_Continuation of the fourth class of forerunners and coadjutors up to
1787--Author goes on to enlarge his knowledge in the different departments
of the subject--communicates more frequently with Mr. Wilberforce--Meetings
now appointed at the house of the latter--Dinner at Mr. Langton's--Mr.
Wilberforce pledges himself there to take up the subject in
parliament--Remarkable junction, in consequence, of all the four classes of
forerunners and coadjutors before mentioned--commitee formed out of these
on the 22d of May, 1787, for the abolition of the Slave-trade._
The manner in which Mr. Wilberforce had received me, and the pains which he
had taken, and was still taking, to satisfy himself of the truth of those
enormities which had been charged upon the Slave-trade, tended much to
enlarge my hope, that they might become at length the subject of a
parliamentary inquiry. Richard Phillips also, to whom I made a report at
his chambers almost every evening of the proceedings of the day, had begun
to entertain a similar expectation. Of course, we unfolded our thoughts to
one another. From hence a desire naturally sprung up in each of us to
inquire, whether any alteration in consequence of this new prospect should
be made in my pursuits. On deliberating upon this point, it seemed proper
to both of us, that the distribution of the books should be continued; that
I should still proceed in enlarging my own knowledge; and that I should
still wait upon members of the legislature, but with this difference, that
I should never lose sight of Mr. Wilberforce, but, on the other hand, that
I should rather omit visiting some others, than paying a proper attention
to him.
One thing however appeared now to be necessary, which had not yet been
done. This was to inform our friends in the city, upon whom I had all along
occasionally called, that we believed the time was approaching, when it
would be desirable that we should unite our labours, if they saw no
objection to such a measure; for, if the Slave-trade were to become a
subject of parliamentary inquiry with a view to the annihilation of it, no
individual could perform the work which would be necessary for such a
purpose. This work must be a work of many; and who so proper to assist in
it as they, who had before so honourably laboured in it? In the case of
such an event large funds also would be wanted, and who so proper to
procure and manage them as these? A meeting was accordingly called at the
house of James Phillips, when these our views were laid open. When I stated
that from the very time of my hopes beginning to rise I had always had
those present in my eye as one day to be fellow-labourers, William Dillwyn
replied, that from the time they had first heard of the Prize Essay, they
also had had their eyes upon me, and, from the time they had first seen me,
had conceived a desire of making the same use of me as I had now expressed
a wish of making of them, but that matters did not appear ripe at our first
interview. Our proposal, however, was approved, and an assurance was given,
that an union should take place, as soon as it was judged to be seasonable.
It was resolved also, that one day in the week[A] should be appointed for a
meeting at the house of James Phillips, where as many might attend as had
leisure, and that I should be there to make a report of my progress, by
which we might all judge of the fitness of the time of calling ourselves an
united body. Pleased now with the thought that matters were put into such a
train, I returned to my former objects.
[Footnote A: At these weekly meetings I met occasionally Joseph Woods,
George Harrison, and John Lloyd, three of the other members, who belonged
to the commitee of the second class of forerunners and coadjutors as before
described. I had seen all of them before, but I do not recollect the time
when I first met them.]
It is not necessary to say any thing more of the first of these objects,
which was that of the further distribution of my book, than that it was
continued, and chiefly by the same hands.
With respect to the enlargement of my knowledge, it was promoted likewise.
I now gained access to the Custom-house in London, where I picked up much
valuable information for my purpose.
Having had reason to believe that the Slave-trade was peculiarly fatal to
those employed in it, I wished much to get copies of many of the
muster-rolls from the Custom-house at Liverpool for a given time. James
Phillips wrote to his friend William Rathbone, who was one of his own
religious society, and who resided there, to procure them. They were
accordingly sent up. The examination of these, which took place at the
chambers of Richard Phillips, was long and tedious. We looked over them
together. We usually met for this purpose at nine in the evening, and we
seldom parted till one, and sometimes not till three in the morning. When
our eyes were inflamed by the candle, or tired by fatigue, we used to
relieve ourselves by walking out within the precincts of Lincoln's Inn,
when all seemed to be fast asleep, and thus, as it were, in solitude and in
stillness to converse upon them, as well as upon the best means of the
further promotion of our cause. These scenes of our early friendship and
exertions I shall never forget. I often think of them both with
astonishment and with pleasure. Having recruited ourselves in this manner,
we used to return to our work. From these muster-rolls I may now observe,
that we gained the most important information. We ascertained beyond the
power of contradiction, that more than half of the seamen, who went out
with the ships in the Slave-trade, did not return with them, and that of
these so many perished, as amounted to one-fifth of all employed. As to
what became of the remainder, the muster-rolls did not inform us. This,
therefore, was left to us as a subject for our future inquiry.
In endeavouring to enlarge my knowledge, my thoughts were frequently turned
to the West Indian part of the question, and in this department my friend
Richard Phillips gained me important intelligence. He put into my hands
several documents concerning estates in the West Indies, which he had
mostly from the proprietors themselves, where the slaves by mild and
prudent usage had so increased in population, as to supersede the necessity
of the Slave-trade.
By attending to these and to various other parts of the subject, I began to
see as it were with new eyes: I was enabled to make several necessary
discriminations, to reconcile things before seemingly contradictory, and to
answer many objections which had hitherto put on a formidable shape. But
most of all was I rejoiced at the thought that I should soon be able to
prove that which I had never doubted, but which had hitherto been beyond my
power in this case, that Providence, in ordaining laws relative to the
agency of man, had never made that to be wise which was immoral, and that
the Slave-trade would be found as impolitic as it was inhuman and unjust.
In keeping up my visits to members of parliament, I was particularly
attentive to Mr. Wilberforce, whom I found daily becoming more interested
in the fate of Africa. I now made to him a regular report of my progress,
of the sentiments of those in parliament whom I had visited, of the
disposition of my friends in the City of whom he had often heard me speak,
of my discoveries from the Custom-houses of London and Liverpool, of my
documents concerning West India estates, and of all, indeed, that had
occurred to me worth mentioning. He had himself also been making his
inquiries, which he communicated to me in return. Our intercourse had now
become frequent, no one week elapsing without an interview. At one of
these, I suggested to him the propriety of having occasional meetings at
his own house, consisting of a few friends in parliament, who might
converse on the subject. Of this he approved. The persons present at the
first meeting were Mr. Wilberforce, the Honourable John Villiers, Mr.
Powys, Sir Charles Middleton, Sir Richard Hill, Mr. Granville Sharp, Mr.
Ramsay, Dr. Gregory, (who had written on the subject, as before mentioned,)
and myself. At this meeting I read a paper, giving an account of the light
I had collected in the course of my inquiries, with observations as well on
the impolicy as on the wickedness of the trade. Many questions arose out of
the reading of this little Essay. Many answers followed. Objections were
started and canvassed. In short, this measure was found so useful, that
certain other evenings as well as mornings were fixed upon for the same
purpose.
On reporting my progress to my friends in the City, several of whom now
assembled once in the week, as I mentioned before to have been agreed upon,
and particularly on reporting the different meetings which had taken place
at the house of Mr. Wilberforce, on the subject, they were of opinion that
the time was approaching when we might unite, and that this union might
prudently commence as soon as ever Mr. Wilberforce would give his word that
he would take up the question in parliament. Upon this I desired to
observe, that though the latter gentleman had pursued the subject with much
earnestness, he had never yet dropped the least hint that he would proceed
so far in the matter, but I would take care that the question should be put
to him, and I would bring them his answer.
In consequence of the promise I had now made, I went to Mr. Wilberforce.
But when I saw him, I seemed unable to inform him of the object of my
visit. Whether this inability arose from any sudden fear that his answer
might not be favourable, or from a fear that I might possibly involve him
in a long and arduous contest upon this subject, or whether it arose from
an awful sense of the importance of the mission, as it related to the
happiness of hundreds of thousands then alive and of millions then unborn,
I cannot say. But I had a feeling within me for which I could not account,
and which seemed to hinder me from proceeding. And I actually went away
without informing him of my errand.
In this situation I began to consider what to do, when I thought I would
call upon Mr. Langton, tell him what had happened, and ask his advice. I
found him at home. We consulted together. The result was, that he was to
invite Mr. Wilberforce and some others to meet me at a dinner at his own
house, in two or three days, when he said he had no doubt of being able to
procure an answer, by some means or other, to the question which I wished
to have resolved.
On receiving a card from Mr. Langton, I went to dine with him. I found the
party to consist of Sir Charles Middleton, Mr. Wilberforce, Mr. Hawkins
Browne, Mr. Windham, Sir Joshua Reynolds, and Mr. Boswell. The latter was
then known as the friend of Dr. Johnson, and afterwards as the writer of
his Tour to the Hebrides. After dinner the subject of the Slave-trade was
purposely introduced. Many questions were put to me, and I dilated upon
each in my answers, that I might inform and interest those present as much
as I could. They seemed to be greatly impressed with my account of the loss
of seamen in the trade, and with the little samples of African cloth, which
I had procured for their inspection. Sir Joshua Reynolds gave his
unqualified approbation of the abolition of this cruel traffic. Mr. Hawkins
Browne joined heartily with him in sentiment; he spoke with much feeling
upon it, and pronounced it to be barbarous, and contrary to every principle
of morality and religion. Mr. Boswell, after saying the planters would urge
that the Africans were made happier by being carried from their own country
to the West Indies, observed, "Be it so. But we have no right to make
people happy against their will." Mr. Windham, when it was suggested that
the great importance of our West Indian islands, and the grandeur of
Liverpool, would be brought against those who should propose the abolition
of the Slave-trade, replied, "We have nothing to do with the policy of the
measure. Rather let Liverpool and the Islands be swallowed up in the sea,
than this monstrous system of iniquity be carried on[A]." While such
conversation was passing, and when all appeared to be interested in the
cause, Mr. Langton put the question, about the proposal of which I had been
so diffident, to Mr. Wilberforce, in the shape of a delicate compliment.
The latter replied, that he had no objection to bring forward the measure
in parliament, when he was better prepared for it, and provided no person
more proper could be found. Upon this, Mr. Hawkins Browne and Mr. Windham
both said they would support him there. Before I left the company, I took
Mr. Wilberforce aside, and asked him if I might mention this his resolution
to those of my friends in the City, of whom he had often heard me speak, as
desirous of aiding him by becoming a commitee for the purpose. He replied,
I might. I then asked Mr. Langton, privately, if he had any objection to
belong to a society of which there might be a commitee for the abolition of
the Slave-trade. He said he should be pleased to become a member of it.
Having received these satisfactory answers, I returned home.
[Footnote A: I do not know upon what grounds, after such strong
expressions, Mr. Boswell, in the next year, and Mr. Windham, after having
supported the cause for three or four years, became inimical to it.]
The next day, having previously taken down the substance of the
conversation at the dinner, I went to James Phillips, and desired that our
friends might be called together as soon as they conveniently could, to
hear my report. In the interim I wrote to Dr. Peckard, and waited upon Lord
Scarsdale, Dr. Baker, and others, to know (supposing a society were formed
for the abolition of the Slave-trade) if I might say they would belong to
it? All of them replied in the affirmative, and desired me to represent
them, if there should be any meeting for this purpose.
At the time appointed, I met my friends. I read over the substance of the
conversation which had taken place at Mr. Langton's. No difficulty
occurred. All were unanimous for the formation of a commitee. On the next
day we met by agreement for this purpose. It was then resolved unanimously,
among other things, That the Slave-trade was both impolitic and unjust. It
was resolved also, That the following persons be a commitee for procuring
such information and evidence, and publishing the same, as may tend to the
abolition of the Slave-trade, and for directing the application of such
moneys as have been already, and may hereafter be collected for the above
purpose.
Granville Sharp.
William Dillwyn.
Samuel Hoare.
George Harrison.
John Lloyd.
Joseph Woods.
Thomas Clarkson.
Richard Phillips.
John Barton.
Joseph Hooper.
James Phillips.
Philip Sansom.
All these were present. Granville Sharp, who stands at the head of the
list, and who, as the father of the cause in England, was called to the
chair, may be considered as representing the first class of forerunners and
coadjutors, as it has been before described. The five next, of whom Samuel
Hoare was chosen as the treasurer, were they who had been the commitee of
the second class, or of the Quakers in England, with the exception of Dr.
Knowles, who was then dying, but who, having heard of our meeting, sent a
message to us, to exhort us to proceed. The third class, of that of the
Quakers in America, may be considered as represented by William Dillwyn, by
whom they were afterwards joined to us in correspondence. The two who stand
next, and in which I am included, may be considered as representing the
fourth, most of the members of which we had been the means of raising.
Thus, on the twenty-second of May 1787, the representatives of all the four
classes, of which I have been giving a history from the year 1516, met
together, and were united in that commitee, to which I have been all along
directing the attention of the reader; a commitee, which, labouring
afterwards with Mr. Wilberforce as a parliamentary head, did, under
Providence, in the space of twenty years, contribute to put an end to a
trade, which, measuring its magnitude, by its crimes and sufferings, was
the greatest practical evil that ever afflicted the human race.
After the formation of the commitee[A], notice was sent to Mr. Wilberforce
of the event, and a friendship began, which has continued uninterruptedly
between them, from that to the present day.
[Footnote A: All the members were of the society of the Quakers, except Mr.
Sharp, Sansom, and myself. Joseph Gurney Bevan was present on the day
before this meeting. He desired to belong to the society, but to be excused
from belonging to the commitee.]
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