_Mr. Livingston to the Secretary of State of the United States_.
[Extracts.]
PARIS, _October 4, 1833_.
SIR: On Monday I presented my letter of credence to the King, on which
occasion I made the address to him a copy of which is inclosed.
* * * * *
His answer was long and earnest. I can not pretend to give you the words
of it, but in substance it was a warm expression of his good feeling
toward the United States for the hospitality he had received there,
etc. ... "As to the convention," he said, "assure your Government that
unavoidable circumstances alone prevented its immediate execution, but
it will be faithfully performed. Assure your Government of this," he
repeated, "the necessary laws will be passed at the next meeting of the
Chambers. I tell you this not only as King, but as an individual whose
promise will be fulfilled."
_Mr. Livingston to the Secretary of State_.
[Extracts.]
PARIS, _November 22, 1834_.
* * * * *
I do not hope for any decision on our affairs before the middle of
January. One motive for delay is an expectation that the message of the
President may arrive before the discussion, and that it may contain
something to show a strong national feeling on the subject. _This is
not mere conjecture; I know the fact_. And I repeat now from a full
knowledge of the case what I have more than once stated in my former
dispatches as my firm persuasion, that the moderate tone taken by our
Government when the rejection was first known was attributed by some
to indifference or to a conviction on the part of the President that
he would not be supported in any strong measure by the people, and by
others to a consciousness that the convention had given us more than we
were entitled to ask.
* * * * *
I saw last night an influential member of the Chamber, who told me
that, ... and that the King had spoken of our affairs and appeared
extremely anxious to secure the passage of the law. I mention this as
one of the many circumstances which, independent of official assurances,
convince me that the King is sincere, and now I have no doubt of the
sincerity of his cabinet. From all this you may imagine the anxiety I
shall feel for the arrival of the President's message. On its tone will
depend very much, not only the payment of our claims, but our national
reputation for energy. I have no doubt it will be such as to attain both
of these important objects.
_Mr. Livingston to Mr. Forsyth_.
[Extract.]
PARIS, _December 6, 1834_.
* * * * *
The Chambers were convened on the 1st instant under very exciting
circumstances, the ministers individually and the papers supposed to
speak their language having previously announced a design to enter into
a full explanation of their conduct, to answer all interrogations, and
place their continuance in office on the question of approval by the
Chambers of their measures.
This, as you will see by the papers, they have frankly and explicitly
done, and after a warm debate of two days, which has just closed, they
have gained a decided victory. This gives them confidence, permanence,
and, I hope, influence enough to carry the treaty. I shall now urge the
presentation of the law at as early a day as possible, and although I do
not yet feel very certain of success, my hopes of it are naturally much
increased by the vote of this evening. The conversations I have had
with the King and with all the ministers convince me that now they are
perfectly in earnest and united on the question, and that it will be
urged with zeal and ability.
Many of the deputies, too, with whom I have entered into explanations on
the subject, seem now convinced that the interest as well as the honor
of the nation requires the fulfillment of their engagements. This gives
me hopes that the endeavors I shall continue to make without ceasing
until the question is decided may be successful.
The intimation I have conceived myself authorized to make of the serious
consequences that may be expected from another rejection of the law, and
of the firm determination of our Government to admit of no reduction or
change in the treaty, I think has had an effect. On the whole, I repeat
that without being at all confident I now entertain better hopes than I
have for some time past done.
_Mr. Livingston to the Secretary of State_.
[Extracts.]
PARIS, _December 22, 1834_.
Hon. JOHN FORSYTH,
_Secretary of State, etc._
SIR: Our diplomatic relations with this Government are on the most
extraordinary footing. With the executive branch I have little to
discuss, for they agree with me in every material point on the subject
of the treaty. With the legislature, where the great difficulty arises,
I can have no official communication. Yet, deeply impressed with the
importance to my fellow-citizens of securing the indemnity to which
they are entitled, and to the country of enforcing the execution of
engagements solemnly made to it, as well as of preventing a rupture,
which must infallibly follow the final refusal to execute the
convention, I have felt it a duty to use every proper endeavor to
avoid this evil. This has been and continues to be a subject of much
embarrassment.
* * * * *
My last dispatch (6th December) was written immediately after the vote
of the Chamber of Deputies had, as it was thought, secured a majority
to the administration, and it naturally excited hopes which that
supposition was calculated to inspire. I soon found, however, both from
the tone of the administration press and from the language of the King
and all the ministers with whom I conferred on the subject, that they
were not willing to put their popularity to the test on our question.
It will not be made one on the determination of which the ministers are
willing to risk their portfolios. The very next day after the debate the
ministerial gazette (Les Débats) declared that, satisfied with the
approbation the Chamber had given to their system, it was at perfect
liberty to exercise its discretion as to particular measures which do
not form _an essential part of that system_; and the communications I
subsequently had with the King and the ministers confirmed me in the
opinion that the law for executing our convention was to be considered
as one of those free questions. I combated this opinion, and asked
whether the faithful observance of treaties was not _an essential part
of their_ system, and, if so, whether it did not come within their rule.
Without answering this argument, I was told of the endeavors they were
making to secure the passage of the law by preparing the statement[12]
mentioned in my former dispatch. This, it is said, is nearly finished,
and from what I know of its tenor it will produce all the effect that
truth and justice can be expected to have on prejudice and party spirit.
The decision not to make it a cabinet question will not be without its
favorable operation; ... some of the leaders of the opposition, who may
not be willing to take the responsibility of a rupture between the two
nations by breaking the treaty, when they are convinced that instead of
forcing the ministers to resign they will themselves only incur the
odium of having caused the national breach. In this view of the subject
I shall be much aided if by the tenor of the President's message it is
seen that we shall resent the breach of faith they contemplate.
It is on all hands conceded that it would be imprudent to press the
decision before the next month, when the exposition will be printed
and laid before the Chambers.
* * * * *
On the whole, I am far from being sanguine of success in the endeavors
which I shall not cease to make for the accomplishment of this important
object of my mission, and I expect with some solicitude the instructions
for my conduct in the probable case of a rejection of the law.