NOTHING could be more seasonable than the letter which I rec

Produced by David Reed and David Widger

LETTERS OF PLINY

By Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus

Translated by William Melmoth

Revised by F. C. T. Bosanquet

GAIUS PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS, usually known as Pliny the Younger,

was born at Como in 62 A. D. He was only eight years old when his father

Caecilius died, and he was adopted by his uncle, the elder Pliny, author

of the Natural History. He was carefully educated, studying rhetoric

under Quintilian and other famous teachers, and he became the most

eloquent pleader of his time. In this and in much else he imitated

Cicero, who had by this time come to be the recognized master of Latin

style. While still young he served as military tribune in Syria, but he

does not seem to have taken zealously to a soldier's life. On his return

he entered politics under the Emperor Domitian; and in the year 100 A.

D. was appointed consul by Trajan and admitted to confidential

intercourse with that emperor. Later while he was governor of Bithynia,

he was in the habit of submitting every point of policy to his master,

and the correspondence between Trajan and him, which forms the last part

of the present selection, is of a high degree of interest, both on

account of the subjects discussed and for the light thrown on the

characters of the two men. He is supposed to have died about 113 A. D.

Pliny's speeches are now lost, with the exception of one, a panegyric on

Trajan delivered in thanksgiving for the consulate. This, though diffuse

and somewhat too complimentary for modern taste, became a model for this

kind of composition. The others were mostly of two classes, forensic and

political, many of the latter being, like Cicero's speech against

Verres, impeachments of provincial governors for cruelty and extortion

toward their subjects. In these, as in his public activities in general,

he appears as a man of public spirit and integrity; and in his relations

with his native town he was a thoughtful and munificent benefactor.

The letters, on which to-day his fame mainly rests, were largely written

with a view to publication, and were arranged by Pliny himself. They

thus lack the spontaneity of Cicero's impulsive utterances, but to most

modern readers who are not special students of Roman history they are

even more interesting. They deal with a great variety of subjects: the

description of a Roman villa; the charms of country life; the reluctance

of people to attend author's readings and to listen when they were

present; a dinner party; legacy-hunting in ancient Rome; the acquisition

of a piece of statuary; his love for his young wife; ghost stories;

floating islands, a tame dolphin, and other marvels. But by far the best

known are those describing the great eruption of Vesuvius in which his

uncle perished, a martyr to scientific curiosity, and the letter to

Trajan on his attempts to suppress Christianity in Bithynia, with

Trajan's reply approving his policy. Taken altogether, these letters

give an absorbingly vivid picture of the days of the early empire, and

of the interests of a cultivated Roman gentleman of wealth.

Occasionally, as in the last letters referred to, they deal with

important historical events; but their chief value is in bringing before

us, in somewhat the same manner as "The Spectator" pictures the England

of the age of Anne, the life of a time which is not so unlike our own as

its distance in years might indicate. And in this time by no means the

least interesting figure is that of the letter-writer himself, with his

vanity and self-importance, his sensibility and generous affection, his

pedantry and his loyalty.

CONTENTS

LETTERS GAIUS PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS

I -- To SEPTITTUS

II -- To ARRIANUS

III -- To VOCONIUS ROMANUS

IV -- To CORNELIUS TACITUS

V -- To POMPEIUS SATURNINUS

VI -- To ATRIUS CLEMENS

VII -- To FABIUS JUSTUS

VIII -- To CALESTRIUS TIRO

IX -- To SOCIUS SENECIO

X -- To JUNSUS MAURICUS

XI -- To SEPTITIUS CLARUS

XII -- To SUETONIUS TRANQUILLUS

XIII -- To ROMANUS FIRMUS

XIV -- TO CORNELIUS TACITUS

XV -- To PATERNUS

XVI -- To CATILIUS SEVERUS [27]

XVII -- To VOCONIUS ROMANUS

XVIII -- To NEPOS

XIX -- To AVITUS

XX -- To MACRINUS

XXI -- To PAISCUS

XXII -- To MAIMUS

XXIII -- To GALLUS

XXIV -- To CEREALIS

XXV -- To CALVISIUS

XXVI -- To CALVISIUS

XXVII -- To BAEBIUS MACER

XXVIII -- To ANNIUS SEVERUS

XXIX -- To CANINIUS RUFUS

XXX -- To SPURINNA AND COTTIA[53]

XXXI -- To JULIUS GENITOR

XXXII -- To CATILIUS SEVERUS

XXXIII -- To ACILIUS

XXXIV -- To NEPOS

XXXV -- To SEVERUS

XXXVI -- To CALVISIUS RUFUS

XXXVII -- To CORNELIUS PRISCUS

XXXVIII -- To FABATUS (HIS WIFE'S GRANDFATHER)

XXXIX -- To ATTIUS CLEMENS

XL -- To CATIUS LEPIDUS

XLI -- To MATURUS ARRIANUS

XLII -- To STATIUS SABINUS

XLIII -- To CORNELIUS MINICIANUS

XLV -- To ASINIUS

XLVI -- To HISPULLA

XLVII -- To ROMATIUS FIASIUS

XLVIII -- To LICINIUS SURA

XLIX -- To ANNIUS SEVERUS

L -- To TITIUS ARISTO

LI -- To NONIUS MAXIMUS

LII -- To DOMITIUS APOLLINARIS

LIII -- To CALVISIUS

LIV -- To MARCELLINUS

LV -- To SPURINNA

LVI -- To PAULINUS

LVII -- To RUFUS

LVIII -- To ARRIANUS

LIX -- To CALPURNIA[88]

LX -- To CALPURNIA

LXI -- To PRISCUS

LXII -- To ALBINUS

LXIII -- To MAXIMUS

LXIV -- To ROMANUS

LXV -- To TACITUS

LXVI -- To CORNELIUS TACITUS

LX VII -- To MACER

LXVIII -- To SERVIANUS

LXIX -- To SEVERUS

LXX -- To FABATUS

LXXI -- To CORNELIANUS

LXXII -- To MAXIMUS

LXXIII -- To RESTITUTUS

LXXIV -- To CALPURNIA[111]

LXXV -- To MACRINUS

LXXVI -- To TUSCUS

LXX VII -- To FABATUS (HIS WIFE'S GRANDFATHER)

LXXVIII -- To CORELLIA

LXXIX -- To CELER

LXXX -- To PRISCUS

LXXXI -- To GEMINIUS

LXXXII -- To MAXIMUS

LXXXIII -- To SURA

LXXXIV -- To SEPTITIUS

LXXXV -- To TACITUS

LXXX VI -- To SEPTITIUS

LXXXVII -- To CALVISIUS

LXXX VIII -- To ROMANUS

LXXXIX -- To ARISTO

XC -- To PATERNUS

XCI -- To MACRINUS

XCII -- To RUFINUS

XCIII -- To GALLUS

XCIV -- To ARRIANUS

XCV -- To MAXIMUS

XCVI -- To PAULINUS

XCVII -- To CALVISIUS

XCVIII -- To ROMANUS

XCIX -- To GEMINUS

C -- To JUNIOR

CI -- To QUADRATUS

CII -- To GENITOR

CIII -- To SABINIANUS

CIV -- To MAXIMUS

CV -- To SABINIANUS

CVI -- To LUPERCUS

CVII -- To CANINIUS

CVIII -- To Fuscus

CIX -- To PAULINUS

CX -- To FUSCUS

FOOTNOTES TO THE LETTERS OF PLINY]

CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

I -- TO THE EMPEROR TRAJAN[1001]

II -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

III -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

IV -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

V -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

VI -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

VII -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

VIII -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

X -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XI -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XII -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

XIII -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XIV -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XV -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

XVI -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XVII -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

XVIII -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XIX -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XX -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XXI -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XXII -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XXIII -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XXIV -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XXV -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XXVI -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XXVII -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XXVIII -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XXIX -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XXX -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XXXI -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

XXXII -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XXXIII -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

XXXIV -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XXXV -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

XXXVI -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XXX VII -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

XXXVIII To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XXXIX -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

XL -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XLI -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

XLII -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XLIII -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

XLIV -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XLV -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

XLVI -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XLVII -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

XLVIII -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XLIX -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

L -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

LI -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

LII -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

LIII -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

LIV -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

LV -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

LVI -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

LVII -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

LVIII -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

LIX -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

LX -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

LXI -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

LXII -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

LXIII -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

LXIV -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

LXV -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

LXVI -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

LXVII -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

LX VIII -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

LXIX -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

LXX -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

LXXI -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

LXXII TRAJAN TO PLINY

LXXIII -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

LXX IV -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

LXXV -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

LXXVI -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

LXXVII -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

LXXVIII -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

LXXIX -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

LXXX -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

LXXXI -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

LXXXII -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

LXXXIII -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

LXXXIV -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

LXXXV -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

LXXXVI -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

LXXXVII -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

LXXXVIII -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

LXXXIX -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XC -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

XCI -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XCII -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

XCIII -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XCIV -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

XCV -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XCVI -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

XCVII To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

XCVIII -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

XCIX -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

C -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

CI To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

CII -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

CIII -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

CIV -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

CV -- To TIlE EMPEROR TRAJAN

CVI -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

CVII -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

CVIII -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

CIX -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

CX -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

CXI -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

CXII -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

CXIII -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

CXIV -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

CXV -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

CXVI -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

CXVII -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

CXVIII -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

CXIX -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

CXX -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

CXXI -- To THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

CXXII -- TRAJAN TO PLINY

FOOTNOTES TO THE CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE EMPEROR TRAJAN

LETTERS GAIUS PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS

I -- To SEPTITTUS

YOU have frequently pressed me to make a select collection of my Letters

(if there really be any deserving of a special preference) and give them

to the public. I have selected them accordingly; not, indeed, in their

proper order of time, for I was not compiling a history; but just as

each came to hand. And now I have only to wish that you may have no

reason to repent of your advice, nor I of my compliance: in that case, I

may probably enquire after the rest, which at present be neglected, and

preserve those I shall hereafter write. Farewell.

II -- To ARRIANUS

I FORESEE your journey in my direction is likely to be delayed, and

therefore send you the speech which I promised in my former; requesting

you, as usual, to revise and correct it. I desire this the more

earnestly as I never, I think, wrote with the same empressment in any of

my former speeches; for I have endeavoured to imitate your old favourite

Demosthenes and Calvus, who is lately become mine, at least in the

rhetorical forms of the speech; for to catch their sublime spirit, is

given, alone, to the "inspired few." My subject, indeed, seemed

naturally to lend itself to this (may I venture to call it?) emulation;

consisting, as it did, almost entirely in a vehement style of address,

even to a degree sufficient to have awakened me (if only I am capable of

being awakened) out of that indolence in which I have long reposed. I

have not however altogether neglected the flowers of rhetoric of my

favourite Marc-Tully, wherever I could with propriety step out of my

direct road, to enjoy a more flowery path: for it was energy, not

austerity, at which I aimed. I would not have you imagine by this that I

am bespeaking your indulgence: on the contrary, to make your correcting

pen more vigorous, I will confess that neither my friends nor myself are

averse from the publication of this piece, if only you should join in

the approval of what is perhaps my folly. The truth is, as I must

publish something, I wish it might be this performance rather than any

other, because it is already finished: (you hear the wish of laziness.)

At all events, however, something I must publish, and for many reasons;

chiefly because of the tracts which I have already sent in to the world,

though they have long since lost all their recommendation from novelty,

are still, I am told, in request; if, after all, the booksellers are not

tickling my ears. And let them; since, by that innocent deceit, I am

encouraged to pursue my studies. Farewell.

III -- To VOCONIUS ROMANUS

DID YOU ever meet with a more abject and mean-spirited creature than

Marcus Regulus since the death of Domitian, during whose reign his

conduct was no less infamous, though more concealed, than under Nero's?

He began to be afraid I was angry with him, and his apprehensions were

perfectly correct; I was angry. He had not only done his best to

increase the peril of the position in which Rusticus Arulenus[1] stood,

but had exulted in his death; insomuch that he actually recited and

published a libel upon his memory, in which he styles him "The Stoics'

Ape": adding, "stigmated[2] with the Vitellian scar."[3] You recognize

Regulus' eloquent strain! He fell with such fury upon the

character of Herennius Senecio that Metius Carus said to him, one day,

"What business have you with my dead? Did I ever interfere in the affair

of Crassus[4] or Camerinus?"[5] Victims, you know, to Regulus, in Nero's

time. For these reasons he imagined I was highly exasperated, and so at

the recitation of his last piece, I got no invitation. Besides, he had

not forgotten, it seems, with what deadly purpose he had once attacked

me in the Court of the Hundred.[6] Rusticus had desired me to act as

counsel for Arionilla, Titnon's wife: Regulus was engaged against me. In

one part of the case I was strongly insisting upon a particular judgment

given by Metius Modestus, an excellent man, at that time in banishment

by Domitian's order. Now then for Regulus. "Pray," says he, "what is

your opinion of Modestus?" You see what a risk I should have run had I

answered that I had a high opinion of him, how I should have disgraced

myself on the other hand if I had replied that I had a bad opinion of

him. But some guardian power, I am persuaded, must have stood by me to

assist me in this emergency. "I will tell you my opinion," I said, "if

that is a matter to be brought before the court." "I ask you," he

repeated, "what is your opinion of Modestus?" I replied that it was

customary to examine witnesses to the character of an accused man, not

to the character of one on whom sentence had already been passed. He

pressed me a third time. "I do not now enquire," said he, "your opinion

of Modestus in general, I only ask your opinion of his loyalty." "Since

you will have my opinion then," I rejoined, "I think it illegal even to

ask a question concerning a person who stands convicted." He sat down at

this, completely silenced; and I received applause and congratulation on

all sides, that without injuring my reputation by an advantageous,

perhaps, though ungenerous answer, I had not entangled myself in the

toils of so insidious a catch-question. Thoroughly frightened upon this

then, he first seizes upon Caecilius Celer, next he goes and begs of

Fabius Justus, that they would use their joint interest to bring about a

reconciliation between us. And lest this should not be sufficient, he

sets off to Spurinna as well; to whom he came in the humblest way (for

he is the most abject creature alive, where he has anything to be afraid

of) and says to him, "Do, I entreat of you, call on Pliny to-morrow

morning, certainly in the morning, no later (for I cannot endure this

anxiety of mind longer), and endeavour by any means in your power to

soften his resentment." I was already up, the next day, when a message

arrived from Spurinna, "I am coming to call on you." I sent word back,

"Nay, I will wait upon you;" however, both of us setting out to pay this

visit, we met under Livia's portico. He acquainted me with the

commission he had received from Regulus, and interceded for him as

became so worthy a man in behalf of one so totally dissimilar, without

greatly pressing the thing. "I will leave it to you," was my reply, "to

consider what answer to return Regulus; you ought not to be deceived by

me. I am waiting for Mauricus'[7] return" (for he had not yet come back

out of exile), "so that I cannot give you any definite answer either

way, as I mean to be guided entirely by his decision, for he ought to be

my leader here, and I simply to do as he says." Well, a few days after

this, Regulus met me as I was at the praetor's; he kept close to me

there and begged a word in private, when he said he was afraid I deeply

resented an expression he had once made use of in his reply to Satrius

and myself, before the Court of the Hundred, to this effect, "Satrius

Rufus, who does not endeavour to rival Cicero, and who is content with

the eloquence of our own day." I answered, now I perceived indeed, upon

his own confession, that he had meant it ill-naturedly; otherwise it

might have passed for a compliment. "For I am free to own," I said,

"that I do endeavour to rival Cicero, and am not content with the

eloquence of our own day. For I consider it the very height of folly not

to copy the best models of every kind. But, how happens it that you, who

have so good a recollection of what passed upon this occasion, should

have forgotten that other, when you asked me my opinion of the loyalty

of Modestus?" Pale as he always is, he turned simply pallid at this, and

stammered out, "I did not intend to hurt you when I asked this question,

but Modestus." Observe the vindictive cruelty of the fellow, who made no

concealment of his willingness to injure a banished man. But the reason

he alleged in justification of his conduct is pleasant. Modestus, he

explained, in a letter of his, which was read to Domitian, had used the

following expression, "Regulus, the biggest rascal that walks upon two

feet:" and what Modestus had written was the simple truth, beyond all

manner of controversy. Here, about, our conversation came to an end, for

I did not wish to proceed further, being desirous to keep matters open

until Mauricus returns. It is no easy matter, I am well aware of that,

to destroy Regulus; he is rich, and at the head of a party; courted[8]

by many, feared by more: a passion that will sometimes prevail even

beyond friendship itself. But, after all, ties of this sort are not so

strong but they may be loosened; for a bad man's credit is as shifty as

himself. However (to repeat), I am waiting until Mauricus comes back. He

is a man of sound judgment and great sagacity formed upon long

experience, and who, from his observations of the past, well knows how

to judge of the future. I shall talk the matter over with him, and

consider myself justified either in pursuing or dropping this affair, as

he shall advise. Meanwhile I thought I owed this account to our mutual

friendship, which gives you an undoubted right to know about not only

all my actions but all my plans as well. Farewell.

IV -- To CORNELIUS TACITUS

You will laugh (and you are quite welcome) when I tell you that your old

acquaintance is turned sportsman, and has taken three noble boars.

"What!" you exclaim, "Pliny!"--Even he. However, I indulged at the same

time my beloved inactivity; and, whilst I sat at my nets, you would have

found me, not with boar spear or javelin, but pencil and tablet, by my

side. I mused and wrote, being determined to return, if with all my

hands empty, at least with my memorandums full. Believe me, this way of

studying is not to be despised: it is wonderful how the mind is stirred

and quickened into activity by brisk bodily exercise. There is

something, too, in the solemnity of the venerable woods with which one

is surrounded, together with that profound silence which is observed on

these occasions, that forcibly disposes the mind to meditation. So for

the future, let me advise you, whenever you hunt, to take your tablets

along with you, as well as your basket and bottle, for be assured you

will find Minerva no less fond of traversing the hills than Diana.

Farewell.

V -- To POMPEIUS SATURNINUS

NOTHING could be more seasonable than the letter which I received from

you, in which you so earnestly beg me to send you some of my literary

efforts: the very thing I was intending to do. So you have only put

spurs into a willing horse and at once saved yourself the excuse of

refusing the trouble, and me the awkwardness of asking the favour.

Without hesitation then I avail myself of your offer; as you must now

take the consequence of it without reluctance. But you are not to expect

anything new from a lazy fellow, for I am going to ask you to revise

again the speech I made to my fellow-townsmen when I dedicated the

public library to their use. You have already, I remember, obliged me

with some annotations upon this piece, but only in a general way; and so

I now beg of you not only to take a general view of the whole speech,

but, as you usually do, to go over it in detail. When you have corrected

it, I shall still be at liberty to publish or suppress it: and the delay

in the meantime will be attended with one of these alternatives; for,

while we are deliberating whether it is fit for publishing, a frequent

revision will either make it so, or convince me that it is not. Though

indeed my principal difficulty respecting the publication of this

harangue arises not so much from the composition as out of the subject

itself, which has something in it, I am afraid, that will look too like

ostentation and self-conceit. For, be the style ever so plain and

unassuming, yet, as the occasion necessarily led me to speak not only of

the munificence of my ancestors, but of my own as well, my modesty will

be seriously embarrassed. A dangerous and slippery situation this, even

when one is led into it by plea of necessity! For, if mankind are not

very favourable to panegyric, even when bestowed upon others, how much

more difficult is it to reconcile them to it when it is a tribute which

we pay to ourselves or to our ancestors? Virtue, by herself, is

generally the object of envy, but particularly so when glory and

distinction attend her; and the world is never so little disposed to

detract from the rectitude of your conduct as when it passes unobserved

and unapplauded. For these reasons, I frequently ask myself whether I

composed this harangue, such as it is, merely from a personal

consideration, or with a view to the public as well; and I am sensible

that what may be exceedingly useful and proper in the prosecution of any

affair may lose all its grace and fitness the moment the business is

completed: for instance, in the case before us, what could be more to my

purpose than to explain at large the motives of my intended bounty? For,

first, it engaged my mind in good and ennobling thoughts; next, it

enabled me, by frequent dwelling upon them, to receive a perfect

impression of their loveliness, while it guarded at the same time

against that repentance which is sure to follow on an impulsive act of

generosity. There arose also a further advantage from this method, as it

fixed in me a certain habitual contempt of money. For, while mankind

seem to be universally governed by an innate passion to accumulate

wealth, the cultivation of a more generous affection in my own breast

taught me to emancipate myself from the slavery of so predominant a

principle: and I thought that my honest intentions would be the more

meritorious as they should appear to proceed, not from sudden impulse,

but from the dictates of cool and deliberate reflection. I considered,

besides, that I was not engaging myself to exhibit public games or

gladiatorial combats, but to establish an annual fund for the support

and education of young men of good families but scanty means. The

pleasures of the senses are so far from wanting the oratorical arts to

recommend them that we stand in need of all the powers of eloquence to

moderate and restrain rather than stir up their influence. But the work

of getting anybody to cheerfully undertake the monotony and drudgery of

education must be effected not by pay merely, but by a skilfully worked-

up appeal to the emotions as well. If physicians find it expedient to

use the most insinuating address in recommending to their patients a

wholesome though, perhaps, unpleasant regimen, how much more occasion

had he to exert all the powers of persuasion who, out of regard to the

public welfare, was endeavouring to reconcile it to a most useful though

not equally popular benefaction? Particularly, as my aim was to

recommend an institution, calculated solely for the benefit of those who

were parents to men who, at present, had no children; and to persuade

the greater number to wait patiently until they should be entitled to an

honour of which a few only could immediately partake. But as at that

time, when I attempted to explain and enforce the general design and

benefit of my institution, I considered more the general good of my

countrymen, than any reputation which might result to myself; so I am

apprehensive lest, if I publish that piece, it may perhaps look as if I

had a view rather to my own personal credit than the benefit of others.

Besides, I am very sensible how much nobler it is to place the reward of

virtue in the silent approbation of one's own breast than in the

applause of the world. Glory ought to be the consequence, not the

motive, of our actions; and although it happen not to attend the worthy

deed, yet it is by no means the less fair for having missed the applause

it deserved. But the world is apt to suspect that those who celebrate

their own beneficent acts performed them for no other motive than to

have the pleasure of extolling them. Thus, the splendour of an action

which would have been deemed illustrious if related by another is

totally extinguished when it becomes the subject of one's own applause.

Such is the disposition of mankind, if they cannot blast the action,

they will censure its display; and whether you do what does not deserve

particular notice, or set forth yourself what does, either way you incur

reproach. In my own case there is a peculiar circumstance that weighs

much with me: this speech was delivered not before the people, but the

Decurii;[9] not in the forum, but the senate; I am afraid therefore it

will look inconsistent that I, who, when I delivered it, seemed to avoid

popular applause, should now, by publishing this performance, appear to

court it: that I, who was so scrupulous as not to admit even these

persons to be present when I delivered this speech, who were interested

in my benefaction, lest it might be suspected I was actuated in this

affair by any ambitious views, should now seem to solicit admiration, by

forwardly displaying it to such as have no other concern in my

munificence than the benefit of example. These are the scruples which

have occasioned my delay in giving this piece to the public; but I

submit them entirely to your judgment, which I shall ever esteem as a

sufficient sanction of my conduct. Farewell.

VI -- To ATRIUS CLEMENS

IF ever polite literature flourished at Rome, it certainly flourishes

now; and I could give you many eminent instances: I will content myself,

however, with naming only Euphrates[10] the philosopher. I first became

acquainted with this excellent person in my youth, when I served in the

army in Syria. I had an opportunity of conversing with him familiarly,

and took some pains to gain his affection: though that, indeed, was not

very difficult, for he is easy of access, unreserved, and actuated by

those social principles he professes to teach. I should think myself

extremely happy if I had as fully answered the expectations he, at that

time, conceived of me, as he exceeds everything I had imagined of him.

But, perhaps, I admire his excellencies more now than I did then,

because I know better how to appreciate them; not that I sufficiently

appreciate them even now. For as none but those who are skilled in

painting, statuary, or the plastic art, can form a right judgment of any

performance in those respective modes of representation, so a man must,

himself, have made great advances in philosophy before he is capable of

forming a just opinion of a philosopher. However, as far as I am

qualified to determine, Euphrates is possessed of so many shining

talents that he cannot fail to attract and impress the most ordinarily

educated observer. He reasons with much force, acuteness, and elegance;

and frequently rises into all the sublime and luxuriant eloquence of

Plato. His style is varied and flowing, and at the same time so

wonderfully captivating that he forces the reluctant attention of the

most unwilling hearer. For the rest, a fine stature, a comely aspect,

long hair, and a large silver beard; circumstances which, though they

may probably be thought trifling and accidental, contribute, however, to

gain him much reverence. There is no affected negligence in his dress

and appearance; his countenance is grave but not austere; and his

approach commands respect without creating awe. Distinguished as he is

by the perfect blamelessness of his life, he is no less so by the

courtesy and engaging sweetness of his manner. He attacks vices, not

persons, and, without severity, reclaims the wanderer from the paths of

virtue. You follow his exhortations with rapt attention, hanging, as it

were, upon his lips; and even after the heart is convinced, the ear

still wishes to listen to the harmonious reasoner. His family consists

of three children (two of which are sons), whom he educates with the

utmost care. His father-in-law, Pompeius Julianus, as he greatly

distinguished himself in every other part of his life, so particularly

in this, that though he was himself of the highest rank in his province,

yet, among many considerable matches, he preferred Euphrates for his

son-in-law, as first in merit, though not in dignity. But why do I dwell

any longer upon the virtues of a man whose conversation I am so

unfortunate as not to have time sufficiently to enjoy? Is it to increase

my regret and vexation that I cannot enjoy it? My time is wholly taken

up in the execution of a very honourable, indeed, but equally

troublesome, employment; in hearing cases, signing petitions, making up

accounts, and writing a vast amount of the most illiterate literature. I

sometimes complain to Euphrates (for I have leisure at least to

complain) of these unpleasing occupations. He endeavours to console me,

by affirming that, to be engaged in the public service, to hear and

determine cases, to explain the laws, and administer justice, is a part,

and the noblest part, too, of philosophy; as it is reducing to practice

what her professors teach in speculation. But even his rhetoric will

never be able to convince me that it is better to be at this sort of

work than to spend whole days in attending his lectures and learning his

precepts. I cannot therefore but strongly recommend it to you, who have

the time for it, when next you come to town (and you will come, I

daresay, so much the sooner for this), to take the benefit of his

elegant and refined instructions. For I do not (as many do) envy others

the happiness I cannot share with them myself: on the contrary, it is a

very sensible pleasure to me when I find my friends in possession of an

enjoyment from which I have the misfortune to be excluded. Farewell.

VII -- To FABIUS JUSTUS

IT is a long time since I have had a letter from you, "There is nothing

to write about," you say: well then write and let me know just this,

that "there is nothing to write about," or tell me in the good old

style, _If you are well that's right, I am quite well_. This will do for

me, for it implies everything. You think I am joking? Let me assure you

I am in sober earnest. Do let me know how you are; for I cannot remain

ignorant any longer without growing exceedingly anxious about you.

Farewell.

VIII -- To CALESTRIUS TIRO

I HAVE suffered the heaviest loss; if that word be sufficiently strong

to express the misfortune which has deprived me of so excellent a man.

Corellius Rufus is dead; and dead, too, by his own act! A circumstance

of great aggravation to my affliction: as that sort of death which we

cannot impute either to the course of nature, or the hand of Providence,

is, of all others, the most to be lamented. It affords some consolation

in the loss of those friends whom disease snatches from us that they

fall by the general destiny of mankind; but those who destroy themselves

leave us under the inconsolable reflection, that they had it in their

power to have lived longer. It is true, Corellius had many inducements

to be fond of life; a blameless conscience, high reputation, and great

dignity of character, besides a daughter, a wife, a grandson, and

sisters; and, amidst these numerous pledges of happiness, faithful

friends. Still, it must be owned he had the highest motive (which to a

wise man will always have the force of destiny), urging him to this

resolution. He had long been tortured by so tedious and painful a

complaint that even these inducements to living on, considerable as they

are, were over-balanced by the reasons on the other side. In his thirty-

third year (as I have frequently heard him say) he was seized with the

gout in his feet. This was hereditary; for diseases, as well as

possessions, are sometimes handed down by a sort of inheritance. A life

of sobriety and continence had enabled him to conquer and keep down the

disease while he was still young, latterly as it grew upon him with

advancing years, he had to manfully bear it, suffering meanwhile the

most incredible and undeserved agonies; for the gout was now not only in

his feet, but had spread itself over his whole body. I remember, in

Domitian's reign, paying him a visit at his villa, near Rome. As soon as

I entered his chamber, his servants went out: for it was his rule, never

to allow them to be in the room when any intimate friend was with him;

nay, even his own wife, though she could have kept any secret, used to

go too. Casting his eyes round the room, "Why," he exclaimed, "do you

suppose I endure life so long under these cruel agonies? It is with the

hope that I may outlive, at least for one day, that villain." Had his

bodily strength been equal to his resolution, he would have carried his

desire into practical effect. God heard and answered his prayer; and

when he felt that he should now die a free, un-enslaved, Roman, he broke

through those other great, but now less forcible, attachments to the

world. His malady increased; and, as it now grew too violent to admit of

any relief from temperance, he resolutely determined to put an end to

its uninterrupted attacks, by an effort of heroism. He had refused all

sustenance during four days when his wife Hispulla sent our common

friend Geminius to me, with the melancholy news, that Corellius was

resolved to die; and that neither her own entreaties nor her daughter's

could move him from his purpose; I was the only person left who could

reconcile him to life. I ran to his house with the utmost precipitation.

As I approached it, I met a second messenger from Hispulla, Julius

Atticus, who informed me there was nothing to be hoped for now, even

from me, as he seemed more hardened than ever in his purpose. He had

said, indeed to his physician, who pressed him to take some nourishment,

"'Tis resolved": an expression which, as it raised my admiration of the

greatness of his soul, so it does my grief for the loss of him. I keep

thinking what a friend, what a man, I am deprived of. That he had

reached his sixty-seventh year, an age which even the strongest seldom

exceed, I well know; that he is released from a life of continual pain;

that he has left his dearest friends behind him, and (what was dearer to

him than all these) the state in a prosperous condition: all this I

know. Still I cannot forbear to lament him, as if he had been in the

prime and vigour of his days; and I lament him (shall I own my

weakness?) on my account. And--to confess to you as I did to Calvisius,

in the first transport of my grief--I sadly fear, now that I am no

longer under his eye, I shall not keep so strict a guard over my

conduct. Speak comfort to me then, not that he was old, he was infirm;

all this I know: but by supplying me with some reflections that are new

and resistless, which I have never heard, never read, anywhere else. For

all that I have heard, and all that I have read, occur to me of

themselves; but all these are by far too weak to support me under so

severe an affliction. Farewell.

IX -- To SOCIUS SENECIO

This year has produced a plentiful crop of poets: during the whole month

of April scarcely a day has passed on which we have not been entertained

with the recital of some poem. It is a pleasure to me to find that a

taste for polite literature still exists, and that men of genius do come

forward and make themselves known, notwithstanding the lazy attendance

they got for their pains. The greater part of the audience sit in the

lounging-places, gossip away their time there, and are perpetually

sending to enquire whether the author has made his entrance yet, whether

he has got through the preface, or whether he has almost finished the

piece. Then at length they saunter in with an air of the greatest

indifference, nor do they condescend to stay through the recital, but go

out before it is over, some slyly and stealthily, others again with

perfect freedom and unconcern. And yet our fathers can remember how

Claudius Cæsar walking one day in the palace, and hearing a great

shouting, enquired the cause: and being informed that Nonianus[11] was

reciting a composition of his, went immediately to the place, and

agreeably surprised the author with his presence. But now, were one to

bespeak the attendance of the idlest man living, and remind him of the

appointment ever so often, or ever so long beforehand; either he would

not come at all, or if he did would grumble about having "lost a day!"

for no other reason but because he had not lost it. So much the more do

those authors deserve our encouragement and applause who have resolution

to persevere in their studies, and to read out their compositions in

spite of this apathy or arrogance on the part of their audience. Myself

indeed, I scarcely ever miss being present upon any occasion; though, to

tell the truth, the authors have generally been friends of mine, as

indeed there are few men of literary tastes who are not. It is this

which has kept me in town longer than I had intended. I am now, however,

at liberty to go back into the country, and write something myself;

which I do not intend reciting, lest I should seem rather to have lent

than given my attendance to these recitations of my friends, for in

these, as in all other good offices, the obligation ceases the moment

you seem to expect a return. Farewell.

X -- To JUNSUS MAURICUS

You desire me to look out a proper husband for your niece: it is with

justice you enjoin me that office. You know the high esteem and

affection I bore that great man her father, and with what noble

instructions he nurtured my youth, and taught me to deserve those

praises he was pleased to bestow upon me. You could not give me, then, a

more important, or more agreeable, commission; nor could I be employed

in an office of higher honour, than that of choosing a young man worthy

of being father of the grandchildren of Rusticus Arulenus; a choice I

should be long in determining, were I not acquainted with Minutius

Aemilianus, who seems formed for our purpose. He loves me with all that

warmth of affection which is usual between young men of equal years (as

indeed I have the advance of him but by a very few), and reveres me at

the same time, with all the deference due to age; and, in a word, he is

no less desirous to model himself by my instructions than I was by those

of yourself and your brother.

He is a native of Brixia, one of those provinces in Italy which still

retain much of the old modesty, frugal simplicity, and even rusticity,

of manner. He is the son of Minutius Macrinus, whose humble desires were

satisfied with standing at the head of the equestrian order: for though

he was nominated by Vespasian in the number of those whom that prince

dignified with the praetorian office, yet, with an inflexible greatness

of mind, he resolutely preferred an honourable repose, to the ambitious,

shall I call them, or exalted, pursuits, in which we public men are

engaged. His grandmother, on the mother's side, is Serrana Procula, of

Patavium:[12] you are no stranger to the character of its citizens; yet

Serrana is looked upon, even among these correct people, as an exemplary

instance of strict virtue. Acilius, his uncle, is a man of almost

exceptional gravity, wisdom, and integrity. In short, you will find

nothing throughout his family unworthy of yours. Minutius himself has

plenty of vivacity, as well as application, together with a most amiable

and becoming modesty. He has already, with considerable credit, passed

through the offices of quaestor, tribune, and praetor; so that you will

be spared the trouble of soliciting for him those honourable

employments. He has a fine, well-bred, countenance, with a ruddy,

healthy complexion, while his whole person is elegant and comely and his

mien graceful and senatorian: advantages, I think, by no means to be

slighted, and which I consider as the proper tribute to virgin

innocence. I think I may add that his father is very rich. When I

contemplate the character of those who require a husband of my choosing,

I know it is unnecessary to mention wealth; but when I reflect upon the

prevailing manners of the age, and even the laws of Rome, which rank a

man according to his possessions, it certainly claims some regard; and,

indeed, in establishments of this nature, where children and many other

circumstances are to be duly weighed, it is an article that well

deserves to be taken into the account. You will be inclined, perhaps, to

suspect that affection has had too great a share in the character I have

been drawing, and that I have heightened it beyond the truth: but I will

stake all my credit, you will find everything far beyond what I have

represented. I love the young fellow indeed (as he justly deserves) with

all the warmth of a most ardent affection; but for that very reason I

would not ascribe more to his merit than I know it will bear. Farewell.

XI -- To SEPTITIUS CLARUS

Ah! you are a pretty fellow! You make an engagement to come to supper

and then never appear. Justice shall be exacted;--you shall reimburse me

to the very last penny the expense I went to on your account; no small

sum, let me tell you. I had prepared, you must know, a lettuce a-piece,

three snails, two eggs, and a barley cake, with some sweet wine and

snow, (the snow most certainly I shall charge to your account, as a

rarity that will not keep.) Olives, beet-root, gourds, onions, and a

thousand other dainties equally sumptuous. You should likewise have been

entertained either with an interlude, the rehearsal of a poem, or a

piece of music, whichever you preferred; or (such was my liberality)

with all three. But the oysters, sows'-bellies, sea-urchins, and dancers

from Cadiz of a certain--I know not who, were, it seems, more to your

taste. You shall give satisfaction, how, shall at present be a secret.

Oh! you have behaved cruelly, grudging your friend,--had almost said

yourself;--and upon second thoughts I do say so;--in this way: for how

agreeably should we have spent the evening, in laughing, trifling, and

literary amusements! You may sup, I confess, at many places more

splendidly; but nowhere with more unconstrained mirth, simplicity, and

freedom: only make the experiment, and if you do not ever after excuse

yourself to your other friends, to come to me, always put me off to go

to them. Farewell.

XII -- To SUETONIUS TRANQUILLUS

You tell me in your letter that you are extremely alarmed by a dream;

apprehending that it forebodes some ill success to you in the case you

have undertaken to defend; and, therefore, desire that I would get it

adjourned for a few days, or, at least, to the next. This will be no

easy matter, but I will try:

"For dreams descend from Jove."

Meanwhile, it is very material for you to recollect whether your dreams

generally represent things as they afterwards fall out, or quite the

reverse. But if I may judge of yours by one that happened to myself,

this dream that alarms you seems to portend that you will acquit

yourself with great success. I had promised to stand counsel for Junius

Pastor; when I fancied in my sleep that my mother-in-law came to me,

and, throwing herself at my feet, earnestly entreated me not to plead. I

was at that time a very young man; the case was to be argued in the four

centumviral courts; my adversaries were some of the most important

personages in Rome, and particular favourites of Cæsar;[13] any of which

circumstances were sufficient, after such an inauspicious dream, to have

discouraged me. Notwithstanding this, I engaged in the cause, reflecting

that,

"Without a sign, his sword the brave man draws, And asks no omen but his

country's cause."<a href="#linknote-14" name="linknoteref-14"

id="linknoteref-14">[14]</a>

for I looked upon the promise I had given to be as sacred to me as my

country, or, if that were possible, more so. The event happened as I

wished; and it was that very case which first procured me the favourable

attention of the public, and threw open to me the gates of Fame.

Consider then whether your dream, like this one I have related, may not

pre-signify success. But, after all, perhaps you will think it safer to

pursue this cautious maxim: "Never do a thing concerning the rectitude

of which you are in doubt;" if so, write me word. In the interval, I

will consider of some excuse, and will so plead your cause that you may

be able to plead it your self any day you like best. In this respect,

you are in a better situation than I was: the court of the centumviri,

where I was to plead, admits of no adjournment: whereas, in that where

your case is to be heard, though no easy matter to procure one, still,

however, it is possible. Farewell.

XIII -- To ROMANUS FIRMUS

As you are my towns-man, my school-fellow, and the earliest companion of

my youth; as there was the strictest friendship between my mother and

uncle and your father (a happiness which I also enjoyed as far as the

great inequality of our ages would admit); can I fail (thus biassed as I

am by so many and weighty considerations) to contribute all in my power

to the advancement of your honours? The rank you bear in our province,

as decurio, is a proof that you are possessed, at least, of an hundred

thousand sesterces;[15] but that we may also have the satisfaction of

seeing you a Roman Knight,[16] I present you with three hundred

thousand, in order to make up the sum requisite to entitle you to that

dignity. The long acquaintance we have had leaves me no room to

apprehend you will ever be forgetful of this instance of my friendship.

And I know your disposition too well to think it necessary to advise you

to enjoy this honour with the modesty that becomes a person who receives

it from me; for the advanced rank we possess through a friend's kindness

is a sort of sacred trust, in which we have his judgment, as well as our

own character, to maintain, and therefore to be guarded with the greater

caution. Farewell.

XIV -- TO CORNELIUS TACITUS

Letters of Pliny · 第 1 / 21 段