_Author secures the Glocester paper, and lays the foundation of a petition
from that city--does the same at Worcester--and at Chester--arrives at
Liverpool--collects specimens of African produce--also imports and
exports--and muster-rolls--and accounts of dock-duties--and iron
instruments used in the Slave-trade--His introduction to Mr. Norris, and
others--Author and his errand become known--People visit him out of
curiosity--Frequent controversies on the subject of the Slave-trade._
On my arrival at Glocester, I waited upon my friend Dean Tucker. He was
pleased to hear of the great progress I had made since he left me. On
communicating to him my intention of making interest with the editors of
some provincial papers, to enlighten the public mind, and with the
inhabitants of some respectable places, for petitions to Parliament,
relative to the abolition of the Slave-trade, he approved of it, and
introduced me to Mr. Raikes, the proprietor of the respectable paper
belonging to that city. Mr. Raikes acknowledged, without any hesitation,
the pleasure he should have in serving such a noble cause; and he promised
to grant me, from time to time, a corner in his paper, for such things as I
might point out to him for insertion. This promise he performed afterwards,
without any pecuniary consideration, and solely on the ground of
benevolence. He promised also his assistance as to the other object, for
the promotion of which I left him several of my Summary Views to
distribute.
At Worcester I trod over the same ground, and with the same success.
Timothy Bevington, of the religious society of the Quakers, was the only
person to whom I had an introduction there. He accompanied me to the mayor,
to the editor of the Worcester paper, and to several others, before each of
whom I pleaded the cause of the oppressed Africans in the best manner I was
able. I dilated both on the inhumanity and on the impolicy of the trade,
which I supported by the various facts recently obtained at Bristol. I
desired, however, as far as petitions were concerned, (and this desire I
expressed on all other similar occasions,) that no attempt should be made
to obtain these, till such information had been circulated on the subject,
that every one, when called upon, might judge, from his knowledge of it,
how far he would feel it right to join in it. For this purpose I left also
here several of my Summary Views for distribution.
After my arrival at Chester, I went to the bishop's residence, but I found
he was not there. Knowing no other person in the place, I wrote a note to
Mr. Cowdroy, whom I understood to be the editor of the Chester paper,
soliciting an interview with him. I explained my wishes to him on both
subjects. He seemed to be greatly rejoiced, when we met, that such a
measure as that of the abolition of the Slave-trade was in contemplation.
Living at so short a distance from Liverpool, and in a county from which so
many persons were constantly going to Africa, he was by no means ignorant,
as some were, of the nature of this cruel traffic; but yet he had no notion
that I had probed it so deeply, or that I had brought to light such
important circumstances concerning it, as he found by my conversation. He
made me a hearty offer of his services on this occasion, and this expressly
without fee or reward. I accepted them most joyfully and gratefully. It
was, indeed, a most important thing, to have a station so near the enemy's
camp, where we could watch their motions, and meet any attack which might
be made from it. And this office of a sentinel Mr. Cowdroy performed with
great vigilance; and when he afterwards left Chester for Manchester, to
establish a paper there, he carried with him the same friendly disposition
towards our cause.
My first introduction at Liverpool was to William Rathbone, a member of the
religious society of the Quakers. He was the same person, who, before the
formation of our commitee, had procured me copies of several of the
muster-rolls of the slave-vessels belonging to that port, so that, though
we were not personally known, yet we were not strangers to each other.
Isaac Hadwen, a respectable member of the same society, was the person whom
I saw next. I had been introduced to him, previously to my journey, when he
was at London, at the yearly meeting of the Quakers, so that no letter to
him was necessary. As Mr. Roscoe had generously given the profits of The
Wrongs of Africa to our commitee, I made no scruple of calling upon him.
His reception of me was very friendly, and he introduced me afterwards to
Dr. Currie, who had written the preface to that poem. There was also a
fourth, upon whom I called, though I did not know him. His name was Edward
Rushton. He had been an officer in a slave-ship, but had lost his sight,
and had become an enemy to that trade. On passing through Chester, I had
heard, for the first time, that he had published a poem called West-Indian
Eclogues, with a view of making the public better acquainted with the evil
of the Slave-trade, and of exciting their indignation against it. Of the
three last it may be observed, that, having come forward thus early, as
labourers, they deserve to be put down, as I have placed them in the map,
among the forerunners and coadjutors in this great cause, for each
published his work before any efforts were made publicly, or without
knowing that any were intended. Rushton, also, had the boldness, though
then living in Liverpool, to affix his name to his work. These were the
only persons whom I knew for some time after my arrival in that place.
It may not, perhaps, be necessary to enter so largely into my proceedings
at Liverpool as at Bristol. The following account, therefore, may suffice.
In my attempts to add to my collection of specimens of African produce, I
was favoured with a sample of gum ruber astringens, of cotton from the
Gambia, of indigo and musk, of long pepper, of black pepper from Whidàh, of
mahogany from Calabàr, and of cloths of different colours, made by the
natives, which, while they gave other proofs of the quality of their own
cotton, gave proofs also, of the variety of their dyes.
I made interest at the Custom-house for various exports and imports, and
for copies of the muster-rolls of several slave-vessels, besides those of
vessels employed in other trades.
By looking out constantly for information on this great subject, I was led
to the examination of a printed card or table of the dock-duties of
Liverpool, which was published annually. The town of Liverpool had so risen
in opulence and importance, from only a fishing-village, that the
corporation seemed to have a pride in giving a public view of this
increase. Hence they published and circulated this card. Now the card
contained one, among other facts, which was almost as precious, in a
political point of view, as any I had yet obtained. It stated, that in the
year 1772, when I knew that a hundred vessels sailed out of Liverpool for
the coast of Africa, the dock-duties amounted to 4552_l_., and that in
1779, when I knew that, in consequence of the war, only eleven went from
thence to the same coast, they amounted to 4957_l_. From these facts, put
together, two conclusions were obvious. The first was, that the opulence of
Liverpool, as far as the entry of vessels into its ports, and the
dock-duties arising from thence, were concerned, was not indebted to the
Slave-trade; for these duties were highest when it had only eleven ships in
that employ. The second was, that there had been almost a practical
experiment with respect to the abolition of it; for the vessels in it had
been gradually reduced from one hundred to eleven, and yet the West Indians
had not complained of their ruin, nor had the merchants or manufacturers
suffered, nor had Liverpool been affected by the change.
[Illustration]
There were specimens of articles in Liverpool, which I entirely overlooked
at Bristol, and which I believe I should have overlooked here, also, had it
not been for seeing them at a window in a shop; I mean those of different
iron instruments used in this cruel traffic. I bought a pair of the iron
hand-cuffs with which the men-slaves are confined. The right-hand wrist of
one, and the left of another, are almost brought into contact by these, and
fastened together, as the figure A in the annexed plate represents, by a
little bolt with a small padlock at the end of it I bought also a pair of
shackles for the legs. These are represented by the figure B. The right
ancle of one man is fastened to the left of another, as the reader will
observe, by similar means. I bought these, not because it was difficult to
conceive how the unhappy victims of this execrable trade were confined, but
to show the fact that they were so. For what was the inference from it, but
that they did not leave their own country willingly; that, when they were
in the holds of the slave-vessels, they were not in the Elysium which had
been represented; and that there was a fear, either that they would make
their escape, or punish their oppressors? I bought also a thumb-screw at
this shop. The thumbs are put into this instrument through the two circular
holes at the top of it. By turning a key, a bar rises up by means of a
screw from C to D, and the pressure upon them becomes painful. By turning
it further you may make the blood start from the ends of them. By taking
the key away, as at E, you leave the tortured person in agony, without any
means of extricating himself, or of being extricated by others. This screw,
as I was then informed, was applied by way of punishment, in case of
obstinacy in the slaves, or for any other reputed offence, at the
discretion of the captain. At the same place I bought another instrument
which I saw. It was called a speculum oris. The dotted lines in the figure
on the right hand of the screw, represent it when shut, the black lines
when open. It is opened, as at G H, by a screw below with a knob at the end
of it. This instrument is known among surgeons, having been invented to
assist them in wrenching open the mouth as in the case of a locked jaw. But
it had got into use in this trade. On asking the seller of the instruments,
on what occasion it was used there, he replied, that the slaves were
frequently so sulky, as to shut their mouths against all sustenance, and
this with a determination to die; and that it was necessary their mouths
should be forced open to throw in nutriment, that they who had purchased
them might incur no loss by their death.
The town's talk of Liverpool was much of the same nature as that at Bristol
on the subject of this trade. Horrible facts concerning it were in every
body's mouth. But they were more numerous, as was likely to be the case,
where eighty vessels were employed from one port, and only eighteen from
the other. The people too at Liverpool seemed to be more hardened, or they
related them with more coldness or less feeling. This may be, accounted
for, from the greater number of those facts, as just related, the mention
of which, as it was of course more frequent, occasioned them to lose their
power of exciting surprise. All this I thought in my favour, as I should
more easily, or with less obnoxiousness, come to the knowledge of what I
wanted to obtain.
My friend William Rathbone, who had been looking out to supply me with
intelligence, but who was desirous that I should not be imposed upon, and
that I should get it from the fountain-head, introduced me to Mr. Norris
for this purpose. Norris had been formerly a slave-captain, but had quitted
the trade and settled as a merchant in a different line of business. He was
a man of quick penetration, and of good talents, which he had cultivated to
advantage, and he had a pleasing address both as to speech and manners. He
received me with great politeness, and offered me all the information I
desired. I was with him five or six times at his own house for this
purpose. The substance of his communications on these occasions I shall now
put down, and I beg the reader's particular attention to it, as he will be
referred to it in other parts of this work.
With respect to the produce of Africa, Mr. Norris enumerated many articles
in which a new and valuable trade might be opened, of which he gave me one,
namely, the black pepper from Whidàh before mentioned. This he gave me, to
use his own expressions, as one argument among many others of the impolicy
of the Slave-trade, which, by turning the attention of the inhabitants to
the persons of one another for sale, hindered foreigners from discovering,
and themselves from cultivating, many of the valuable productions of their
own soil.
On the subject of procuring slaves he gave it as his decided opinion, that
many of the inhabitants of Africa were kidnapped by each other, as they
were travelling on the roads, or fishing in the creeks, or cultivating
their little spots. Having learnt their language, he had collected the fact
from various quarters, but more particularly from the accounts of slaves,
whom he had transported in his own vessels. With respect however to Whidàh,
many came from thence, who were reduced to slavery in a different manner.
The king of Dahomey, whose life (with the wars and customs of the Dahomans)
he said he was then writing, and who was a very despotic prince, made no
scruple of seizing his own subjects, and of selling them, if he was in want
of any of the articles which the slave-vessels would afford him. The
history of this prince's life he lent me afterwards to read, while it was
yet in manuscript, in which I observed that he had recorded all the facts
now mentioned. Indeed he made no hesitation to state them, either when we
were by ourselves, or when others were in company with us. He repeated them
at one time in the presence both of Mr. Cruden and of Mr. Coupland. The
latter was then a slave-merchant at Liverpool. He seemed to be fired at the
relation of these circumstances. Unable to restrain himself longer, he
entered into a defence of the trade, both as to the humanity and the policy
of it. But Mr. Norris took up his arguments in both these cases, and
answered them in a solid manner.
With respect to the Slave-trade, as it affected the health of our seamen,
Mr. Norris admitted it to be destructive. But I did not stand in need of
this information, as I knew this pare of the subject, in consequence of my
familiarity with the muster-rolls, better than himself.
He admitted it also to be true, that they were too frequently ill-treated
in this trade. A day or two after our conversation on this latter subject
he brought me the manuscript journal of a voyage to Africa, which had been
kept by a mate, with whom he was then acquainted. He brought it to me to
read, as it might throw some light upon the subject on which we had talked
last. In this manuscript various instances of cruel usage towards seamen
were put down, from which it appeared that the mate, who wrote it, had not
escaped himself.
At the last interview we had he seemed to be so satisfied of the
inhumanity, injustice, and impolicy of the trade, that he made me a
voluntary offer of certain clauses, which he had been thinking of, and
which, he believed, if put into an act of parliament, would judiciously
effect its abolition. The offer of these clauses I embraced eagerly. He
dictated them, and I wrote. I wrote them in a small book which I had then
in pocket. They were these:
No vessel under a heavy penalty to supply foreigners with slaves.
Every vessel to pay to government a tax for a register on clearing out to
supply our own islands with slaves.
Every such vessel to be prohibited from purchasing or bringing home any of
the productions of Africa.
Every such vessel to be prohibited from bringing home a passenger, or any
article of produce, from the West Indies.
A bounty to be given to every vessel trading in the natural productions of
Africa. This bounty to be paid in part out of the tax arising from the
registers of the slave-vessels.
Certain establishments to be made by government in Africa, in the Bananas,
in the Isles de Los, on the banks of the Camaranca, and in other places,
for the encouragement and support of the new trade to be substituted there.
Such then were the services, which Mr. Morris, at the request of William
Rathbone, rendered me at Liverpool, during my stay there; and I have been
very particular in detailing them, because I shall be obliged to allude to
them, as I have before observed, on some important occasions in a future
part of the work.
On going my rounds one day, I met accidentally with captain Chaffers. This
gentleman either was or had been in the West India employ. His heart had
beaten in sympathy with mine, and he had greatly favoured our cause. He had
seen me at Mr. Norris's, and learned my errand there. He told me he could
introduce me in a few minutes, as we were then near at hand, to captain
Lace, if I chose it. Captain Lace, he said, had been long in the
Slave-trade, and could give me very accurate information about it. I
accepted his offer. On talking to captain Lace, relative to the productions
of Africa, he told me that mahogany grew at Calabàr. He began to describe a
tree of that kind, which he had seen there. This tree was from about
eighteen inches to two feet in diameter, and about sixty feet high, or, as
he expressed it, of the height of a tall chimney. As soon as he mentioned
Calabàr, a kind of horror came over me. His name became directly associated
in my mind with the place. It almost instantly occurred to me, that he
commanded the Edgar out of Liverpool, when the dreadful massacre there, as
has been related, took place. Indeed I seemed to be so confident of it,
that, attending more to my feelings than to my reason at this moment, I
accused him with being concerned in it. This produced great confusion among
us. For he looked incensed at captain Chaffers, as if he had introduced me
to him for this purpose. Captain Chaffers again seemed to be all
astonishment that I should have known of this circumstance, and to be vexed
that I should have mentioned it in such a manner. I was also in a state of
trembling myself. Captain Lace could only say it was a bad business. But he
never defended himself, nor those concerned in it. And we soon parted, to
the great joy of us all.
Soon after this interview I began to perceive that I was known in
Liverpool, as well as the object for which I came. Mr. Coupland, the
slave-merchant, with whom I had disputed at Mr. Norris's house, had given
the alarm to those who were concerned in the trade, and captain Lace, as
may be now easily imagined, had spread it. This knowledge of me and of my
errand was almost immediately productive of two effects, the first of which
I shall now mention.
I had a private room at the King's Arms tavern, besides my bed-room, where
I used to meditate and to write. But I generally dined in public. The
company at dinner had hitherto varied but little as to number, and
consisted of those, both from the town and country, who had been accustomed
to keep up a connection with the house. But now things were altered, and
many people came to dine there daily with a view of seeing me, as if I had
been some curious creature imported from foreign parts. They thought also,
they could thus have an opportunity of conversing with me. Slave-merchants
and slave-captains came in among others for this purpose. I had observed
this difference in the number of our company for two or three days. Dale,
the master of the tavern, had observed it also, and told me in a
good-natured manner, that, many of these were my visitors, and that I was
likely to bring him a great deal of custom. In a little time however things
became serious; for they, who came to see me, always started the abolition
of the Slave-trade as the subject for conversation. Many entered into the
justification of this trade with great warmth, as if to ruffle my temper,
or at any rate to provoke me to talk. Others threw out, with the same view,
that men were going about to abolish it, who would have done much better if
they had staid at home. Others said they had heard of a person turned mad,
who had conceived the thought of destroying Liverpool, and all its glory.
Some gave as a toast, Success to the Trade, and then laughed immoderately,
and watched me when I took my glass to see if I would drink it. I saw the
way in which things were now going, and I believed it would be proper that
I should come to some fixed resolutions; such as, whether I should change
my lodgings, and whether I should dine in private; and if not, what line of
conduct it would become me to pursue on such occasions. With respect to
changing my lodgings and dining in private, I conceived, if I were to do
either of these things, that I should be showing an unmanly fear of my
visitors, which they would turn to their own advantage. I conceived too,
that, if I chose to go on as before, and to enter into conversation with
them on the subject of the abolition of the Slave-trade, I might be able,
by having such an assemblage of persons daily, to gather all the arguments
which they could collect on the other side of our question, an advantage
which I should one day feel in the future management of the cause. With
respect to the line, which I should pursue in the case of remaining in the
place of my abode and in my former habits, I determined never to start the
subject of the abolition myself--never to abandon it when started--never to
defend it but in a serious and dignified manner--and never to discover any
signs of irritation, whatever provocation might be given me. By this
determination I abided rigidly. The King's Arms became now daily the place
for discussion on this subject. Many tried to insult me, but to no purpose.
In all these discussions I found the great advantage of having brought Mr.
Falconbridge with me from Bristol: for he was always at the table; and when
my opponents, with a disdainful look, tried to ridicule my knowledge, among
those present, by asking me if I had ever been on the coast of Africa
myself, he used generally to reply, "But I have. I know all your
proceedings there, and that his statements are true." These and other words
put in by him, who was an athletic and resolute-looking man, were of great
service to me. All disinterested persons, of whom there were four or five
daily in the room, were uniformly convinced by our arguments, and took our
part, and some of them very warmly. Day after day we beat our opponents out
of the field, as many of the company acknowledged, to their no small
mortification, in their presence. Thus, while we served the cause by
discovering all that could be said against it, we served it by giving
numerous individuals proper ideas concerning it, and of interesting them in
our favour.
The second effect which I experienced was, that from this time I could
never get any one to come forward as an evidence to serve the cause. There
were, I believe, hundreds of persons in Liverpool, and in the neighbourhood
of it, who had been concerned in this traffic, and who had left it, all of
whom could have given such testimony concerning it as would have insured
its abolition. But none of them would now speak out. Of these indeed there
were some, who were alive to the horrors of it, and who lamented that it
should still continue. But yet even these were backward in supporting me.
All that they did was just privately to see me, to tell me that I was
right, and to exhort me to persevere: but as to coming forward to be
examined publicly, my object was so unpopular, and would become so much
more so when brought into parliament, that they would have their houses
pulled down, if they should then appear as public instruments in the
annihilation of the trade. With this account I was obliged to rest
satisfied; nor could I deny, when I considered the spirit, which had
manifested itself, and the extraordinary number of interested persons in
the place, that they had some reason for their fears: and that these fears
were not groundless, appeared afterwards; for Dr. Binns, a respectable
physician belonging to the religious society of the Quakers, and to whom
Isaac Hadwen had introduced me, was near falling into a mischievous plot,
which had been laid against him, because he was one of the subscribers to
the Institution for the Abolition of the Slave-trade, and because he was
suspected of having aided me in prompting that object.