Then Cornutus rose up and acquainted the house, "that, as he was

appointed guardian to the daughter of Helvidius by the consuls, upon the

petition of her mother and her father-in-law, he felt himself compelled

to fulfil the duty of his trust. In the execution of which, however, he

would endeavour to set some bounds to his indignation by following that

great example of moderation which those excellent women[145] had set,

who contented themselves with barely informing the senate of the

cruelties which Certus committed in order to carry on his infamous

adulation; and therefore," he said, "he would move only that, if a

punishment due to a crime so notoriously known should be remitted,

Certus might at least be branded with some mark of the displeasure of

that august assembly." Satrius Rufus spoke next, and, meaning to steer a

middle course, expressed himself with considerable ambiguity. "I am of

opinion," said he, "that great injustice will be done to Certus if he is

not acquitted (for I do not scruple to mention his name, since the

friends of Arria and Fannia, as well as his own, have done so too), nor

indeed have we any occasion for anxiety upon this account. We who think

well of the man shall judge him with the same impartiality as the rest;

but if he is innocent, as I hope he is, and shall be glad to find, I

think this house may very justly deny the present motion till some

charge has been proved against him." Thus, according to the respective

order in which they were called upon, they delivered their several

opinions. When it came to my turn, I rose up, and, using the same

introduction to my speech as I have published in the defence, I replied

to them severally. It is surprising with what attention, what clamorous

applause I was heard, even by those who just before were loudest against

me: such a wonderful change was wrought either by the importance of the

affair, the successful progress of the speech, or the resolution of the

advocate. After I had finished, Vejento attempted to reply; but the

general clamour raised against him not permitting him to go on, "I

entreat you, conscript fathers,"[146] said he, "not to oblige me to

implore the assistance of the tribunes."[147] Immediately the tribune

Murena cried out, "You have my permission, most illustrious Vejento, to

go on." But still the clamour was renewed. In the interval, the consul

ordered the house to divide, and having counted the voices, dismissed

the senate, leaving Vejento in the midst, still attempting to speak. He

made great complaints of this affront (as he called it), applying the

following lines of Homer to himself:

"Great perils, father, wait the unequal fight; Those younger champions

will thy strength o'ercome."<a href="#linknote-148" name="linknoteref-

148" id="linknoteref-148">[148]</a>

There was hardly a man in the senate that did not embrace and kiss me,

and all strove who should applaud me most, for having, at the cost of

private enmities, revived a custom so long disused, of freely consulting

the senate upon affairs that concern the honour of the public; in a

word, for having wiped off that reproach which was thrown upon it by

other orders in the state, "that the senators mutually favoured the

members of their own body, while they were very severe in animadverting

upon the rest of their fellow-citizens." All this was transacted in the

absence of Certus; who kept out of the way either because he suspected

something of this nature was intended to be moved, or (as was alleged in

his excuse) that he was really unwell. Cæsar, however, did not refer the

examination of this matter to the senate. But I succeeded, nevertheless,

in my aim, another person being appointed to succeed Certus in the

consulship, while the election of his colleague to that office was

confirmed. And thus, the wish with which I concluded my speech, was

actually accomplished: "May he be obliged," said I, "to renounce, under

a virtuous prince,[149] that reward he received from an infamous

one!"[150] Some time after I recollected, as well as I could, the speech

I had made upon this occasion; to which I made several additions. It

happened (though indeed it had the appearance of being something more

than casual) that a few days after I had published this piece, Certus

was taken ill and died. I was told that his imagination was continually

haunted with this affair, and kept picturing me ever before his eyes, as

a man pursuing him with a drawn sword. Whether there was any truth in

this rumour, I will not venture to assert; but, for the sake of example,

however, I could wish it might gain credit. And now I have sent you a

letter which (considering it is a letter) is as long as the defence you

say you have read: but you must thank yourself for not being content

with such information as that piece could afford you. Farewell.

CII -- To GENITOR

I HAVE received your letter, in which you complain of having been highly

disgusted lately at a very splendid entertainment, by a set of buffoons,

mummers, and wanton prostitutes, who were dancing about round the

tables.[151] But let me advise you to smooth your knitted brow somewhat.

I confess, indeed, I admit nothing of this kind at my own house;

however, I bear with it in others. "And why, then," you will be ready to

ask, "not have them yourself?"

The truth is, because the gestures of the wanton, the pleasantries of

the buffoon, or the extravagancies of the mummer, give me no pleasure,

as they give me no surprise. It is my particular taste, you see, not my

judgment, that I plead against them. And indeed, what numbers are there

who think the entertainments with which you and I are most delighted no

better than impertinent follies! How many are there who, as soon as a

reader, a lyrist, or a comedian is introduced, either take their leave

of the company or, if they remain, show as much dislike to this sort of

thing as you did to those monsters, as you call them! Let us bear

therefore, my friend, with others in their amusements, that they, in

return, may show indulgence to ours. Farewell.

CIII -- To SABINIANUS

YOUR freedman, whom you lately mentioned to me with displeasure, has

been with me, and threw himself at my feet with as much submission as he

could have fallen at yours. He earnestly requested me with many tears,

and even with all the eloquence of silent sorrow, to intercede for him;

in short, he convinced me by his whole behaviour that he sincerely

repents of his fault. I am persuaded he is thoroughly reformed, because

he seems deeply sensible of his guilt. I know you are angry with him,

and I know, too, it is not without reason; but clemency can never exert

itself more laudably than when there is the most cause for resentment.

You once had an affection for this man, and, I hope, will have again;

meanwhile, let me only prevail with you to pardon him. If he should

incur your displeasure hereafter, you will have so much the stronger

plea in excuse for your anger as you show yourself more merciful to him

now. Concede something to his youth, to his tears, and to your own

natural mildness of temper: do not make him uneasy any longer, and I

will add too, do not make yourself so; for a man of your kindness of

heart cannot be angry without feeling great uneasiness. I am afraid,

were I to join my entreaties with his, I should seem rather to compel

than request you to forgive him. Yet I will not scruple even to write

mine with his; and in so much the stronger terms as I have very sharply

and severely reproved him, positively threatening never to interpose

again in his behalf. But though it was proper to say this to him, in

order to make him more fearful of offending, I do not say so to you. I

may perhaps, again have occasion to entreat you upon this account, and

again obtain your forgiveness; supposing, I mean, his fault should be

such as may become me to intercede for, and you to pardon. Farewell.

CIV -- To MAXIMUS

IT has frequently happened, as I have been pleading before the Court of

the Hundred, that these venerable judges, after having preserved for a

long period the gravity and solemnity suitable to their character, have

suddenly, as though urged by irresistible impulse, risen up to a man and

applauded me. I have often likewise gained as much glory in the senate

as my utmost wishes could desire: but I never felt a more sensible

pleasure than by an account which I lately received from Cornelius

Tacitus. He informed me that, at the last Circensian games, he sat next

to a Roman knight, who, after conversation had passed between them upon

various points of learning, asked him, "Are you an Italian, or a

provincial?" Tacitus replied, "Your acquaintance with literature must

surely have informed you who I am." "Pray, then, is it Tacitus or Pliny

I am talking with?" I cannot express how highly I am pleased to find

that our names are not so much the proper appellatives of men as a kind

of distinction for learning herself; and that eloquence renders us known

to those who would otherwise be ignorant of us. An accident of the same

kind happened to me a few days ago. Fabius Rufinus, a person of

distinguished merit, was placed next to me at table; and below him a

countryman of his, who had just then come to Rome for the first time.

Rufinus, calling his friend's attention to me, said to him, "You see

this man?" and entered into a conversation upon the subject of my

pursuits: to whom the other immediately replied, "This must undoubtedly

be Pliny." To confess the truth, I look upon these instances as a very

considerable recompense of my labours. If Demosthenes had reason to be

pleased with the old woman of Athens crying out, "This is Demosthenes!"

may not I, then, be allowed to congratulate myself upon the celebrity my

name has acquired? Yes, my friend, I will rejoice in it, and without

scruple admit that I do. As I only mention the judgment of others, not

my own, I am not afraid of incurring the censure of vanity; especially

from you, who, whilst envying no man's reputation, are particularly

zealous for mine. Farewell.

CV -- To SABINIANUS

I GREATLY approve of your having, in compliance with my letter,[152]

received again into your favour and family a discarded freedman, who you

once admitted into a share of your affection. This will afford you, I

doubt not, great satisfaction. It certainly has me, both as a proof that

your passion can be controlled, and as an instance of your paying so

much regard to me, as either to yield to my authority or to comply with

my request. Let me, therefore, at once both praise and thank you. At the

same time I must advise you to be disposed for the future to pardon the

faults of your people, though there should be none to intercede in their

behalf. Farewell.

CVI -- To LUPERCUS

I SAID once (and, I think, not inaptly) of a certain orator of the

present age, whose compositions are extremely regular and correct, but

deficient in grandeur and embellishment, "His only fault is that he has

none." Whereas he, who is possessed of the true spirit of oratory,

should be bold and elevated, and sometimes even flame out, be hurried

away, and frequently tread upon the brink of a precipice: for danger is

generally near whatever is towering and exalted. The plain, it is true,

affords a safer, but for that reason a more humble and inglorious, path:

they who run are more likely to stumble than they who creep; but the

latter gain no honour by not slipping, while the former even fall with

glory. It is with eloquence as with some other arts; she is never more

pleasing than when she risks most. Have you not observed what

acclamations our rope-dancers excite at the instant of imminent danger?

Whatever is most entirely unexpected, or as the Greeks more strongly

express it, whatever is most perilous, most excites our admiration. The

pilot's skill is by no means equally proved in a calm as in a storm: in

the former case he tamely enters the port, unnoticed and unapplauded;

but when the cordage cracks, the mast bends, and the rudder groans, then

it is that he shines out in all his glory, and is hailed as little

inferior to a sea-god.

The reason of my making this observation is, because, if I mistake not,

you have marked some passages in my writings for being tumid, exuberant,

and over-wrought, which, in my estimation, are but adequate to the

thought, or boldly sublime. But it is material to consider whether your

criticism turns upon such points as are real faults, or only striking

and remarkable expressions. Whatever is elevated is sure to be observed;

but it requires a very nice judgment to distinguish the bounds between

true and false grandeur; between loftiness and exaggeration. To give an

instance out of Homer, the author who can, with the greatest propriety,

fly from one extreme of style to another.

"Heav'n in loud thunder bids the trumpet sound; And wide beneath them

groans the rending ground."<a href="#linknote-153" name="linknoteref-

153" id="linknoteref-153">[153]</a>

Again,

"Reclin'd on clouds his steed and armour lay."<a href="#linknote-154"

name="linknoteref-154" id="linknoteref-154">[154]</a>

So in this passage:

"As torrents roll, increas'd by numerous rills, With rage impetuous down

their echoing hills, Rush to the vales, and pour'd along the plain, Roar

through a thousand channels to the main."

It requires, I say, the nicest balance to poise these metaphors, and

determine whether they are incredible and meaningless, or majestic and

sublime. Not that I think anything which I have written, or can write,

admits of comparison with these. I am not quite so foolish; but what I

would be understood to contend for is, that we should give eloquence

free rein, and not restrain the force and impetuosity of genius within

too narrow a compass. But it will be said, perhaps, that one law applies

to orators, another to poets. As if, in truth, Marc Tully were not as

bold in his metaphors as any of the poets! But not to mention particular

instances from him, in a point where, I imagine, there can be no

dispute; does Demosthenes[155] himself, that model and standard of true

oratory, does Demosthenes check and repress the fire of his indignation,

in that well-known passage which begins thus: "These wicked men, these

flatterers, and these destroyers of mankind," &c. And again: "It is

neither with stones nor bricks that I have fortified this city," &c. --

And afterwards: "I have thrown up these out-works before Attica, and

pointed out to you all the resources which human prudence can suggest,"

&c.--And in another place: "O Athenians, I swear by the immortal gods

that he is intoxicated with the grandeur of his own actions," &c.[156] -

- But what can be more daring and beautiful than that long digression,

which begins in this manner: "A terrible disease?" -- The following

passage likewise, though somewhat shorter, is equally boldly conceived:

-- "Then it was I rose up in opposition to the daring Pytho, who poured

forth a torrent of menaces against you," &c.[157] -- The subsequent

stricture is of the same stamp: "When a man has strengthened himself, as

Philip has, in avarice and wickedness, the first pretence, the first

false step, be it ever so inconsiderable, has overthrown and destroyed

all," &c.[158]--So in the same style with the foregoing is this: --

"Railed off, as it were, from the privileges of society, by the

concurrent and just judgments of the three tribunals in the city." --

And in the same place: "O Aristogiton! you have betrayed that mercy

which used to be shown to offences of this nature, or rather, indeed,

you have wholly destroyed it. In vain then would you fly for refuge to a

port, which you have shut up, and encompassed with rocks."--He has said

before: "I am afraid, therefore, you should appear in the judgment of

some, to have erected a public seminary of faction: for there is a

weakness in all wickedness which renders it apt to betray itself!" --

And a little lower: "I see none of these resources open to him; but all

is precipice gulf, and profound abyss."--And again: "Nor do I imagine

that our ancestors erected those courts of judicature that men of his

character should be planted there, but on the contrary', eradicated,

that none may emulate their evil actions."--And afterwards: "If he is

then the artificer of every wickedness, if he only makes it his trade

and traffic," &c.--And a thousand other passages which I might cite to

the same purpose; not to mention those expressions which Aeschines calls

not words, but wonders.--You will tell me, perhaps, I have unwarily

mentioned Aeschines, since Demosthenes is condemned even by him, for

running into these figurative expressions. But observe, I entreat you,

how far superior the former orator is to his critic, and superior too in

the very passage to which he objects; for in others, the force of his

genius, in those above quoted, its loftiness, makes itself manifest. But

does Aeschines himself avoid those errors which he reproves in

Demosthenes? "The orator," says he, "Athenians, and the law, ought to

speak the same language; but when the voice of the law declares one

thing, and that of the orator another we should give our vote to the

justice of the law, not to the impudence of the orator."[159]--And in

another place: "He afterwards manifestly discovered the design he had,

of concealing his fraud under cover of the decree, having expressly

declared therein that the ambassadors sent to the Oretae gave the five

talents, not to you, but to Callias. And that you may be convinced of

the truth of what I say (after having stripped the decree of its

gallies, its trim, and its arrogant ostentation) the clause itself." --

And in another part: "Suffer him not to break cover and escape out of

the limits of the question." A metaphor he is so fond of that he repeats

it again. "But remaining firm and confident in the assembly, drive him

into the merits of the question, and observe well how he doubles."--Is

his style more reserved and simple when he says: "But you are ever

wounding our ears, and are more concerned in the success of your daily

harangues than for the salvation of the city?"--What follows is

conceived in a yet higher strain of metaphor: "Will you not expel this

man as the common calamity of Greece? Will you not seize and punish this

pirate of the state, who sails about in quest of favourable

conjunctures," &c.--With many other passages of a similar nature. And

now I expect you will make the same attacks upon certain expressions in

this letter as you did upon those I have been endeavouring to defend.

The rudder that groans, and the pilot compared to a sea-god, will not, I

imagine, escape your criticism: for I perceive, while I am suing for

indulgence to my former style, I have fallen into the same kind of

figurative diction which you condemn. But attack them if you please

provided you will immediately appoint a day when we may meet to discuss

these matters in person: you will then either teach me to be less daring

or I shall teach you to be more bold. Farewell.

CVII -- To CANINIUS

I HAVE met with a story, which, although authenticated by undoubted

evidence, looks very like fable, and would afford a worthy field for the

exercise of so exuberant, lofty, and truly poetical a genius as your

own. It was related to me the other day over the dinner table, where the

conversation happened to run upon various kinds of marvels. The person

who told the story was a man of unsuspected veracity:--but what has a

poet to do with truth? However, you might venture to rely upon his

testimony, even though you had the character of a faithful historian to

support. There is in Africa a town called Hippo, situated not far from

the sea-coast: it stands upon a navigable lake, communicating with an

estuary in the form of a river, which alternately flows into the lake,

or into the ocean, according to the ebb and flow of the tide. People of

all ages amuse themselves here with fishing, sailing, or swimming;

especially boys, whom love of play brings to the spot. With these it is

a fine and manly achievement to be able to swim the farthest; and he

that leaves the shore and his companions at the greatest distance gains

the victory. It happened, in one of these trials of skill, that a

certain boy, bolder than the rest, launched out towards the opposite

shore. He was met by a dolphin, who sometimes swam before him, and

sometimes behind him, then played round him, and at last took him upon

his back, and set him down, and afterwards took him up again; and thus

he carried the poor frightened fellow out into the deepest part; when

immediately he turns back again to the shore, and lands him among his

companions. The fame of this remarkable accident spread through the

town, and crowds of people flocked round the boy (whom they viewed as a

kind of prodigy) to ask him questions and hear him relate the story. The

next day the shore was thronged with spectators, all attentively

watching the ocean, and (what indeed is almost itself an ocean) the

lake. Meanwhile the boys swam as usual, and among the rest, the boy I am

speaking of went into the lake, but with more caution than before. The

dolphin appeared again and came to the boy, who, together with his

companions, swam away with the utmost precipitation. The dolphin, as

though to invite and call them back, leaped and dived up and down, in a

series of circular movements. This he practised the next day, the day

after, and for several days together, till the people (accustomed from

their infancy to the sea) began to be ashamed of their timidity. They

ventured, therefore, to advance nearer, playing with him and calling him

to them, while he, in return, suffered himself to be touched and

stroked. Use rendered them courageous. The boy, in particular, who first

made the experiment, swam by the side of him, and, leaping upon his

back, was carried backwards and forwards in that manner, and thought the

dolphin knew him and was fond of him, while he too had grown fond of the

dolphin. There seemed, now, indeed, to be no fear on either side, the

confidence of the one and tameness of the other mutually increasing; the

rest of the boys, in the meanwhile, surrounding and encouraging their

companion. It is very remarkable that this dolphin was followed by a

second, which seemed only as a spectator and attendant on the former;

for he did not at all submit to the same familiarities as the first, but

only escorted him backwards and forwards, as the boys did their comrade.

But what is further surprising, and no less true than what I have

already related, is that this dolphin, who thus played with the boys and

carried them upon his back, would come upon the shore, dry himself in

the sand, and, as soon as he grew warm, roll back into the sea. It is a

fact that Octavius Avitus, deputy governor of the province, actuated by

an absurd piece of superstition, poured some ointment[160] over him as

he lay on the shore: the novelty and smell of which made him retire into

the ocean, and it was not till several days after that he was seen

again, when he appeared dull and languid; however, he recovered his

strength and continued his usual playful tricks. All the magistrates

round flocked hither to view this sight, whose arrival, and prolonged

stay, was an additional expense, which the slender finances of this

little community would ill afford; besides, the quiet and retirement of

the place was utterly destroyed. It was thought proper, therefore, to

remove the occasion of this concourse, by privately killing the poor

dolphin. And now, with what a flow of tenderness will you describe this

affecting catastrophe![161] and how will your genius adorn and heighten

this moving story! Though, indeed, the subject does not require any

fictitious embellishments; it will be sufficient to describe the actual

facts of the case without suppression or diminution. Farewell.

CVIII -- TO FUSCUS

Letters of Pliny · 第 14 / 21 段