangers, special agents, Indian school superintendents and teachers,

Indian agents, farmers and police, and even the Indians themselves, in

the protection of these ruins as one of their regular duties, for the

avowed purpose of preserving them for scientific investigation. It

establishes the liberal policy that any competent scientist who desires

to place the material secured in a public museum will be authorized by

the Department of the Interior to examine ruins, but that no person will

be permitted to excavate them for the purpose of acquiring specimens for

traffic or private gain, and that wilful destruction of historic and

prehistoric landmarks must cease. The most zealous archæologist must

admit that this leaves little to be desired. The main thing, a system of

governmental protection for archæological remains, is an accomplished

fact. All the available forces of the Department are being wisely

utilized. The scientific branch of the Government is lending its aid by

furnishing as called upon the needed information concerning sites that

are of value to science. Especially noteworthy is the emphasis

habitually laid by the Commissioner of the General Land Office on “_the

importance of furthering in every way possible researches with a view to

increasing the knowledge of such objects and aiding in the general

advancement of archæological science_.” This is administrative policy

that every scientific man can uphold with most cordial enthusiasm.

The magazine of history with notes and queries (Vol. I, No. 5, May 1905) · 第 3 / 6 段