_Author devotes this chapter to considerations relative to himself--fears
that by the frequent introduction of himself to the notice of the reader he
may incur the charge of ostentation--Observations on such a charge._
Having brought my History of the Abolition of the Slave-trade up to the
month of May 1787, I purpose taking the liberty, before I proceed with it,
to devote this chapter to considerations relative to myself. This, indeed,
seems to be now necessary: for I have been fearful for some pages past,
and, indeed, from the time when I began to introduce myself to the notice
of the reader, as one of the forerunners and coadjutors in this great
cause, that I might appear to have put myself into a situation too
prominent, so as even to have incurred the charge of ostentation. But if
there should be some, who, in consequence of what they have already read of
this history, should think thus unfavourably of me, what must their opinion
ultimately be, when, unfortunately, I must become still more prominent in
it! Nor do I know in what manner I shall escape their censure. For if, to
avoid egotism, I should write, as many have done, in the third person, what
would this profit me? The delicate situation, therefore, in which I feel
myself to be placed, makes me desirous of saying a few words to the reader
on this subject.
And first, I may observe, that several of my friends urged me from time to
time, and this long before the abolition of the Slave-trade had been
effected, to give a history of the rise and progress of the attempt, as far
as it had been then made. But I uniformly resisted their application.
When the question was decided last year, they renewed their request. They
represented to me, that no person knew the beginning and progress of this
great work so well as myself; that it was a pity that such knowledge should
die with me; that such a history would be useful; that it would promote
good feelings among men; that it would urge them to benevolent exertions;
that it would supply them with hope in the midst of these; that it would
teach them many valuable lessons:--these and other things were said to me.
But, encouraging as they were, I never lost sight of the objection, which
is the subject of this chapter; nor did I ever fail to declare, that
though, considering the part I had taken in this great cause, I might be
qualified better than some others, yet it was a task too delicate for me to
perform. I always foresaw that I could not avoid making myself too
prominent an object in such a history, and that I should be liable, on that
account, to the suspicion of writing it for the purpose of sounding my own
praise.
With this objection my friends were not satisfied. They answered, that I
might treat the History of the Abolition of the Slave-trade as a species of
biography, or as the history of a part of my own life: that people, who had
much less weighty matters to communicate, wrote their own histories; and
that no one charged them with vanity for so doing.
I own I was not convinced by this answer. I determined, however, in
compliance with their wishes, to examine the objection more minutely, and
to see if I could overcome it more satisfactorily to my own mind. With this
view, I endeavoured to anticipate the course which such a history would
take. I saw clearly, in the first place, that there were times, for months
together, when the commitee for the abolition of the Slave-trade was
labouring without me, and when I myself for an equal space of time was
labouring in distant parts of the kingdom without them. Hence I perceived
that, if my own exertions were left out, there would be repeated chasms in
this history, and, indeed, that it could not be completed without the
frequent mention of myself. And I was willing to hope that this would be so
obvious to the good sense of the reader, that if he should think me
vain-glorious in the early part of it, he would afterwards, when he
advanced in the perusal of it, acquit me of such a charge. This
consideration was the first, which removed my objection on this head. That
there can be no ground for any charge of ostentation, as far as the origin
of this history is concerned, so I hope to convince him there can be none,
by showing him in what light I have always viewed myself in connection with
the commitee, to which I have had the honour to belong.
I have uniformly considered our commitee for the abolition of the
Slave-trade, as we usually consider the human body, that is, as made up of
a head and of various members, which had different offices to perform.
Thus, if one man was an eye, another was an ear, another an arm, and
another a foot. And here I may say, with great truth, that I believe no
commitee was ever made up of persons, whose varied talents were better
adapted to the work before them. Viewing then the commitee in this light,
and myself as in connection with it, I may deduce those truths, with which
the analogy will furnish me. And first, it will follow, that if every
member has performed his office faithfully, though one may have done
something more than another, yet no one of them in particular has any
reason to boast. With what propriety could the foot, though in the
execution of its duty it had become weary, say to the finger, "Thou hast
done less than I;" when the finger could reply with truth, "I have done all
that has been given me to do?" It will follow also, that as every limb is
essentially necessary for the completion of a perfect work; so in the case
before us, every one was as necessary in his own office, or department, as
another. For what, for example, could I myself have done if I had not
derived so much assistance from the commitee? What could Mr. Wilberforce
have done in parliament, if I, on the other hand, had not collected that
great body of evidence, to which there was such a constant appeal? And what
could the commitee have done without the parliamentary aid of Mr.
Wilberforce? And in mentioning this necessity of distinct offices and
talents for the accomplishment of the great work, in which we have been all
of us engaged, I feel myself bound by the feelings of justice to deliver it
as my opinion in this place, (for, perhaps, I may have no other
opportunity,) that knowing, as I have done, so many members of both houses
of our legislature, for many of whom I have had a sincere respect, there
was never yet one, who appeared to me to be so properly qualified, in all
respects, for the management of the great cause of the abolition of the
Slave-trade, as he, whose name I have just mentioned. His connections, but
more particularly his acquaintance with the first minister of state, were
of more service in the promotion of it, than they, who are but little
acquainted with political movements, can well appreciate. His habits also
of diligent and persevering inquiry made him master of all the knowledge
that was requisite for conducting it. His talents both in and out of
parliament made him a powerful advocate in its favour. His character, free
from the usual spots of human imperfection, gave an appropriate lustre to
the cause, making it look yet more lovely, and enticing others to its
support. But most of all the motive, on which he undertook it, insured its
progress. For this did not originate in views of selfishness, or of party,
or of popular applause, but in an awful sense of his duty as a Christian.
It was this, which gave him alacrity and courage in his pursuit. It was
this, which made him continue in his elevated situation of a legislator,
though it was unfavourable, if not to his health, at least to his ease and
comfort. It was this, which made him incorporate this great object among
the pursuits of his life, so that it was daily in his thoughts. It was
this, which, when year after year of unsuccessful exertion returned,
occasioned him to be yet fresh and vigorous in spirit, and to persevere
till the day of triumph.
But to return:--There is yet another consideration, which I shall offer to
the reader on this subject, and with which I shall conclude it. It is this;
that no one ought to be accused of vanity until he has been found to assume
to himself some extraordinary merit. This being admitted, I shall now
freely disclose the view, which I have always been desirous of taking of my
own conduct on this occasion, in the following words:--
As Robert Barclay, the apologist for the Quakers, when he dedicated his
work to Charles the Second, intimated to this prince, that any merit, which
the work might have, would not be derived from his patronage of it, but
from the Author of all spiritual good; so I say to the reader, with respect
to myself, that I disclaim all praise on account of any part I may have
taken in the promotion of this great cause, for that I am desirous above
all things to attribute my best endeavours in it to the influence of a
superior Power; of Him, I mean, who gave me a heart to feel--who gave me
courage to begin--and perseverance to proceed--and that I am thankful to
Him, and this with the deepest feeling of gratitude and humility, for
having permitted me to become useful, in any degree, to my
fellow-creatures.