Chapter III

THE HINDU WOMAN IN MARRIAGE

Marriage under the Hindu system is by no means easy to describe as

in actual fact it is. The definitions and classifications given in

the legal textbooks or Scriptures of the Hindus are little better

than abstractions--deductions from assumed premises of a theological

kind, with only a slender tie to the actual life of Hindu societies.

The difficulties of practice arise from the vast complexities and

fluid conditions of the great masses of peoples and races, with

divergent levels of culture and inconsistent ideas, that compose the

aggregate which for convenience is distinguished from all others by the

collective name of Hinduism. For Hinduism is, of course, in no real

sense a church or creed. It has no definite tenets and no articles

of dogma. The acceptance of a certain social system, centring upon

the existence of hereditary priesthoods with divinely-given powers of

interposition and interpretation, is its final criterion. This system

and its practical consequences once accepted, the man is free to

believe and follow what creeds or philosophies he may please.

Yet through it all there is a certain rather vague and elusive unity

of idea, a spirit, one might say, that in various forms penetrates

and transmutes the varying material of creed and caste, of blood and

race with which it is presented. In essence this is the spirit which

regards the whole world as an unreal dream, an illusory changing

scene of transformations, stretched over the realities of a higher

ultimate world of Divine unity. Laws and customs are based not on a

reasoned pursuit of the good as existent in this life; but upon the

means, magical or supernatural, of acquiring merit in a supposed

ultimate universe of timeless and permanent reality reached after

final severance from the circle of birth and death. It is a spirit

diametrically opposed to that Greek thought which placed before man

as his final and only aim happiness or the excellent performance of

function in the world we know. Hardly less is it opposed to the Semitic

creeds which project the purposes and rewards of virtue into a similar

world of similar perceptions and individualities conceived as existent

on a higher plane attainable after death. For the unifying spirit of

Hinduism, so far as it can be grasped as in any way _one_, rejects

the world altogether as a reality and places its virtues not in any

reasoned balance of human rights and duties, but in the observance of

rituals and austerities commended by the authority of a hierarchy.

Hence marriage also, as far as it approaches the ideal, is based upon

considerations that are non-rational and belong rather to a mystical

or supernatural way of regarding life. Marriage to the Hindu thinker

and idealist has nothing to do, in its ultimate causes, with the

preferences of one man or one woman, nothing to do with the pursuit

of happiness in a palpitating finite and human life. He sees in it

no free union of two human wills, joined for their own contentment

in an isolated human relation. Rather it is the connection of two

incarnations of the world spirit during an unreal moment of illusory

existence. The proper husband and wife are recognized and selected

by magical arts exercised under the authority of the Sacred Books

by certain classes of the priesthood. They are joined under a right

conjunction of the stars, interpreted by an hereditary expert in the

magic art of astrology. Their marriage is sanctified by miraculous

rites and blessed and transformed by the repetition of mysterious

Sanskrit phrases. They enter their new state purified as by a

consecration. In a word, they deal with a sacrament, not with a human

contract. It is not the satisfaction of human feelings that is sought,

but the fulfilment of a ritual duty to the family, in its relation to

the Divine Spirit.

This view of marriage, as an ordained sacrament, is manifested

throughout the actual ceremonies of the wedding, at least among the

castes that claim the higher ritual ranks. The bride and bridegroom

must belong to the same subdivision of the caste and yet must not be

related by a common descent from the same mythical founder of the

family. Before they can be betrothed, the horoscopes must be studied

by an hereditary astrologer to see that the proposed union does not

traverse any of the influences of the stars in their conjunctions.

Nowadays it is true that horoscopes have fallen somewhat into neglect

among the more “advanced.” These allege that the time is wrongly

found on any horologe except the old-fashioned water-clock and they

insinuate--what is no doubt often true--that the verdict of the

astrologer depends upon his emoluments. Thus even the most advanced of

Hindus, if they do without such advice, do so on the ostensible ground

that horoscopes are incorrectly delivered, not that in themselves they

are unreasonable. Again the marriage is made between children, so

that desire or personal preference shall not disturb the ordinances

of heaven. The ceremony can take place only in the auspicious months

when the constellations of Jupiter and Venus are in conjunction with

the sun. At the wedding symbolic presentments of the boy’s and girl’s

ancestors make more clear the significance of the wedding, as a mere

phase in a family existence, in which the individual is as nothing and

the race is all. When the moment approaches, the bride and bridegroom

sit, face to face or side by side before the objects of worship, their

right hands joined, a strand of red cotton round their necks, a cloth

drawn as a screen between their faces. The priests chant Sanskrit

verses, while the astrologer consults the water-clock, which is needed

to read the exact sacerdotal hour. Then when the moment has come and

the cloth is drawn, the pair turn round the sacred sacrificial fire,

and the seven steps are taken which make the marriage indissoluble

and eternal. The bridegroom turns to his wife and utters the sacred

verse, “Oh! bride! give your heart to my work, make your mind agreeable

to mine. May the God Brahaspati make you pleasing to me.” Then for

himself he swears not to transgress, whether for wealth or love. And

then they go out and look upon the Polar Star, that star which guided

the first Aryan wanderers across Asia.

[Illustration: A BRAHMAN LADY GOING TO THE TEMPLE]

A marriage of this kind, so solemn and so sacramental, cannot in the

lifetime of its partakers be severed or dissolved. Only the will of

God, executed by the cold scythe of Death, can grant a divorce. Until

death come, the pair is inevitably joined, to labour and pray together,

and to engender and bear the children who in time shall release

their parents’ souls from the purgatory of unfulfilled duties. The

Hindu theory is a deduction from two principles, one, the unreality

of individual appearance, the second, the unworthiness of sensuous

illusion.

Marriage is a union of ephemeral beings for the sake of family and

community, and for the attainment of a worshipful elevation over

sense and the world of illusion. It is at once a consecration and

an initiation. The absence of that strong sexual passion which we

have clad in the jewelled veils of poetry and have baptized in the

romantic waters of love is not to the Brahman eye an impediment or a

disappointment. At the most the hope is for an ordered affection and a

disciplined devotion.

But the facts of human nature cannot with impunity be ignored. Ideals

based on a non-natural order of things may inspire noble poetry: but

they must fail when they are applied to large bodies of men and women.

Contracts founded upon causes and effects that are traced by reason can

be applied without much hindrance and at any rate without hypocrisy by

all those who can recognize facts. But there are few who are worthy of

or can benefit by a sacrament. The Hindu spirit has created splendid

images and has embodied in literature the characters of Sita and of

Damyanti, the wife who is all devotion and sacrifice, nobly courageous,

nobly patient. But, by its very distance from actuality, it leads in

the practice of every day to great hypocrisy and unnecessary hardship.

The danger has been foreseen by the lawgivers themselves: and they

have not dared to apply their ideal, even in theory, to others than

the highest castes of the hierarchy. For the warrior, the cultivator,

and the menial classes they have allowed different practices and

divergent ideals. Even in the practice of those Brahmans, to whom the

system should apply in its entirety, considerable concessions have

been authorized. In the unauthorized acts of every day life there

are even greater deviations. In one sense, of course, it may be said

that the theory of the highest Hinduism in regard to marriage is one

and indivisible; but marriage is, after all, the concrete contact and

companionship of a living, feeling man and woman, and the application

of the theory an affair of national character. Race and climate and the

influences of history have played their part in the Indian Continent

at least as much as in other regions of equal area. Even in the

priestly Brahman caste, the Brahman of the Deccan is as different from

him of the Punjáb as an Italian Marchese could be from a Prussian Graf.

They come from different strains, they live in different surroundings:

and the one bond is a common social system with some common ideals

under which they have both obtained their power.

In general, it may be said that the ideal has been humanized and

softened in all those parts of India in which Rajput or Mussulman

influences have at any time been powerful. In such regions, in Gujarát,

for instance, or in Káthiawád, the people have never taken kindly to

the mere negation of desire. A certain practical genius has always

turned their glance to the fruits of the earth and the pleasures of

the senses. Commerce brought them wealth and the desire for comfort;

from chivalry they learnt the lessons of gaiety and enjoyment. Among

them beauty is esteemed and desired; pleasure sought or demanded. From

a wife is expected charm and companionship, passion and pleasure. She

is treated as a human being, with the ordinary human capacities and

frailties; and she can exercise power and influence by her charms. She

may be loved as a woman; and she is often the object of jealousy; but

she is seldom deadened by that chilling respect which shrivels fresh

desire.

In the arid, ascetic Deccan, on the other hand, the woman is more

commonly disregarded. There she lives in an atmosphere where

sensuousness is reproached, though it may be practised. A man indulges

passion, if he do so at all, as a thing shameful in itself and

abominable, with stealth and self-abasement, in the grossest and least

urbane manner. If he yield to a sexual desire, it is without esteem or

regard for the partner in his sin. Towards the wife of a consecrated

marriage he preserves an attitude, which may be irreproachable, but

must certainly be unflattering to her womanhood. In the light of

religion, she may be regarded as a partner in a mystic union: but in

the household she is often little better than a housekeeper, contemned,

neglected, and never warmed by the glow of desire nor wooed with those

attentions by which men seek to please. Between Gujarát and the Deccan,

it is again the contrast, only intensified, between France and England.

On the one hand, power and pleasure and the charm of life--with perhaps

jealousy and a certain sense of the possibilities of human frailty. On

the other, coldness, a real contempt, and that callous reliance on an

unswerving chastity, which some have been pleased to call respect--and

which is so annoying even to the plainest woman.

Religion again effects a distinction. Those who adhere to the worship

of Shiva, the God of Destruction, the Lord of Death, the Master of

Ascetics, are apt to turn from the goods of this life to a final

absorption in an abstract oneness. But in Krishna, the very human

incarnation of God the Preserver, the inhabitants of the richer and

more fertile tracts of the continent have found a congenial saviour.

From the devotees of his creed he demands only love, a constant and

all-absorbing offering of the heart: and he bestows upon them in return

the free ease of the world through which they are passing on the way

to the love-laden groves of Paradise. While the followers of the

theology that centres upon Shankar see the universe as one, an abstract

God-in-himself, indivisible, unchanging, a pure spirit that alone _is_

and has being, and define the aim of life as, after reiterated births

into further action, the final liberation from the senses by absorption

into this infinite and unqualified spirit, the worshippers of Krishna

adopt a teaching which admits an eternal dualism. Force and nature,

spirit and matter, are to them an everlasting pair, which can never be

finally united. So they tend readily to a view of life in which man

and the Deity, as he can know Him, are circumscribed by nature, and

in which man can find salvation in the love of all things. And in the

love of all things, if there be inward grace, the enjoyment of the

nature that God has granted to the world must be allowable. Freedom is

attained when the enjoyment is unconditioned and the soul is wholly

united to the spirit of all nature. It is only the conditions of life,

and the need for transcending the wants of the world in order to reach

that grace in which God is directly felt, which can impose restrictions

and prohibitions. So, naturally enough, the disciple of the gracious,

kind, and loving Krishna is more likely to demand love from the

companion of life than the ascetic votary of Shiva. The practical

meaning of marriage is again very different in the warrior caste, now

represented by the Rajput clans. Comparatively recent invaders of mixed

Scythian and Turkish or Hunnish tribes, they almost alone in India have

become what in Europe is meant by a gentry or an aristocracy. Feudal in

their concept of the state, cavaliers and men-at-arms, seeking in war

a profession, in the acquisition of landed estates their fulfilment,

and in sport their relaxation, they have brought to the brown monotony

of India the splendour of gallantry, chivalry, and romance. Exempted

even by priestly ordinance from the oppressive asceticism that is in

general obligatory to the Hindu mind, they have formed for themselves

a code of honour coloured by the legitimate hopes and enjoyments of a

warrior clan. In the traditions of their caste they still preserve the

memory of the bride’s choosing. The suitors sat assembled, each in his

own place, in the palace hall, with sword and shield to his hand. The

curtain was uplifted and the bride stepped round the hall, a garland

of flowers on her arm. Then when she reached the man whom she chose to

be her own prince and beloved husband, she slipped the garland on his

neck. Thus they became man and wife, and no one could deny their will.

That time is long since gone, and no bride has now such a choosing.

Yet to this day the heroines of all Indian plays and the great women

of Indian poetry are all of the Rajput class. Marriage is with them

even now a practice adapted to the aristocratic temper partly from the

earlier Brahman books and partly from the traditions of Central Asia,

tinged also by the fashions set by Mussulman emperors in the Courts at

Delhi. Polygamy is recognized as lawful and is practised by the Ruling

Chiefs and the richer of their cadets. The maid-servant may be the

concubine of her master and the dancing girl who enlivens the Courts is

often in private a mistress. But great is the power of the wife behind

the curtain, deep and warm-blooded the love she hopes to win, great

also her valorous devotion. And through the whole fabric runs a woof as

of old, half-faded brocade, a thread of chivalry and pure reverence and

protective delight. A strand of silk at the wrist may make the Rajput

gentleman at any moment the knight-errant of a lady whom he shall never

see, and for whom his honour shall yet be as a brother’s.

But to the Rajput lady of a ruling house there is one special terror.

If death puts his finger on her husband, her life is too often

overwhelmed to an extent unnecessary and cruel. For herself remarriage

is forbidden: and a love-affair is often requited with secret poison by

her husband’s successors. For there are many who still hold that the

family honour can be stained indelibly by a woman’s lightness. Then

in her husband’s place may sit on the throne a rival’s son, who from

childhood has had his ears filled with bitterness. Her jointure may be

insufficient; even an administration is only too often unsympathetic

or unduly sparing of money; or the successor may by force or intrigue

attenuate the estate that was bequeathed. She finds interest no

doubt in the management of the lands that form her jointure, but her

seclusion places her largely in the hands of interested advisers. As

a rule, the downfall is more lamentable even than that of the Dowager

in Europe, except perhaps in Royal families. Suicide (_Sati_) on the

funeral pyre was in the past almost a release for the Rajput widow.

Among the smaller Rajput yeomanry, the case is better. Remarriage is

not unseldom allowed. At the worst, the wife has had no rival and

her own child succeeds; while, failing children, she finds with her

relatives the respect and kindness to women which is general in this

caste of manly gentlemen.

[Illustration: FROM JODHPUR]

Another group consists of the lower, but thoroughly Hinduized, working

castes. These run from the very low untouchable castes who are the

usual domestics of the European officer to the skilled artisan and

the cultivator. Their matrimonial regulations are a compromise (like

most compromises hardly “working”) between Brahman theory, economic

necessity, and obsolete primitive custom. They are influenced vaguely

by the usual ideals. Widow remarriage is however tolerated and

commonly practised, though somewhat looked down upon in the popular

regard. When the parties to the association are working men and women,

miserably poor for the most part, illiterate and unprogressive, it

follows naturally that the action of the system is conditioned mainly

by economics. Toil and labour, in field or factory or shop, is the

part of both, and the woman’s household work and the assistance of

the growing children are incentives to and conditions of the marriage.

They have no leisure for the finer sensibilities and, like the poor

in all countries, must have an eye ever open to the needs of food

and nutrition. Without much education and with little capacity for

refined emotion, it is not unnatural if there is sometimes disunion,

and if they seldom attain the heights. The husband in his cups may

occasionally beat his wife, or may have to sit with bowed head before

the storm of her boisterous abuse. Yet they compare favourably with

similar classes in other countries; and at the worst they shame the

terrors of European slums, the brutal wife-kickers and procurers who

lurk in the blind alleys of industrial life. It is true indeed that

the rapid growth of industrial labour in India also has adversely

affected the marriages of that class and that only too often an unhappy

union ends in elopement or prostitution. Generally, however, it may be

said that the Hindu husband even in this class seldom descends to the

grossness and cruelty so often found in the lower quarters of European

cities: while the wife forms and maintains a higher standard of womanly

conduct and devotion. An easier toleration marks their conjugal

relations and the Hindu character at its worst is commonly free from

the extremer modes of brutality.

Among the aboriginal tribes, the Bhils for instance, marriage is still

in a very fluid condition. The actual form that in practice it takes

depends inevitably on the extent to which the tribe has succumbed to

Hindu or rather Brahman influence. As it becomes subjected to that

influence, and as in consequence it aims at raising its rank within

the Hindu social system by the aping of higher castes, so it the more

readily adopts the worst accretions to Hindu matrimony, child-marriage,

for instance, and large dowries. But in general it may be said that

marriage among such tribes is a free association between youthful

adults, promulgated by certain payments of money or service to the

bride’s parents and relieved, if barren or unhappy, by an almost

unrestricted right of divorce. Pre-nuptial chastity is hardly looked

for, and neither man nor girl is much blamed for an early slip. After

marriage chastity is the usual rule. The attitude is in practice not

very dissimilar from the reasonable and natural outlook of the Scottish

peasant; and, as in Scotland, the net result is a state of general

happiness, easy and equal companionship, and very remarkable mutual

trust. The woman has much weight in affairs and not unfrequently holds

the purse. As in the country districts of Scotland, prostitution is

unknown, and the cruel ruin of a woman who has loved too soon is

practically unheard of. Widows of course remarry, and there is much

homely love between husband and wife and parents and children.

Another system still survives among the inhabitants of the southern

coast lands where the Arabian Sea beats against the palm groves of

Malabar. Here the tribes of the Nairs, formerly warlike and still

brave, headed by the ruling house of Travancore, maintain a marriage

system that dates from the earlier Dravidian culture which preceded

the Aryan invasions. Both among the Nairs--the noble class--and among

the priests, the Nambutiri Brahmans, an ecclesiastical and land-owning

aristocracy of peculiar sanctity, the customs of matriarchy prevail

in various degrees. Among the Nairs, for several centuries, the law

was of polyandry, pure and simple, the wife having several husbands

according to her own good pleasure. In late years the actual habit of

polyandry is to all intents defunct and only in very few cases, if

at all, could a Nair lady be found who consorts with more than one

husband. But succession is still traced through the female line and a

boy succeeds to his mother’s brother, not to his father. And in other

subtler ways the effects of polyandry are still manifest. Perhaps the

most curious survival is that the religious ceremonial of marriage--an

expensive and public rite--is performed at an early age with a man,

with whom the girl has no other connection than formal participation

in this ineffective sacrament. Much later comes what, in the European

sense, would be called the real marriage, with the husband whom she is

to cherish. This is a contract, entered into freely by both parties,

dissoluble at will. One of the elements of its popularity and success

is in this very freedom which has given the Nair ladies a position

enjoyed by few other Indian women. An attempt absurdly made to limit

this freedom by legislation, which gave an option to the parties

by an act of registration to introduce the usual disabilities of a

rigid matrimony, has proved an utter failure. An accompaniment of

the polyandrous or matriarchal system, which still prevails, is that

husband and wife do not live together. The Nair house is the abode of

a whole large family, based upon joint descent from a common female

ancestor. In the house or family mansion the apartments of the women

are together and are entirely separate from that part of the house in

which the men live. In this house the husband has no part or share;

but he comes to visit his wife in her apartment just as she goes

occasionally to visit him in the similar household in which, by his

descent on the mother’s side, he has a right to live. On the freedom

of choice exercised by a Nair lady in her mating there is little

restriction, save only the one that she must not choose a man of lower

station.

The Nambutiri Brahmans, on the other hand, though they live among

the Nair tribes and are their priests, have gone no further than a

compromise between this system and the arrangements usually prevalent

among Brahmans. The results, like those of most compromises, have

been disastrous. Only the eldest son of a family marries. The rest,

when study of Scripture and the practice of ascetic simplicity

prove unsatisfying, seek consolation in indiscriminate seduction.

The immediate results of a theory so unnatural are polygamy,

burdensome dowries, marriages for wealth alone, and the seclusion and

bondage of women. In spite of the simplicity and candour of these

Brahmans--qualities which make them personally loveable even to

those who deplore their influence--their community has been gravely

injured by such marriages. Only the simplicity of their desires and the

earnest conservatism of their faith have made them tolerate a system so

unnatural and injurious. They bow with pious resignation to the will of

God, by which they mean the results of their own human folly.

Bitter must the contrast be to the secluded and austere Nambutiri

ladies when they see their Nair neighbours at the annual winter

festival which commemorates the death of Kámdev, the Hindu God of Love.

Long before daybreak, every Nair girl of any position is out of bed

and goes with her girl friends to the nearest tank. Plunging into the

water together, they sing in unison the song which is sacred to the

God of human hearts. As they sing, they beat the water, with the left

hand held immediately under the surface and the right brought down

upon it in a sloping stroke, splashing and sounding deep. Stanza after

stanza, song after song they sing till the first light of dawn peeps

over the cocoa-nut palms. Then they go back to their homes to dress in

their best and enjoy their holy day. They darken their eyelids with

collyrium and make their lips red with betel leaf. In the gardens they

play on swings with their friends. Then they sit down in merriment and

enjoyment to the noon-day meal of arrowroot and molasses with ripe

yellow plantains and green cocoa-nuts. Afterwards they again sing and

dance, while all good husbands on this day of days visit their wives in

their family mansions and make themselves pleasant to the ladies of

the family and bring little presents and friendly good wishes.

This system, strange though it appears to those who are familiar only

with Jewish and Teutonic customs, has been particularly successful in

securing the ends of every marriage--comfort, free development, and

the worthy upbringing of healthy children. In no class in India is

education better appreciated and more widely shared by the sexes. Every

Nair girl is sent to the village school, her education as much a matter

of course as her brothers’; while there are many who have matriculated

at the Madras University. At the same time, by the universal admission

of those who know them, there are few women in India who have greater

charm or exercise as valuable an influence on the manners and morals of

society.

Marriage in Hindu India is, therefore, very various both in practice

and in theory according to the locality and the race or caste.

But regarded as a whole it presents, one may say, some common

characteristics. It is invariably a religious rite, sanctioned by

magical ceremony, really sacramental. Only in castes which allow

a widow to remarry is the second union divested of most of this

supernatural sanction, to become almost a free contract. Again

marriages are in general arranged by the parents or relations--with

the advice of priests and astrologers--while the husband and wife

are still children, either in real childhood or shortly after their

puberty. Further, in all the higher castes, and in lower castes as

they assume or usurp a higher position, widows are forbidden a further

marriage. Normally the idea of marriage in the classes in which Brahman

influence is most firm is accompanied by a certain ascetic thought,

which holds sensuousness and enjoyment to be something debasing and

earth-bound. The world of action being illusory and unreal, and each

action entailing its answering reaction, deliverance from illusive

appearances and absorption into the one final reality can be gained

only by passive withdrawal from activity. But all action springs from

desire: and the strongest and most attractive of desires is love.

Hence in marriage there should be no overpowering desires, none of

those impulses of emotion which keep the man bound during thousands

of incarnations to the idly-turning wheel of illusion. Only as a

deliverance from conflicting desire and as the means of continuing

family life is marriage in itself to be valued. Its happiness and

fruition are to be sought not in the tumults of passion but in the calm

and ordered affection of a disciplined and worshipful pair. From the

husband protection and self-restraint are due; from the wife to the

lord, whom heaven has given her, unflinching devotion, constant respect

and obedience, unwavering chastity.

But in some castes and places the ideal has been altered largely

by feudalism and chivalry, by luxury and an appreciation of human

happiness, and by the influences of a kindly humanizing belief. There

we find love welcomed and pursued, and the beauteous wife elevated

like a substantiation of that Krishna-spirit in which man attains on

earth to the love which is unending.

In general, Hindu marriage does undoubtedly, to a marked extent, reach

very closely to the purposes which it seeks. In general, it produces a

very real, if somewhat colourless, affection, an affection maintained

by common interests and the great bond of constant association. The

defects which it has are in the main the excrescences of a religious

system, such as are apt to grow wherever reason is displaced by

theological or supernatural commandment. When rationalism grows strong

enough to question the authority of priestly ordinance and tradition,

it will be possible without any very serious effort to prune them

safely from the sturdy trunk of Hindu life.

[Illustration: A MILL-HAND]

Child-marriage is, of course, that one of all its features which has

been most violently attacked. But it may be doubted whether those

who have attacked it have always had a clear understanding of its

significance. Real child-marriage--the wedding of children who have not

yet reached puberty--is after all nothing more than an indefeasible

betrothal. And in itself it is a logical and natural deduction

from a theory which postulates the selection of the bridal pair by

supernatural agency, working either through the divinations of an

astrologer or through the parents’ careful affection. Any element of

personal choice and free-will would be repugnant to the underlying

thoughts and must to a large extent be subversive of the social and

moral superstructure. Free-choice could be introduced generally only by

a substitution for Brahman regulation of something quite other--as the

warrior castes, for instance, extorted for themselves from a submissive

hierarchy a different scale of moral values. Moreover, in practice

child-marriage has some clear advantages. For it allows the wedded

pair to be brought up together, as children only, in their parents’

houses, till in time they become habituated to each other’s company

and affection, while gradually they come to know and learn their place

in those large households to which their future lives belong. The

Hindu married couple can live in no independent isolation like the

European. Rather they will be but one unit of a great family household

managed on behalf of all by its eldest members. The real marriage,

the consummation of their growth to man and woman, comes much later,

after many years perhaps, when the parents at last give their consent

to the grown student and the healthy maiden who helps daily in the

household tasks. Rather it is not the child-marriage that is so much to

be deprecated as the marriage that succeeds, as in some castes it does,

too quickly upon puberty. For, by an unhappy ignorance, puberty is in

India only too often thought, as it was thought in the Europe of the

Renaissance, to be maturity; and the marriage thus concluded is at once

made real.

In fact, in both cases what is needed is a little more scientific

knowledge and the embodiment of the knowledge in the Penal Code. Cases

occur only too frequently of the martyrdom of young brides, not so

much from cruelty, or even from uncontrolled passion, as from sheer

ignorance of scientific fact. It has become a superstition, supported

of course by the usual authority, that puberty means maturity, not

merely for love--which would be sufficiently misleading--but even for

child-bearing. Here it is that rational education must enter the field.

In a country in which knowledge is luckily not accounted shameful, it

is easy for education to explain that puberty is only the beginning of

a new period, and that love’s first blossoms must not be followed by

too early fruit.

In this respect the practice of Hindu marriage unhappily does show a

fault of the most serious and terrible kind. If education has still

much to do, the state of the law most certainly requires improvement.

It is sometimes said that the Penal Law of India at present does

not give adequate protection to girls who, for various reasons, are

unmarried. But silence is usually kept about the far more serious fact

that it provides practically no protection to the married girl. In

her case the age of consent has actually been fixed at twelve; and no

child of more than twelve can claim protection from the law against

the brutality of the man to whom she has been married. Obviously the

limit of age for the protection of girls should be the same in all

cases, whether she be married or unmarried, whether she be the victim

of the man to whom she has been joined beside the sacred fire or of

one who owes her no special duty. It is the most obvious confusion of

thought which fails to see that the offence, if it is one, is exactly

the same, whether or not a mystical ritual has been first observed. The

_thug_ was no better than a common strangler because he first prayed

to Bhavani before he murdered. The offence is the same in all cases;

the punishment should, if anything, be more severe to the man who is

peculiarly bound in duty and in honour to cherish the woman he has made

his wife. The State is now prepared to protect against perversion a

class of women who, on an outside estimate, do not exceed one-hundredth

of the population and who _ex hypothesi_ are of a position and

character somewhat less than reputable. But the State denies its

protection to the other ninety-nine women of each hundred, the mothers

of the country, the honoured helpmates of its households.

The harshness is made the greater by vices which, though forbidden,

have in practice become common. The sale of daughters is an offence

against which the sacred writings of the Hindus strongly and

consistently inveigh. Yet in only too many cases parents do little

else than sell their girls in marriage to the highest bidder. The sums

of money which they demand and which they use, not for the daughter’s

benefit, but for their own, are so large that they are forced to accept

a suitor of sufficient substance without regard to fitness or religious

sanction. Of the higher classes many nowadays revolt against such

conduct, which they recognize to be wicked and despicable. But in the

lower castes it is still general. The inner motive of such actions

is, of course, the ignorance, quite as much as the selfishness, of

the father. Too ignorant to comprehend that a human soul is an end in

itself and that a daughter is also a free human being, he looks on her

with besotted eye as a mere instrument of his own betterment. Hand in

hand with this evil, and dependent from it, is the terrible practice

of giving young brides to elderly husbands. In no other country could

the results be more disastrous or the girl-wife more unhappy. Vallabh,

the Gujaráti poet, has expressed that wretchedness in a beautiful song,

which has had some influence in abating this social evil. From it the

following lines are quoted, addressed to the Goddess Mother:--

“Goddess mother, old is the husband thou hast given me,

Mother, accursed is this coming to life of mine. Alas, what more can

I say?

Goddess mother, a little child am I and he a great lumbering, aged man,

My youth is like a blossom and my husband is a shrivelled mummy.

Mother, mine are just sixteen years and he has seen his eighty.

Goddess mother, of a winter’s night there is many a taste one feels,

But doltish is old age, and my husband is deaf and dumb.

Goddess mother, sportive am I and would like to play and I make my eyes

twinkle,

But, mother, he, he says, ‘I’ll beat you,’ and lifts his stick in his

hand.

Old is my husband, mother, what good can come out of age?

Goddess mother, on the festival all the girls are gaily dressed and

merry,

But my husband is tired and weak and ugly, and I bend my head in shame.

Mother, my hair is black and his head is all white or grey.

My youth is at its blooming and already my life is wrecked.

Goddess mother, why was I not strangled at birth, why was I not poisoned?

Yet if my husband die, it is my part to be true to death.

Nay, Goddess mother, with joined hands I pray at thy feet,

When I am born again, give me a husband that is young and strong.”

But as long as society tolerates the acceptance of money by a bride’s

father, so long will there be parents to be tempted by gold to sanction

their children’s ruin. And even then there will persist a deeper

reason. For girls are all early married and widows may not marry a

second time. So, even against his will, an elderly man is forced, if he

wishes to have the legitimate and socially-sanctioned companionship of

a woman, to seek in marriage one of the young girls who alone are in

India available for a suitor.

The prohibition of widow remarriage has also been bitterly attacked,

often by those Indians who, from education or environment, have been

affected by rationalism, sometimes by those who find a false pride

in the imitation of foreign custom. But the prohibition is not of

course universal. Those castes which have not yet set up a claim

to the higher ceremonial purities, are free to compound with human

desires by a second marriage, devoid of sacramental significance. It

is in the higher classes that the woman may have to pay for the pride

of caste by her individual austerities. Yet against the prohibition

of widow remarriage may be set the terrific wastage in Europe of

chaste and unmarried women. It has not at least entailed upon Indian

society that narrowing and unnatural education which Europe has seen

itself forced to accept, with all its consequent evils, and which is

perhaps inevitable if chastity is to be required as their highest and

sometimes their only virtue from women who are in every case condemned

to a lengthy and, in a vast number of unhappy cases, to a life-long

celibacy. In India a woman is at least allowed to _know_ and to be

natural; for an early marriage gives her in her ripening maturity the

fitting fulfilment of her womanhood. And, even at the worst conjunction

of destiny, the ideal of devotion crystallized in an unbroken widowhood

is, in itself, no ignoble aspiration. The unflinching veneration that

a son gives to his widowed mother is in India no small recompense for

her sacrifice to a sacred duty. Widowhood is recognized by all as a

state--divinely imposed--of austerity and atonement. But it has its own

quiet rewards in the family home, with its sense of duty done, like a

nun’s or a Sister of Mercy’s. It is harsh in those castes, which have

merely adopted a custom, when the inspiring ideal is not felt living

in their hearts, deep and intense. And it is also harsh in those cases

where the original thought has been warped by an exaggerated deduction

or where punishment is too rigorously exacted for illicit infringement

of the rule. At least in the case of the child-widow, betrothed indeed

by a sacrament, but never really wedded, some speedy relaxation of

the rule appears desirable: and it is probable that, with the decay

of faith and with the new scepticism about blessings conveyed by an

astrologer’s predictions, some such amendment will soon ensue.

A deeper objection to the Hindu system is one which has been seldom,

if ever, expressed. Racially, the absence of that natural selection

which expresses itself in sexual desire, cannot but be detrimental.

It is perhaps vain to expect a vigorous childhood to be born from

unions in which healthy desire is replaced by the coldness of duty or

by an instinct that has not been transfigured by personal attraction

and selection. The difficulty is inherent in a system which bases

its selection upon the supernatural and rejects the natural call of

spirit to spirit and sense to sense. And yet it must be confessed, not

without shame, that a careful selection by parents, if it could be

trusted to be rational and disinterested, might be no more injurious

than the restricted and illusory choice, too often made in ignorance,

which so far seems to be the only substitute that civilization has

learnt to provide. In general, it may be said that the Hindu rules

of marriage are, in the ordinary sense of happiness, as conducive

to the happiness of the spouses as the fast transforming systems of

modern Europe, and that their happiness is less self-centred and more

altruistic. Romantic love is, after all, most commonly, even in Europe,

the short-lived flower of life in one sex and one class. Marriage

must everywhere be in practice limited and artificially restricted.

Economic conditions are very near the base of most marriages; and

even in the richer classes must be a main constituent of the bride’s

decision. Moreover, for the lasting purposes of marriage, affection

is no bad substitute for love--affection and the sense of destined

consecration. It may at least be asserted that, in general, among the

upper castes of India the mingled feeling of duty and devotion is as

strong as, and perhaps more stable than, in the corresponding sections

of English society. In many places, however, and in many castes, the

soft bloom of companionship and emotion is bruised by the brutality of

a first union with a partner before unknown and undesired. Nor can it

be denied that the gnostic asceticism, to which Indian idealism has

so often condescended, has killed, where it could, that joy in a free

humanity which alone can invest marriage with the flaming beauty of

love. When the value of love is considered as an inspiration to art and

chivalry and, indeed, to every creative activity, then the loss, thus

self-inflicted, will appear in all its gravity. It may well be that the

deathly slumber of the arts in modern India is to no small extent due

to spiritual conditions which exclude and condemn the love which is

profane, and is therefore alive and immortal.

[Illustration: A MAHAR WOMAN]

The Ladies of the Aristocracy

“Love in full life and length, not love ideal,

No, nor ideal beauty, that fine name,

But something better still, so very real

That the sweet model must have been the same.

And oh! the loveliness at times we see

In momentary gliding, the soft grace,

The youth, the bloom, the beauty which agree,

In many a nameless being we retrace,

Whose course and home we know not nor shall know

Like the lost Pleiad seen no more below.”

_Beppo._ LORD BYRON.

Women of India · 第 2 / 8 章