CONCLUSION.
Reader,--I have but a word or two more to say.
Insignificant as this marriage may seem to you, I can assure you that
nothing else has ever occurred in the history of American prejudice
against color, which so startled the nation from North to South and East
to West. On the announcement of the probability of the case merely, men
and women were panic-stricken, deserted their principles and fled in
every direction.
Indignation meetings were held in and about Fulton immediately after the
mob. The following Resolution was passed unanimously in one of them:--
"Resolved,--That Amalgamation is no part of the Free Democracy of
Granby." (Town near F.)
The Editor of the Fulton newspaper, however, spoke of us with respect.
Let him be honored. He condemned the mob, opposed amalgamation, but
described the parties thus,--"Miss King, a young lady of talent,
education, and unblemished character," and myself, "a gentleman, a
scholar, and a Christian, and a citizen against whose character nothing
whatever had been urged."
I have said that some of the Papers regretted that I had not been killed
outright. I give an extract from the "_Phoenix Democrat_," published in
the State of New York:--
"This Professor Allen may get down on his marrow bones, and thank God
that we are not related to Mary King by the ties of consanguinity."
To show that I have not exaggerated the spirit of persecution which
beset us, I will state that in a few days after Mr. Porter was dismissed
from his School, he called upon the pastor of the church of which he is
a communicant; and though without means--the chivalrous people who
turned him out of his School not having yet paid him up--and knowing
not whither to go, the pastor assured him that he could not take him in,
or render him any assistance, so severely did he feel that he would be
censured by the public.
That Mr. Porter is still pursued by this fiendish spirit, the reader
will see by the following paragraph of a letter received from him a few
days since:--
"I have advertised for a School in S----. They would not tolerate me in
O----, after they found out that I was the Phillipsville School-master.
I was employed in O---- three months."
Such, reader, is the character of prejudice against color,--bitter,
cruel, relentless.
THE END.
* * * * *
A SHORT
PERSONAL NARRATIVE,
BY
WILLIAM G. ALLEN,
(Colored American,)
FORMERLY
PROFESSOR OF THE GREEK LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE
IN NEW YORK CENTRAL COLLEGE
RESIDENT FOR THE LAST FOUR YEARS IN DUBLIN.
* * * * *
DUBLIN:
SOLD BY THE AUTHOR,
AND BY
WILLIAM CURRY & CO., 9, UPPER SACKVILLE-STREET, AND
J. ROBERTSON, 8 GRAFTON-STREET.
* * * * *
1860
PRICE ONE SHILLING.
DUBLIN: PRINTED BY ROBERT CHAPMAN,
TEMPLE LANE DAME STREET.
PREFACE.
In preparing this little narrative, I have not sought to make a book,
but simply to tell my own experiences both in the slaveholding and
non-slaveholding States of America, in as few words as possible. The
facts here detailed throw light upon many phases of American life, and
add one more to the tens of thousands of illustrations of the terrible
power with which slavery has spread its influences into the Northern
States of the Union--penetrating even the inmost recesses of social
life.
W. G. A.
DONNYBROOK, DUBLIN,
_January, 1860._
A SHORT PERSONAL NARRATIVE.
I was born in Virginia, but not in slavery. The early years of my life
were spent partly in the small village of Urbanna, on the banks of the
Rappahannock, partly in the city of Norfolk, near the mouth of the
James' River, and partly in the fortress of Monroe, on the shores of the
Chesapeake. I was eighteen years in Virginia. My father was a white man,
my mother a mulattress, so that I am what is generally termed a
quadroon. Both parents died when I was quite young, and I was then
adopted by another family, whose name I bear. My parents by adoption
were both coloured, and possessed a flourishing business in the fortress
of Monroe.
I went to school a year and a half in Norfolk. The school was composed
entirely of coloured children, and was kept by a man of color, a Baptist
minister, who was highly esteemed, not only as a teacher, but as a
preacher of rare eloquence and power. His color did not debar him from
taking an equal part with his white brethren in matters pertaining to
their church.
But the school was destined to be of short duration. In 1831, Nathaniel
Turner, a slave, having incited a number of his brethren to avenge their
wrongs in a summary manner, marched by night with his comrades upon the
town of Southampton, Virginia, and in a few hours put to death about one
hundred of the white inhabitants. This act of Turner and his associates
struck such terror into the hearts of the whites throughout the State,
that they immediately, as an act of retaliation or vengeance, abolished
every colored school within their borders; and having dispersed the
pupils, ordered the teachers to leave the State forthwith, and never
more to return.
I now went to the fortress of Monroe, but soon found that I could not
get into any school there. For, though being a military station, and
therefore under the sole control of the Federal Government, it did not
seem that this place was free from the influence of slavery, in the form
of prejudice against color. But my parents had money, which always and
everywhere has a magic charm. I was also of a persevering habit; and
what therefore I could not get in the schools I sought among the
soldiers in the garrison, and succeeded in obtaining. Many of the rank
and file of the American army are highly educated foreigners; some of
them political refugees, who have fled to America and become
unfortunate, oftentimes from their own personal habits. I now learned
something of several languages, and considerable music. My German
teacher, a common soldier, was, by all who knew him, reputed to be both
a splendid scholar and musician. I also now and then bought the services
of other teachers, which greatly helped to advance me.
Many of the slaveholders aided my efforts. This seems like a paradox;
but, to the credit of humanity, be it said, that the bad are not always
bad. One kind-hearted slaveholder, an army officer, gave me free access
to his valuable library; and another slaveholder, a naval officer, who
frequented the garrison, presented me, as a gift, with a small but well
selected library, which formerly belonged to a deceased son.
My experience, therefore, in the State of Virginia, is, in many
respects, quite the opposite of that which others of my class have been
called to undergo.
Could I forget how often I have stood at the foot of the market in the
city of Norfolk, and heard the cry of the auctioneer--"What will you
give for this man?"--"What for this woman?"--"What for this child?"
Could I forget that I have again and again stood upon the shores of the
Chesapeake, and, while looking out upon that splendid bay, beheld ships
and brigs carrying into unutterable misery and woe men, women and
children, victims of the most cruel slavery that ever saw the sun; could
I forget the innumerable scenes of cruelty I have witnessed, and blot
out the remembrance of the degradation, intellectual, moral and
spiritual, which everywhere surrounded me--making the country like unto
a den of dragons and pool of waters--my reminiscence of Virginia were
indeed a joy and not a sorrow.
Some things I do think of with pleasure. A grand old State is Virginia.
No where else, in America at least, has nature revealed herself on a
more munificent scale. Lofty mountains, majestic hills, beautiful
valleys, magnificent rivers cover her bosom. A genial clime warms her
heart. Her resources are exhaustless. Why should she not move on?
Execrated for ever be this wretched slavery--this disturbing force. It
kills the white man--kills the black man--kills the master--kills the
slave--kills everybody and everything. Liberty is, indeed, the first
condition of human progress, and the especial hand-maiden of all that in
human life is beautiful and true.
I attained my eighteenth year. About this time the Rev. W. H---- of New
York city visited the fortress of Monroe, and opened a select school. He
was a white man, and of a kind and benevolent nature. He could not admit
me into his school, nevertheless he took a deep interest in my welfare.
He aided my studies in such ways as he could, and, on his return to the
State of New York (he remained but a short time in Virginia), acquainted
the Honorable Gerrit Smith, of Peterboro, with my desires. Mr. Smith's
sympathies were immediately touched on my behalf. He requested the Rev.
W. H---- to write to me at once, and extend to me an invitation to visit
the State of New York, enter college, and graduate at his expense--if
need be.
I have to remark just here that at the time of the visit of the Rev. W.
H---- to the fortress of Monroe, my parents were in greatly reduced
circumstances, owing to a destructive fire which had recently taken
place, and burned to the ground a most valuable property. The fire was
supposed to be the work of incendiaries--low whites of the
neighbourhood, who had become envious of my parents' success. There was
no insurance on the property. Under these circumstances I gladly
accepted the kind offer of Mr. Smith. His generous nature then and there
turned towards me in friendship; and, I am happy to be able to add, he
has ever continued my friend from that day to this.
Mr. Smith is one of the noblest men that America has ever produced; and
is especially remarkable for his profound appreciation of that sublime
command of our Saviour, "All things whatsoever ye would that men should
do to you, do ye even so to them." Where he treads no angel of sorrow
follows.
He is a man of vast estates--a millionaire. He is also what in America
is termed a land reformer. He believes that every man should possess an
inviolable homestead. He himself possesses by inheritance millions of
acres in the Northern and Eastern States of America; and shows his
sincerity and consistency by parcelling off from time to time such
portions of these lands as are available, in lots of forty or fifty
acres each, and presenting the deeds thereof, free of charge, to the
deserving landless men, white or black, in the region where the lands in
question are located. He also long since vacated the splendid Peterboro'
mansion, into possession of which he came on the death of his father;
and now resides, himself and family, in a simple cottage near
Peterboro', with only forty acres attached. His sympathies are not
bounded by country or clime. He sent into Ireland, during the famine of
1847, the largest single donation that reached the country from abroad.
He was elected to the United States Congress a few years ago, as one of
the members for New York, but resigned his seat after holding it only a
year--probably feeling outraged by the manners and morals, not to say
superlative wickedness, of so many of his associates. Whatever may have
been the cause which induced him to resign, he did well to give up his
post. Nature had evidently not set him to the work. Of great ability,
winning eloquence, and undoubted moral courage, his heart and temper
were too soft and apologetic to deal with the blustering tyrants who
fill too many of the seats of both houses of Congress.
Mr. Smith is truly a great orator. He has in an eminent degree the first
qualification thereof--a great heart. His voice is a magnificent bass,
deep, full, sonorous; and, being as melodious as deep, it gives him
enviable power over the hearts and sympathies of men.
In personal appearance he is extremely handsome. Large and noble in
stature, with a face not only beautiful, but luminous with the
reflection of every Christian grace.
He is now engaged in the care of his vast estates, and in his private
enterprises, scarcely private, since they are all for the public good.
He is sixty-two years of age. A true Christian in every exalted sense
of the term, long may he live an honor and a blessing to his race.
Having accepted the invitation of this gentleman, I prepared to leave
the South. On making arrangements for a passage from Norfolk to
Baltimore, I found that the "Free Papers" which every man of color in a
slave state must possess, in order to be able to prove, in case of his
being apprehended at any time, that he is not an absconding slave, were
of very little avail. I must needs have a "Pass" as well, or I could not
leave. However I obtained this document without much trouble, and as it
is a curious specimen of American literature, I will give it. It does
not equal, to be sure, the "charming pages" of Washington Irving, but it
is certainly quite as illustrative in its way:--
"Norfolk, Oct. 1839.
"The bearer of this, William G. Allen, is permitted to leave Norfolk by
the Steam Boat Jewess, Capt. Sutton, for Baltimore.
"Signed, J. F. Hunter
"Agent, Baltimore Steam Packet Company."
This document was also countersigned by one of the justices of the
peace. Really, there is something preposterous about these slaveholders.
They make all sorts of attempts to drive the free colored people out of
their borders; but when a man of this class wishes to go of his own
accord, he must that be _permitted_!
I reached Baltimore in safety, but now found that neither "Free Papers"
nor "Pass" were of any further use. I desired to take the train to
Philadelphia _en route_ to New York. I must this time get a white man to
testify to my freedom, or further I could not go. Or, worse still, if no
such man could be found, I must be detained in Baltimore and lodged in
jail! By no means a pleasant prospect. There was no time to be lost. My
previous experience had taught me this truth--the more we trust, the
more we are likely to find to trust. Acting upon this principle, and
putting in practice my studies in physiognomy, I presently found a
friend among the crowd; who, being satisfied with my statements and the
documents I presented, kindly gave the desired testimony. The ticket
seller then recorded my name, age, and personal appearance in his book,
and delivered me my ticket. I now had no further trouble, and reached
the college (in the State of New York) in safety.
Remaining at this college (Oneida Institute, Whitesboro') five years, I
graduated with some honor and little cost to my patron, Mr. Smith. I
quite paid my way by private tuitions: during one vacation I taught a
school in Canada.
I cannot leave Oneida Institute without paying the tribute of my heart's
warmest admiration and love to the President thereof--Reverend Beriah
Green. America has few such men--men of that true greatness which comes
from a combination of wisdom and virtue. Wherever found in that country,
they are the "chosen few," consecrating their energies to the cause of
Humanity and Religion--nobly and earnestly seeking to rid their country
of its dire disgrace and shame. President Green still lives. He is a
profound scholar, an original thinker, and, better and greater than all
these, a sincere and devoted Christian. To the strength and vigor of a
man, he adds the gentleness and tenderness of a woman. He has never
taken an active part in the world of stir and politics; but in the line
of his proper profession has immeasurably advanced the cause of human
progress. May such men be multiplied in America, and elsewhere, for
surely there is need.
Out now in the great world of America, my ambition was to secure a
professorial chair. That any man having the slightest tinge of color,
nay, without tinge of color, with only a drop of African blood in his
veins, let his accomplishments be what they may, should aspire to such a
position, I soon found was the very madness of madness. But something
must be done. I repaired at once to the city of Boston, and entered the
law office of E. G. L----, Esq. a distinguished barrister, who had
already shown his regard for the colored race by having brought to the
bar a colored young man--now practising with much success in Boston.
Black men may practice law--at least in Massachusetts. I remained in the
office of this gentleman two years, and was just entering my third and
last year, when, unsolicited on my part and to my great surprise, I
received the appointment of Professor of the Greek Language and
Literature in New York Central College--a college of recent date, and
situated in the town of M'Grawville, near the centre of the State of New
York. This was the first college in America that ever had the moral
courage to invite a man of color to occupy a professor's chair; and, so
far as I know, it is also the only one.
The college was founded by a few noble-minded men, whose object was to
combat the vulgar American prejudice, which can see no difference
between a man and his skin. They sought to illustrate the doctrine of
Human Equality, or brotherhood of the races; to elevate the nation's
morals, and give it more exalted views of the aims and objects of
Christianity. Such a college, in the midst of corrupt public sentiment,
could not fail to meet with the greatest opposition. It was persecuted
on all sides, and by all parties, showing how deep-seated and virulent
is prejudice against color. The legislature countenanced the college so
far as to grant it a charter, and empowered it to confer degrees, but
would not, seemingly on no earthly consideration, give it the slightest
pecuniary patronage. The debates which took place in the State House at
Albany when the bill relating to the college came up for consideration,
would, in vulgar flings at "negroes," cries of "amalgamation," and such
like, have disgraced a very assemblage of pagans. However the college
held on its way, and is still doing its work, though its efficiency is
of course greatly marred. All the other professors were white; so also
were the majority of the students.
* * * * *
I was four years in connexion with this college as professor, and in all
probability would have been in M'Grawville still, but for the following
circumstances.
I bethought me now of marriage, having what might be termed good
prospects in the world. Visiting the town of Fulton, County of Oswego,
State of New York, about forty miles from New York Central College, on
an occasion of public interest, I was made the guest of the Rev. L.
K----, a highly esteemed minister of the gospel, and greatly
distinguished for his earnest and zealous advocacy of the principles of
abolition. He was a white man. This gentleman had a large family of sons
and daughters. A feeling of friendship sprung up between one of his
daughters and myself on the occasion of this visit, which feeling
eventually ripened into emotions of a higher and more interesting
character. The father welcomed me: the mother was long since deceased.
The parties immediately concerned were satisfied--why should others
demur? I knew something of prejudice against color, but I supposed that
a sense of dignity, not to say decency, would deter the most bitterly
opposed from interference with a matter wholly domestic and private, and
which, in its relation to the public, was also wholly insignificant. I
reckoned without my host however. The inhabitants of Fulton had received
the impression that there was an union in contemplation between the lady
and myself; and they determined that it should not take place, certainly
not in their town, nor elsewhere if they could prevent it. They stirred
the town in every direction, evoking all the elements of hostility, and
organizing the same into a deadly mob, to act at convenient opportunity.
I was ignorant of the great length to which this feeling had attained;
so also were the parties immediately interested in my personal safety. I
was therefore greatly surprised when, on the occasion of my last visit
to Fulton, and while in company with the lady, both of us visiting at
the house of a mutual friend, residing about two miles out of town, a
party rushed into our presence in hot haste, bidding me, if I wished to
escape with my life, to "fly with all possible speed!" The party who
performed this kindly office had scarcely gone, when, on looking out of
the window, I beheld a maddened multitude approaching--about six hundred
white men, armed with tar, feathers, poles and an empty barrel spiked
with shingle nails! In this barrel I was to be put, and rolled from the
top to the bottom of a hill near by. They also brought a sleigh, in
which the lady was to be taken back to her father's house. They intended
no harm to her.
Knowing the character of an American mob, and also knowing how little
they value the life of a man of color, I expected, as I saw the
multitude surrounding the house, to die--in fact, prepared for death.
Having assembled about the premises, they began to cry out in the most
uproarious manner, "Bring him out!" "Kill the Nigger!" "Hang him!" "Tear
down the house!" Shouts, groans, maledictions of all sorts and degrees
followed. No one who has not witnessed an American mob can have the
slightest idea of the scene which presented itself at this point. Had
six hundred beasts of the forest been loosed together, in one
promiscuous assemblage, they could scarcely have sent up howls and yells
and mad noises equal to those made by these infuriated men. There is no
exaggeration in this statement. For the sake of humanity, I only wish
there was. Nor were the members of the mob confined entirely to the
rabble; far from it. Many of its members were also members of a
Christian church. The mob occurred on a Sabbath evening, about six
o'clock, so that these men absolutely deserted their pews on purpose to
enjoy the fun of "hunting the nigger."
There came with this mob a self-constituted committee of gentlemen,
lawyers, merchants, and leading men of the town, who, although partaking
of the general feeling of prejudice against color, did not wish, for the
sake of the reputation of their town, to see bloodshed; besides also
many of them, I doubt not, entertained feelings of personal friendship
for myself.
This committee divided itself. One half came up to the drawing-room, and
advised that the young lady should consent to go home in the sleigh
provided, and that I should consent to leave the town. Conceding so much
to the mob, they thought my life might be spared. The other half of the
committee remained below, to appease the maddened multitude, and deter
them from carrying their threats into execution.
We agreed to the propositions of the committee. The young lady was taken
home in the sleigh aforesaid, about one third of the mob following on
foot, for what purpose I know not. I was then conducted by the committee
through the mob, many members of which giving me, as I passed, sundry
kicks and cuffs, but doing me no serious bodily harm. I was next taken
by the committee to an hotel, where arrangements had been made for my
reception. The mob followed, hooting and hallooing, the sight of their
victim seeming to revive their hostile feelings. They would have broken
into the hotel, had not the proprietor held them back by his threats. He
was not a friend of mine, but he had agreed to shelter me, and he was,
of course, determined to protect his property.
The committee then secured the use of two sleighs, one of which they
placed at the back entrance of the hotel, and the other they caused to
be driven about four miles out of the town. Into the first sleigh I was
to get when I could find my opportunity, and be driven to the other
sleigh, in which I was to be finally conveyed to the town of Syracuse,
about twenty-five miles distant. I made several attempts to get into the
sleigh at the back entrance of the hotel, but was driven back by the mob
every time I made my appearance at the door. Meanwhile the committee
furnished the mobocrats with spirits to drink, and cigars to smoke, for
all of which I had to pay. Comment upon this extraordinary act of
meanness would be entirely out of place. One would have thought that
these mobocrats would have been content to have mobbed me free of
expense, at least. Not so it seemed however.
But midnight drew on, and of course the multitude grew weary. Presently,
seeing my opportunity, I jumped into the sleigh at the back entrance of
the hotel, drove rapidly off to the second sleigh, and reached the town
of Syracuse early next morning. Some of the mobocrats attempted chase,
but soon gave it up.
Had this tumult ended here, I should probably have been in my chair at
the college today; and the whole affair, so far as it related only to
myself, would have been regarded by me as merely a bit of an episode in
my life--of course a most exciting one. But the worst was to come, at
least so far as it concerned the lady personally; and the very worst it
would be better to say nothing about.
After we had been disposed of in the manner already described, the next
step taken by the inhabitants of the town of Fulton was to place the
lady under a most degraded surveillance. True, she was to continue in
her father's house, but so overpowering had the mob-spirit become, that
the mobocrats commanded (and were obeyed!) that no communications should
be sent to her or from her, unless they had been previously perused and
sanctioned by duly deputed parties. Nor would they permit any persons to
call upon her, unless they too had been previously approved.
There was a line of railway between the towns of Fulton and Syracuse.
Guards were placed by certain individuals at the various stations on the
line, in order to prevent the possible escape of either party, or rather
to prevent the possible meeting of the parties, _i.e._, of the lady and
myself. Meanwhile the telegraphic wires and newspapers spread the news
throughout the length and breadth of the land; the consequence of all
which was, I became so notorious that my life was placed in jeopardy
wherever I went. On one occasion particularly I barely escaped with it.
On the day after the occurrence of the mob, and for several days after,
the town of Fulton presented a scene of unparallelled excitement. Had
the good people witnessed the approach of an invading army, but, by some
lucky chance, succeeded in driving it back, they could not have been
more extravagant in their demonstrations. Their countenances indicated
the oddest possible mixture of consternation and joy. Seriously, if one
can be serious over such details, never before did the contemplated
marriage of two mortals create such a hubbub.
The inhabitants of Fulton immediately assembled _en masse_, and voted
unanimously, in congress especially convened for the purpose, that Mr.
and Mrs. P----, school teachers, our friends, at whose house we were
being entertained at the time of the mob, "DO GIVE UP THEIR SCHOOL,
AND LEAVE THE TOWN FORTHWITH." For what crime? None, save that of
showing us hospitality. Our friends had therefore not only to give up
their business at an immense pecuniary sacrifice, but had absolutely to
make off with their lives as best they could.
During all this time the lady who had been thus rudely treated was true
to her noble and heroic nature; but so much outward pressure, and of
such an extraordinary character, produced its consequences upon her
health. It failed, and it became necessary that she should be released
from her thraldom. Once more at liberty she visited, incognito, the town
of Syracuse, where I was still tarrying. The mobocrats would not have
permitted her to have left Fulton in peace, if they had known whither
she was going.
We met again: reviewed the past and discussed the future. As I am not
detailing sentiment, but merely stating facts, suffice it to say, that
we made up our minds that we would not be defeated by a mob.
But to the future. What was to be done? We came to the conclusion that I
could no longer expect to hold my position in M'Grawville. The college
had already received a terrible shock by reason of the cry of
"amalgamation" which had been raised by the mob. And though the trustees
were willing, at heart, to face the storm of prejudice, worldly wisdom,
they considered, dictated that they should not incur the odium which
they could not avoid bringing upon the college, if they persisted in
retaining me longer as one of their professors. The trustees thought it
would be better to be cautious, and save the college for the good it
might do in the future. Such a union as ours was, in fact, but one of
the logical results of the very principles on which the college was
founded. I do not profess to sit in judgment, and therefore attempt no
comment. They were now evidently anxious that I should resign, though,
of course, they did not express so much to me in words.
I also came to the further conclusion that I could no longer, under the
circumstances, whatever I might be able to do in future, hold my
position in the country. For, however willing I might be to endure all
things in my own person, I felt that I ought not to expose to any
further danger one who already suffered so much and so heroically for my
sake. I knew several of the lady's friends who were bitterly opposed to
our union, solely on account of my color, and who were prepared, if the
occasion should require it, to go to desperate lengths. They would not
have hesitated to have sworn her into the lunatic asylum. I therefore
decided not only to resign my professorship in the college, but also to
leave the country.
Our plans being now quietly arranged, the lady returned to Fulton, and
it was then supposed that all communication between us was for ever
broken off. The mob had ordered that it should be so, and doubtless
thought it was so. The most mistaken idea they ever entertained. The
lady remained for a short time in Fulton, and then retired into the
interior of the state of Pennsylvania. I continued to remain in the town
of Syracuse.
Soon a favorable opportunity presented itself, and we met in the city of
New York, on the 30th March, 1853, and then and there asserted our
rights in due and legal form: after which we immediately took the train
for Boston.
Owing to the great publicity which the newspapers had given to our
affairs and the consequent excitement thereon, we found it necessary to
use the utmost caution, such as walking apart in the streets, and
travelling in the trains as strangers to each other. It would have been
fool-hardy to have provoked another mob.
We remained in Boston ten days, quietly visiting among our friends, and
then set sail for England. Wishing to get out of the country without
farther ado, we were compelled to submit to many sacrifices, pecuniary
and otherwise, of which it is not necessary to speak. In England and
Ireland, including a short trip to Scotland, we have been ever since,
and have constantly received that generous and friendly consideration
which, from the reputation of Great Britain and Ireland, we had been led
to expect; and for which we are grateful.
To go back for a single moment to New York Central College. On receiving
the appointment to the professorial chair, the pro-slavery newspaper
press of the country opened a regular assault. The "_Washington Union_"
thus wrote:
"What a pity that college could not have found white men in all America
to fill its professors' chairs. What a burning shame that the trustees
should have been mean enough to rob Mr. L---- of his law student, and
the Boston bar of its ebony ornament." I was never at the Boston bar,
and therefore could not have been its ebony ornament. The imagination
of the editors supplied them with the fact, and that answered their
purpose as well.
A reverend doctor of divinity writing in a Cincinnati newspaper,
wondered "how a man of sense could enter that amalgamation college. If
this professor would go to Liberia and display his eloquence at the bar
there; or, if he has any of the grace of God in his heart, enter the
pulpit, he would then be doing a becoming work."
From Augusta, Georgia (Slave State), I received the following document,
signed by several parties, and containing the picture of a man hanging
by the neck, under which was written, "Here hangs the Professor of
Greek!"
"Augusta, Geo. Nov. 1850.
"Sir,--We perceive you have been appointed Professor of Greek in New
York Central College. Very well. We also perceive that you have
occasionally lectured in the North on the 'Probable Destiny of the
African Race.' Now, Sir, if you will only have the kindness to come to
Augusta, and visit our hemp yard, you may be sure that your destiny will
not be _probable_, but certain.
"Signed,
------
------
------"
Of course I did not go to Augusta, Georgia.
These assaults and attempts at ridicule served to bring me into general
notice. I soon found that, by reason of them, and without merit or
effort of my own, I had become known throughout the whole country as
"the Colored Professor." I had a status. The lady being the daughter of
a highly respectable minister, she also had a status. To permit
therefore the union of these parties would be to bring the principle of
amalgamation into respectability. So reasoned those who attempted to
reason on behalf, or rather in excuse, of the mob. "We are sorry," they
went on condescendingly to say, "for Professor Allen, for though a man
of color, he is nevertheless a gentleman, a Christian and a scholar. But
this union must not be; the 'proprieties of society,' must not be
violated!" Here then was the secret of this extraordinary outbreak. Had
we moved in what these good people would have been pleased to term a
lower strata of society, they would have let us alone with infinite
contempt.
The most lamentable feature of this Fulton mob was the fact, that we
could not, if we had sought it, have secured any redress. No court of
law in the State would have undertaken to bring to justice the
perpetrators of this outrage. But on the contrary, such court would have
been inclined to take sides with the mobocrats, and to justify them in
the means which they employed wherewith to chastise a colored man who
had presumed so grossly to violate the "proprieties of society."
Before closing I cannot forebear a further word with regard to New York
Central College. During the four years I was in connexion with that
college as professor, I never experienced the slightest disrespect from
trustees, professors or students. All treated me kindly, so kindly
indeed that I can truly say that the period of my professorship forms
one of the pleasantest remembrances of my life. Terrible as prejudice
against color is, my experience has taught me that it is not invincible;
though, as it is the offspring of slavery, it will never be fully
vanquished until slavery has been abolished.
In illustration of the direct influences of slavery as they affect the
free man of color, I again go back for a single moment. Having spent
three years at Oneida Institute, I proposed to myself a visit to
Virginia, to look once more into the faces of beloved parents, relatives
and friends, to walk again upon the strand at Fortress Monroe, where I
had so often in childhood beheld the sunbeams play upon the coves and
inlets, and seen the surf beat upon the rocks. I, at first, had some
difficulty in getting a passage to Virginia, most of the masters of the
New York vessels to whom I applied seeming to be of a friendly nature,
and not willing to expose me to the slave laws of Virginia. I, however,
succeeded at last--the captain of a Philadelphia vessel consenting to
land me at the fortress of Monroe. I remained in the home of my
childhood and youth seven days in peace; but on the morning of the
eighth day, while walking on the strand, I was rudely assaulted by a
person who had known me from my infancy. I had always supposed him to be
a gentleman, and was therefore greatly surprised and shocked. But
slavery is relentless; it ruins both the morals and the manners. This
individual, after belaboring me in a savage manner, gave me distinctly
to understand that unless I left Virginia speedily, I might find myself
in trouble. He afterwards remarked, as I understood, to his friends that
"this Allen has been off to an abolition college and returned among us.
Let us look out for him."
I took the hint; and on the next morning secured the services of a party
who rowed me off in a small canoe to a vessel lying in the harbor, where
I bargained with the captain, who, for a handsome sum, consented to take
me quietly out of the state. I left Virginia at once, and have never
returned to it since, though I would gladly have done so, as relatives
and friends near and dear to me have since died, by the side of whose
death beds I desired to stand. In conclusion I have only to say that
were I in the United States of America to-morrow, it would be more than
my life or liberty would be worth to put foot upon the soil of my native
state. Is this freedom? If it be, then give me slavery indeed.
A word or two with regard to my course in this country. Hitherto my
income has been derived solely from lectures, tuitions, and such other
odds and ends of work in my line as my hands could find to do. I desire
a more permanent settlement for myself and family, and hope that the
sale of this little narrative may help to create means to that end.
I send it forth therefore, desiring that it may stand upon its own
merits, at the same time earnestly hoping that it may interest all into
whose hands it may fall.
From LORD SHAFTESBURY.
"Lord Shaftesbury sympathizes most heartily with Professor Allen and
sincerely wishes him success in his undertaking. It will give Lord
Shaftesbury great pleasure to assist, in any way that he can, a
gentleman of the colored race, who is a hundred times wiser and better
than his white oppressors.
"LONDON, _July, 1854._"
From Rev. I. G. Abeltshauser, LL.D. Trinity College,
Dublin, and others;--
"DUBLIN, 14th April, 1856.
"The undersigned having made due enquiry from the most trustworthy
sources relative to the character and attainments of Professor William
G. Allen, have much pleasure in recommending him as a gentleman of high
attainments and honorable character.
I. G. ABELTSHAUSER, Clk. LL.D. Trin. Col. Dub.
WM. URWICK, D. D. 40, Rathmines Road, Dublin.
JAMES HAUGHTON, 35 Eccles-street, Dublin.
RICHARD ALLEN, Sackville-street, Dublin.
JONATHAN PIM, 22, William-street, Dublin.
JOHN EVANS, M. D. 38, Richmond-street, Dublin.
R. D. WEBB, 176, Great Brunswick-street, Dublin.
JOHN R. WIGHAM, 36, Capel-street, Dublin."
From RICHARD D. WEBB, Esq. of Dublin.
"DUBLIN, 3rd November, 1858.
"DEAR MR. ALLEN,
"Your name was familiar to me long before I knew you personally. I had
often heard of 'Professor W. G. Allen,' who, while connected with the
Central College, in the State of New York, and respected there as a man
and a teacher, was obliged to leave his native country for the offence
of marrying a white lady of respectable family and great excellence of
character, who is now much liked and esteemed by her numerous friends in
this city. I became acquainted with you soon after your arrival in
London; and particularly during your residence in Ireland I have had
nearly as much opportunity of knowing you as any of your acquaintances
here. I can truly say, that you have earned the hearty respect of all
who know you (of whom I have any knowledge), by the industry, energy,
and self-respect you have evinced in the course of a long and difficult
battle with those adverse circumstances, with which a comparatively
unknown and friendless stranger has to contend, in his efforts to effect
a settlement in a strange country. Your conduct has been industrious,
honorable and in every way deserving of esteem and sympathy. Some time
since, in the columns of the 'Anti-Slavery Advocate,' without hint or
solicitation on your part, I took the liberty to speak of your course as
I do now; for amongst all the colored Americans with whom my interest in
the Anti-Slavery cause has made me acquainted--and many of whom are my
own personal friends--I have known none more deserving of respect and
confidence than yourself.
"Yours truly,
"RICHARD D. WEBB."
* * * * *
Having, in my avocation as lecturer on "The African Race" and
"America and the Americans," visited nearly the whole of Ireland, I
respectfully submit the following letters and notices, the letters being
from gentlemen who kindly presided at the meetings:--
From the Rev. DOCTOR FITZGERALD, Archdeacon of Kildare,
(now Lord Bishop of Cork).
"Professor Allen delivered some lectures on the African Race, in
Kingstown, which seemed to have given general satisfaction. I regret
that I was unable to attend more than one, but I can truly say that it
bore evidence of a highly cultivated mind, and imparted valuable
information in a pleasing form. From what I have seen and heard of
Professor Allen, I should be glad to think that any testimony of mine
could be of service to him.
"W. FITZGERALD, Archdeacon of Kildare,
(Now Lord Bishop of Cork.)
"Dublin, Nov. 1856"
From Rev. DOCTOR URWICK, Dublin.
"I have known Professor Allen since his first coming to Ireland, and
believe him to be a gentleman of high character and attainments. His
lecturings, more than one of which I have heard, display much power, and
by the amount of information they contain, united with a clear and often
eloquent style, and earnest manner, cannot fail, at once, to interest
and instruct the audience. I cordially commend him to the confidence and
kind attention of my friends.
"W. URWICK.
"Dublin, Nov. 30, 1857."
From CORK--see "Constitution," "Examiner" and
"Reporter," March 1858.
"Cork, Feb. 28, 1858.
"To WILLIAM G. ALLEN, Esq. late Professor of Greek in
New York Central College.
"DEAR SIR--We, the undersigned, having heard your lectures on
'America' and 'Africa,' and derived therefrom much instruction as well
as gratification, do, on our own part and that of many of our fellow
citizens who are anxious to hear you, respectfully request that you will
give, at least, two lectures more upon these interesting subjects.
"(Signed)
HENRY MARTIN, Congregational Minister.
R. W. FORREST (Free Church).
RICHD. CORBETT, M. D.
J. D. CARNEGIE.
HENRY UNKLES.
GEORGE BAKER.
RICHARD DOWDEN, (Rd.)
WILLIAM MAGILL, (Scots' Church).
JOSEPH R. GREENE, Professor, Queen's Coll.
THOMAS JENNINGS.
N. JACKSON, C. E.
JOSEPH COLBECK."
From "Belfast News-letter," Dec. 10, 1858.
"REV. DOCTOR COOKE occupied the chair. Professor Allen then
delivered a lecture of great ability and interest. Dr. Cooke said he had
listened to a remarkable oration. He was glad he had heard it. He
thanked Professor Allen, in the name of the meeting, for his truly
valuable and instructive lecture."
From the DEAN OF WATERFORD.
"Professor W. G. Allen, an American gentleman of color, having visited
Waterford, delivered two lectures here, one on 'America,' and the other
on 'Africa and the African Races.' On each occasion I had the pleasure
to occupy the chair at the meetings held to hear Mr. Allen's lectures,
which proved most interesting and instructive. The Professor is himself
a witness that there is nothing in color or race to hinder a man from
being distinguished for eloquence, good taste, and religious feeling.
"I have seldom heard public addresses which have interested me more, and
I have no doubt that Mr. Allen's lectures will prove useful, wherever
they are delivered, in creating an interest on behalf of our fellow men,
who have suffered so great wrongs from professing Christians, though
happily no longer at the hands of British subjects.
"EDW. N. HOARE,
Dean of Waterford.
"Deanery, Waterford, Jan. 16, 1858."
From Rev. DOCTOR BROWNE, Principal of Kilkenny College.
"Kilkenny College, Feb. 3, 1858.
"I have attended Professor Allen's lectures on 'America and the
Americans,' and on the 'African Races,' and have received much pleasure
as well as information from the talent and power with which he has
handled the subjects of which he treated.
"His knowledge, his ardent and impressive manner, and clear melodious
voice, render him a most pleasing as well as instructive lecturer.
"JOHN BROWNE, Clk. LL.D."