WASHINGTON, _December 21, 1836_.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States_:
During the last session information was given to Congress by the
Executive that measures had been taken to ascertain "the political,
military, and civil condition of Texas." I now submit for your
consideration extracts from the report of the agent who had been
appointed to collect it relative to the condition of that country.
No steps have been taken by the Executive toward the acknowledgment of
the independence of Texas, and the whole subject would have been left
without further remark on the information now given to Congress were it
not that the two Houses at their last session, acting separately, passed
resolutions "that the independence of Texas ought to be acknowledged by
the United States whenever satisfactory information should be received
that it had in successful operation a civil government capable of
performing the duties and fulfilling the obligations of an independent
power." This mark of interest in the question of the independence of
Texas and indication of the views of Congress make it proper that I
should somewhat in detail present the considerations that have governed
the Executive in continuing to occupy the ground previously taken in
the contest between Mexico and Texas.
The acknowledgment of a new state as independent and entitled to a place
in the family of nations is at all times an act of great delicacy and
responsibility, but more especially so when such state has forcibly
separated itself from another of which it had formed an integral part
and which still claims dominion over it. A premature recognition under
these circumstances, if not looked upon as justifiable cause of war, is
always liable to be regarded as a proof of an unfriendly spirit to one
of the contending parties. All questions relative to the government of
foreign nations, whether of the Old or the New World, have been treated
by the United States as questions of fact only, and our predecessors
have cautiously abstained from deciding upon them until the clearest
evidence was in their possession to enable them not only to decide
correctly, but to shield their decisions from every unworthy imputation.
In all the contests that have arisen out of the revolutions of France,
out of the disputes relating to the crowns of Portugal and Spain, out of
the revolutionary movements of those Kingdoms, out of the separation of
the American possessions of both from the European Governments, and out
of the numerous and constantly occurring struggles for dominion in
Spanish America, so wisely consistent with our just principles has been
the action of our Government that we have under the most critical
circumstances avoided all censure and encountered no other evil than
that produced by a transient estrangement of good will in those against
whom we have been by force of evidence compelled to decide.
It has thus been made known to the world that the uniform policy and
practice of the United States is to avoid all interference in disputes
which merely relate to the internal government of other nations, and
eventually to recognize the authority of the prevailing party, without
reference to our particular interests and views or to the merits of the
original controversy. Public opinion here is so firmly established and
well understood in favor of this policy that no serious disagreement has
ever arisen among ourselves in relation to it, although brought under
review in a variety of forms and at periods when the minds of the people
were greatly excited by the agitation of topics purely domestic in
their character. Nor has any deliberate inquiry ever been instituted in
Congress or in any of our legislative bodies as to whom belonged the
power of originally recognizing a new State--a power the exercise of
which is equivalent under some circumstances to a declaration of war; a
power nowhere expressly delegated, and only granted in the Constitution
as it is necessarily involved in some of the great powers given to
Congress, in that given to the President and Senate to form treaties
with foreign powers and to appoint ambassadors and other public
ministers, and in that conferred upon the President to receive ministers
from foreign nations.
In the preamble to the resolution of the House of Representatives
it is distinctly intimated that the expediency of recognizing the
independence of Texas should be left to the decision of Congress.
In this view, on the ground of expediency, I am disposed to concur,
and do not, therefore, consider it necessary to express any opinion
as to the strict constitutional right of the Executive, either apart
from or in conjunction with the Senate, over the subject. It is to be
presumed that on no future occasion will a dispute arise, as none has
heretofore occurred, between the Executive and Legislature in the
exercise of the power of recognition. It will always be considered
consistent with the spirit of the Constitution, and most safe, that
it should be exercised, when probably leading to war, with a previous
understanding with that body by whom war can alone be declared, and by
whom all the provisions for sustaining its perils must be furnished.
Its submission to Congress, which represents in one of its branches
the States of this Union and in the other the people of the United
States, where there may be reasonable ground to apprehend so grave
a consequence, would certainly afford the fullest satisfaction to our
own country and a perfect guaranty to all other nations of the justice
and prudence of the measures which might be adopted.
In making these suggestions it is not my purpose to relieve myself from
the responsibility of expressing my own opinions of the course the
interests of our country prescribe and its honor permits us to follow.
It is scarcely to be imagined that a question of this character could be
presented in relation to which it would be more difficult for the United
States to avoid exciting the suspicion and jealousy of other powers, and
maintain their established character for fair and impartial dealing. But
on this, as on every trying occasion, safety is to be found in a rigid
adherence to principle.
In the contest between Spain and her revolted colonies we stood aloof
and waited, not only until the ability of the new States to protect
themselves was fully established, but until the danger of their being
again subjugated had entirely passed away. Then, and not till then,
were they recognized. Such was our course in regard to Mexico herself.
The same policy was observed in all the disputes growing out of the
separation into distinct governments of those Spanish American States
who began or carried on the contest with the parent country united under
one form of government. We acknowledged the separate independence of
New Granada, of Venezuela, and of Ecuador only after their independent
existence was no longer a subject of dispute or was actually acquiesced
in by those with whom they had been previously united. It is true that,
with regard to Texas, the civil authority of Mexico has been expelled,
its invading army defeated, the chief of the Republic himself captured,
and all present power to control the newly organized Government of Texas
annihilated within its confines. But, on the other hand, there is, in
appearance at least, an immense disparity of physical force on the side
of Mexico. The Mexican Republic under another executive is rallying its
forces under a new leader and menacing a fresh invasion to recover its
lost dominion.
Upon the issue of this threatened invasion the independence of Texas
may be considered as suspended, and were there nothing peculiar in the
relative situation of the United States and Texas our acknowledgment
of its independence at such a crisis could scarcely be regarded as
consistent with that prudent reserve with which we have heretofore
held ourselves bound to treat all similar questions. But there are
circumstances in the relations of the two countries which require us to
act on this occasion with even more than our wonted caution. Texas was
once claimed as a part of our property, and there are those among our
citizens who, always reluctant to abandon that claim, can not but regard
with solicitude the prospect of the reunion of the territory to this
country. A large proportion of its civilized inhabitants are emigrants
from the United States, speak the same language with ourselves, cherish
the same principles, political and religious, and are bound to many of
our citizens by ties of friendship and kindred blood; and, more than
all, it is known that the people of that country have instituted the
same form of government with our own, and have since the close of your
last session openly resolved, on the acknowledgment by us of their
independence, to seek admission into the Union as one of the Federal
States. This last circumstance is a matter of peculiar delicacy, and
forces upon us considerations of the gravest character. The title of
Texas to the territory she claims is identified with her independence.
She asks us to acknowledge that title to the territory, with an avowed
design to treat immediately of its transfer to the United States. It
becomes us to beware of a too early movement, as it might subject us,
however unjustly, to the imputation of seeking to establish the claim of
our neighbors to a territory with a view to its subsequent acquisition
by ourselves. Prudence, therefore, seems to dictate that we should
still stand aloof and maintain our present attitude, if not until
Mexico itself or one of the great foreign powers shall recognize the
independence of the new Government, at least until the lapse of time
or the course of events shall have proved beyond cavil or dispute
the ability of the people of that country to maintain their separate
sovereignty and to uphold the Government constituted by them. Neither
of the contending parties can justly complain of this course. By
pursuing it we are but carrying out the long-established policy of
our Government--a policy which has secured to us respect and influence
abroad and inspired confidence at home.
Having thus discharged my duty, by presenting with simplicity and
directness the views which after much reflection I have been led to
take of this important subject, I have only to add the expression of my
confidence that if Congress shall differ with me upon it their judgment
will be the result of dispassionate, prudent, and wise deliberation,
with the assurance that during the short time I shall continue connected
with the Government I shall promptly and cordially unite with you in
such measures as may be deemed best fitted to increase the prosperity
and perpetuate the peace of our favored country.