_Paris, January 11, 1835_.
Hon. JOHN FORSYTH.
SIR: Believing that it would be important for me to receive the
dispatches you might think it necessary to send with the President's
message, I ventured on incurring the expense of a courier to bring it
to me as soon as it should arrive at Havre. Mr. Beasley accordingly,
on the arrival of the _Sully_, dispatched a messenger with my letters
received by that vessel, and a New York newspaper containing the
message, but without any communication from the Department, so that
your No. 43 is still the last which I have to acknowledge. The courier
arrived at 2 o'clock on the morning of the 8th. Other copies were the
same morning received by the estafette, and the contents, being soon
known, caused the greatest sensation, which as yet is, I think,
unfavorable--the few members of the opposition who would have voted for
the execution of the treaty now declaring that they can not do it under
the threat of reprisals, and the great body of that party making use
of the effect it has on national pride to gain proselytes from the
ministerial side of the Chamber, in which I have no doubt they have
in a great degree for the time succeeded.
The ministers are aware of this, and will not, I think, immediately
urge the consideration of the law, as I have no doubt they were prepared
to do when the message arrived. Should Congress propose commercial
restrictions or determine to wait to the end of the session before they
act, this will be considered as a vote against reprisals, and then the
law will be proposed and I think carried. But I ought not to conceal
from you that the excitement is at present very great; that their pride
is deeply wounded by what they call an attempt to coerce them by threats
to the payment of a sum which they persist, in opposition to the
plainest proof, in declaring not to be due. This feeling is fostered by
the language of our opposition papers, particularly by the Intelligencer
and New York Courier, extracts from which have been sent on by
Americans, declaring them to be the sentiments of a majority of the
people. These, as you will see, are translated and republished here,
with such comments as they might have been expected and undoubtedly were
intended to produce, and if hostilities should take place between the
two countries those persons may flatter themselves with having the
credit of a great share in producing them. The only letter I have
received from home is from one of my family. This, to my great
satisfaction, informs me that the President will be supported by
all parties, and I am told that this is the language of some of the
opposition papers; but as they are not sent to the legation I can not
tell in what degree this support can be depended upon. Whether the
energetic language of the message will be made the pretext with some or
be the cause with others among the deputies for rejecting the law can
not, of course, be yet conjectured with any great degree of probability,
but I think it will have a good effect. It has certainly raised us in
the estimation of other powers, if I may judge from the demeanor of
their representatives here, and my own opinion is that as soon as the
first excitement subsides it will operate favorably on the counsels of
France. Already some of the journals begin to change their tone, and I
am much mistaken if the opposition here, finding that we are in earnest,
will incur the responsibility of a rupture between the two nations,
which they see must take place if the treaty be rejected. The funds
experienced a considerable fall as soon as the message was known, and
insurance rose. In short, it has made them feel the commercial as well
as political importance of our country.
The Comte de Rigny had requested me to communicate the message to him as
soon as it should be received. This I promised to do, and accordingly on
the morning of the 8th, to avoid any mistake as to the mode of making
the communication, I carried the paper to him myself, telling him that
I had received a gazette containing a paper said to be the message of
the President, which I delivered to him in compliance with my promise;
but I requested him to observe that it was not an authentic paper,
nor was it delivered in pursuance of instructions, nor in my official
character. I thought it, for obvious reasons, necessary to be very
explicit on this point, and he properly understood me, as he had not yet
read the message. Little more passed at the interview, and I thought of
it, but not immediately, to seek another. I shall probably, however, see
him to-night, and shall then appoint some time for a further conference,
of which I will by this same packet give you the result.
Mr. Middleton has just arrived from Madrid with the inscriptions for the
Spanish indemnity and a draft for the first payment of interest. His
instructions are, he says, to leave them with me, but as I have heard
nothing from the Department I shall advise the depositing them with
Rothschild to wait the directions of the President.
The importance of obtaining the earliest intelligence at this crisis of
our affairs with France has induced me to direct that my letters should
be sent by the estafette from Havre, and that if any important advice
should be received at such an hour in the day as would give a courier
an advance of some hours over the estafette, that a special messenger
should be dispatched with it.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, sir, your most obedient
servant,