CHAPTER V.

THE HISTORY OF THE REBELLION UP-TO-DATE.

The dying Cespedes bequeathed his honours to his friend and henchman,

Don Salvador Cisneros y BA(C)tancourt, Marquez de Santa Lucia, who was

forthwith elected President of the Republic. He displayed exceptional

ability, endeavoured to bring some discipline into the ranks of his more

or less disorderly followers, and succeeded for a time, not only in this

attempt, but also in reviving the dashed spirit of the rebels in the

Eastern Province. At length he wearied of what ultimately proved a

thankless task, and retired to make room for Don Francisco Aquelera, who

became third President of this essentially rural Republic, whose

Parliament was wont to assemble in the heart of a dense forest, or in

some mountain solitude.

Aquelera, although a man of marked ability, was no longer in the prime

of life, and soon grew tired of the roving existence circumstances

compelled him to lead. After his retirement, a new name begins to figure

prominently in Cuban affairs,--that of Maximo Gomez, who was elected

Commander-in-Chief of the rebel forces, _L'Ejercito libertador de la

Republica de Cuba_, some twenty years ago. With a comparatively small

following, he managed, by sheer dint of audacity and profound

strategical knowledge, to keep 20,000 Spaniards at bay. Gomez is a

thorough soldier, one of the best the New World has possessed. I met him

once, and was greatly struck by his martial bearing and his fiery black

eyes, rendered still more conspicuous by his perfectly white hair, and

long moustachios. He was born in 1837. Although afflicted with a

terrible ulcer in his right leg, and unable to sit a horse except in a

side saddle like a woman's, he is an intrepid rider, and knows not the

meaning of the words fear or fatigue.

The other leader of the present rebellion is not less remarkable,

Calixto Garcia IA+-iguez, who began his career as a bank clerk, and who,

therefore, combines with soldierly qualities of a high order,

considerable financial and business knowledge.

The treaty of Zanjou, signed February 10th, 1878, put a stop, for some

years, to anything like rebellion on a serious scale. A good deal of

mystery surrounds this treaty, to which the President of the Republic

and his secretary, only, affixed their signatures, without the formal

consent of the other rebel generals, officers, and deputies. However,

Marshal Martinez Campos, Commander-in-Chief of the Spanish army,

approved it, although the enemies of the Cuban cause describe the

document, somewhat sarcastically, as being more of a deed of

capitulation than a treaty. The clauses proposing that the political

organization of the island should be placed on the same footing as that

of Puerto Rico, that a general amnesty for all political offences should

be forthwith promulgated, that political prisoners should be pardoned,

and that coolies and fugitive slaves who had served in the Cuban army

should be emancipated, met with the approval of SeA+-or Canovas de

Castillo, and the treaty was officially signed and accepted at Madrid.

For some time afterwards, peace nominally existed in almost every part

of the island. The rebels were not, however, wholly inactive.

Notwithstanding the accepted treaty, there was still a President of the

Cuban Republic, Vicente Garcia, and a Parliament, which sat in the

wilderness, at stated periods of the year. In 1879 this "Parliament" was

dissolved, and with its dissolution the period of the "big rebellions"

closes, and that of the little wars, _la guerra chiquita_, opens.

Meanwhile, Maximo Gomez, seeing there was no immediate work for him to

do, betook himself to San Domingo, to bide his time, and to place

himself in active correspondence with the Gran Junta, or principal Cuban

Revolutionary Association, in New York.

And here it may be as well to examine rather closely two matters

connected with Cuban affairs. The first is the assistance afforded to

the Cuban rebels by the United States, and the second, the conditions of

the rebel army, as it stood three years since, when the insurrection

began to assume alarming proportions.

As far back as 1823, John Quincy Adams said: "From a multitude of

considerations, Cuba has become an object of transcendent importance to

the commercial and political interests of our Union. Its commanding

position, ... the nature of its productions and of its wants, furnishing

the supplies and needing the returns of a commerce immensely profitable

and mutually beneficial, give it an importance in the sum of our

national interests with which that of no other foreign territory can be

compared, and little inferior to that which binds the different members

of the Union together."

The reasons which induced Adams to make this statement have not

diminished in late years; far from it, especially since the enormous

development of the Mississippi valley, and of the Gulf Coast. Although

there can be no question that the vast majority of the people of the

United States have expressed an unselfish sympathy for the unfortunate

Cubans, their politicians, and, above all, their financiers, have added

to this sentiment a profound knowledge of the great value which Cuba

must eventually prove to the Union, were she more firmly governed, and

her American interests better protected. Among the advocates for the

annexation of Cuba have been the following Presidents: Jefferson,

Monroe, John Quincy Adams, Jackson, Polk, Fillmore, Pierce, and

Buchanan.

A remarkably interesting article on Cuban Diplomacy from 1795 to 1898

appeared recently in _Harper's Magazine_, in which Professor Albert

Bushnell traces the rise of the sympathy of the American people for

Cuban independence or annexation, and points out very plainly that

"when, as in 1886, slavery was definitely abolished, the Spanish

Government promised other excellent reforms, but, as usual, very soon

things fell back into their old rut. The Captain-General was still

practically absolute; the island was saddled with the debt created to

hold it in subjection; it was still exploited for the benefit of Spain,

and the same wearisome impediments were laid on foreign traders. For

example, in 1880 several vessels were fired upon by Spanish gunboats

outside the jurisdiction of Cuba; in 1881 an American cattle steamer,

subject to a tax of $14.90, was taxed $387.40, because she had some

lumber on board. In 1882 began a long drawn-out correspondence on

overcharges and illegal exactions by Spanish consuls over vexatious

fines for small clerical errors, and over annoying passport regulations.

The most serious trouble arose out of the refusal of the Spanish

authorities, to return estates confiscated during the war to American

citizens of Cuban birth.

"Meanwhile trade between the United States and Cuba was advancing by

leaps and bounds. In 1850 the sum of the Cuban trade into and out of the

United States was $20,000,000; in 1880 $76,000,000; in 1894

$105,000,000. American capital became engaged in sugar and other

industries. The two countries tried to put their tariffs on a better

footing by the Convention of 1884, for the mutual abandonment of

discriminating duties; in 1893 Spain accepted reciprocity under the

tariff of 1890; but the Cuban authorities evaded the privileges thus

conferred, on the ground that they were governed by a special Spanish

translation from the English version of the treaty, and not by the

original Spanish version; and it was three years before the Home

Government could straighten out this petty snarl.

"In 1884-5 came some filibustering expeditions; the United States

exerted itself to stop them, and there was no Cuban insurrection. On the

whole, the years from 1879 to 1894 were freer from diplomatic

controversy than any like period since 1845. Meanwhile the Cubans in the

United States had accumulated a revolution fund of a million dollars."

I have already stated that a network of secret societies has covered

Cuba, ever since the beginning of this century. Branches of these

mysterious associations have been established in nearly every city on

the seaboard of the two Americas, from New York to Buenos Ayres, at

Boston, Savanah, Charlestown, Norfolk, Tampa, Kingston (Jamaica), etc.

Their headquarters have been established, for some five and forty years,

in the American metropolis, and are known as the Gran Junta, or Cuban

Revolutionary Agency.

From this centre, the rebellion has been mainly worked. It is presided

over, at the present time, by SeA+-or Thomaso Estrado Palma, who was born

at Bayamo, some sixty-seven years ago, and who for a short time acted as

President of the Cuban Republic. He was captured by the Spaniards, and

imprisoned for several years. About 1895 he reappeared in New York, as

headmaster of a Hispano-American College, and as one of the leading

members of the Junta. He is not only thoroughly well aquainted with all

the secrets of the rebels, but is also by no means ignorant of the

movements of the Spaniards. He bears an eminently respectable character,

is a man of considerable literary attainments, and, considering his age,

may be described as remarkably active. The New York Junta publishes a

bi-weekly paper, entitled _La Patria_, edited by Don Enrique JosA(C)

Varona, who, if I mistake not, is a brother of that Varona who was shot

during the affair of the "Virginius." The line of Presidents of the

Cuban Republic is still unbroken, and the gentleman who at present fills

the position is a man of considerable culture, and, moreover, a wealthy

planter, whose estates, however, he has neglected for some years, in

order the better to serve his country.

One of the great grievances of the Spaniards is the fashion in which the

American Government has tolerated the existence of this Gran Junta, and

the formation of branch offices, all over the States. And, when you come

to think of it, it does seem somewhat intolerable that a power which

calls itself friendly,--since it has a representative at the court of

Madrid,--should encourage a whole network of conspiracy against a

Government, with which it keeps up a constant interchange of official

courtesies; but at the same time, it should be remembered that these

associations cannot be suppressed, in a free country like America, so

long as the members take care not to go beyond the letter of the law.

Under President Cleveland, matters were otherwise. The United States

Government made some pretence of moderating the zeal of the Juntas, and

spent many million dollars in endeavours to prevent the departure of

filibusters, to join the rebel forces. But notwithstanding the dignified

policy of President Cleveland, which for some years gave the Spaniards a

fair chance of pacifying the distracted island, they utterly failed to

avail themselves of the opportunity.

The task of restoring order in such an island as Cuba is one demanding

almost superhuman energy and tact, and these are qualities in which the

Spanish race, a naturally excitable one, is absolutely deficient. Yet it

must be allowed that the Cuban civil war resembles none other that has

ever been fought in any part of the world, or at any period of recorded

history. Revolution, as a rule, starts from the large cities, and thence

penetrates by degrees into the villages and rural districts. It is quite

otherwise in Cuba. With the exception of one or two easily quelled riots

in Havana, Cienfuegos, Santiago, and Bayamo, the capital cities and

towns of the island have scarcely participated in the rebellion; their

citizens, although for the most part Cuban born, have apparently

remained aloof,--possibly because the rebellion has proved exceedingly

injurious to their trade and commerce. This accounts for the curious

fact that while we hear so much about the terrible sufferings of the

Cuban people, and their deadly hatred of their Spanish masters, we see

in numberless photographs, reproduced in our illustrated papers, and

representing the departure or arrival of Spanish troops at Havana or

other leading cities, such a display of enthusiasm on the part of the

citizens, as we should have little expected.

The long streets are thronged, the balconies are crowded, Spanish flags

float in all directions, and the troops march along under a shower of

flowers, whilst young ladies are seen rushing forward to offer them

refreshments. Now it must be remembered that at least two-thirds of

these enthusiastic spectators are quite as Cuban as the most ardent of

the rebels; but they are people who have something to lose by the

continuance of the civil war, and a good deal to gain by its cessation,

therefore they eagerly welcome the Spanish soldiers, in the hope that

they may suppress the rebellion, without the intervention of the

Americans, a people who, however well-intentioned they may be, are, from

the Cuban point of view, aliens in race, and even in religion. We should

never lose sight of the fact that the rebels are not the angels some

writers would lead us to believe them. Even enthusiasts, who see their

budding wings, acknowledge that they have destroyed, burnt, pillaged,

and retaliated, quite as barbarously as their Spanish enemies.

I remember hearing, from the lips of one who saw the outrage

perpetrated, a story of some eight or ten Spanish women who, in the war

of 1873, went to the rebel camp to beg the lives of their captured

fathers, brothers, and husbands.

The unhappy women were treated in the most revolting manner, and

subsequently butchered. Hundreds of other stories, just as horrible,

have been told of Maceo, and above all, of Manuel Garcia, the ex-brigand

chief, who joined the rebel army, and boldly styled himself Manuel Ist,

King of the Cuban highwaymen. He surrounded himself with a gang of

picked ruffians, and became the terror of all the peaceful planters of

both parties, from whom he used to levy tribute, and whom he never

hesitated to murder, if they refused to submit to his extortions. This

abominable personage was killed on February 24th, 1895, by the sacristan

of the parish church of Arcos de Canosina.

Last year the rebel army was composed, so far as I have been able to

ascertain, very much as follows: 25,000 infantry without transport;

14,000 cavalry, with 13,000 horses and mules; artillery,--22 guns, 190

mules or horses, and about 800 men; the whole regular and irregular

army, amounting to about 70,000 men, some 10,000 of whom are absolutely

unarmed. During the last two years these numbers have probably been

greatly reduced. The duty of the unarmed men consists in going round the

field after a battle, and gathering up the arms dropped by the wounded

and the dead. Behind this regular army, if so it can be called, is

another, consisting of a horde of civilized and uncivilized adventurers,

recruited from all parts of the island, and indeed from the four

quarters of the globe; among them you will find field hands out of

employment, the riffraff turned out of the neighbouring islands,

Americans, Mexicans, Germans, Italians, and even a few Englishmen. Yet a

third band follows behind this extraordinary mass of heterogenous

humanity,--a mob of ex-slaves, reinforced by coolies, who may be

described as camp followers, and bring their women and children with

them. This formidable and incessantly moving army is divided into

sections, and distributed over various parts of the island, in camps (by

courtesy so called, for their tents are exceedingly few in number, and

the majority have to sleep in the open, unless they have time and skill

to make themselves huts with palm branches). These Cuban rebels, being

acclimatized, have a great advantage over the Spaniards in pursuit of

them, who, as often as not, are trapped by "Yellow Jack." They are less

easily overwhelmed by the deadly miasmas which hang over the desolate

places where, for safety's sake, they are compelled to pitch their

tents.[11] Still thousands of them do perish, for though the _vomito

nigro_ does not attack the blacks, it carries off thousands of whites

and coolies, while other loathsome diseases decimate the uncleanly

negroes and their coolie brethren.

The wildest imagination can scarcely conceive a more wonderful scene

than that presented by an encampment of Cuban rebels in one of the

virgin forests which still cover a considerable portion of the island,

or else on those level marsh lands, called Manigua, which bear so strong

a resemblance to the Roman Campagna.

Only those who have been in a tropical forest can form any idea of what

it is like. I remember once being taken by two excellent guides a few

hundred yards into one of these jungles. An English forest generally

consists of one, or, at the most, four or five varieties of tree--the

oak, the pine, the ash, the birch, the beech--with an undergrowth of

wild nuts and bramble, and a still lower one of bracken fern and grass.

In a tropical forest almost every tree and shrub is wholly different

from its neighbour.

The first impression made upon me, as I sauntered into this green maze,

was one of absolute amazement, not unmingled with a certain sense of

terror. The vegetation around me was of such unusual proportions that I

felt myself a mere pigmy, a sort of Jack the Giant-Killer wandering in

quest of the Ogre's Castle. And indeed the thick growth of tree trunk

and palm stems, absolutely leafless for some forty or fifty feet, might

easily be mistaken for the dead walls of some enchanted fortress.

Looking up, however, one beheld, instead of blue sky, an aerial canopy

of the densest foliage, varying in tint from the deepest to the

tenderest green.

These Cuban forests are pathless: to traverse them you must cut or burn

your way; their labyrinths remind you at every turn of the opening lines

to Dante's _Inferno_:

"Nel mezzo de cammin di nostra vita

Mi ritrovai per una selva, oscura

ChA" la diritta via era smarrita."

As you pass along, clouds of winged creatures rise out of the grass,

some of them infamously unkind and pernicious, others beautiful and

harmless. In the openings the most inconceivably lovely flowers bloom,

and humming birds flash hither and thither, sparkling like variegated

jewels in the few rays of sunshine that penetrate the massive canopy of

leaves.

Now and again their passage is barred by the rope-like branches of some

uncanny creeper, that come pouring down from above like the tangled

rigging of a wrecked ship. You draw back in alarm, lest the strange

thing should suddenly come to life, and turn into a chain of angry

serpents. To your surprise you perceive one side of it to be literally

blazing with flame-coloured orchids, red and orange. In the centre of

yonder little open space is a dead tree that some huge parasite has

seized upon, dragged out of earth and imprisoned in a woody cage, every

bar of which is tapestried with the most exquisite orchids. Yonder

growth, which reaches far above your knees, consists of the great

wheel-shaped maiden-hair fern, whose fronds are so exquisite and so

brittle that you feel remorse at trampling so tender and delicate a

carpet under foot. Presently you find yourself ascending a rocky

eminence, crowned by half a dozen soaring cabbage palms, and thence you

plunge into a shrubbery where the exquisite Tabernae-montana, or the

resplendent Calycophyllum, fills the hot moist air with an overpowering

perfume, recalling that of our homely syringa. On and on you go, through

groves of palm trees, tied together by entwined lianas, looking, for all

the world, like motionless boa constrictors, and on which countless tiny

lizards, or harmless little snakes, glisten in the sunlight. Now and

then a flying squirrel flashes past, or a monster bat is disturbed, or

you form the acquaintance of an ugly old iguana, who winks at you with a

knowing eye, and withdraws, as suddenly as he appeared, behind a trap

door of broad glossy leaves. Here are clusters of begonias, there a

veritable cataract of morning glory, the deep blue flowers so thickly

set together that not a green leaf is to be seen, for many yards. When

you least expect it, the wooden walls open, and discover a glimpse of

some placid lake, embedded like a jewel in a frame of dark green orange

trees laden with golden fruit, and covered with every sort of water

lily, varying from the most dazzling white to the deepest crimson and

violet. The heat is so great that you feel an irresistible impulse to

throw off your clothes and jump into the pellucid water; but your guide,

divining your intention, soon makes you alter your mind, assuring you

that the bed of the lakelet swarms with uncanny aquatic snakes, while

perchance that unpleasant individual, the ugly caiman, lurks in the

dark, under yon mass of arum lilies, ready to pounce upon you, and snap

off your leg. Yonder is a turtle scudding along, and round the shores of

an islet, covered with delicate bamboo cane, sails a whole fleet of

gorgeous water fowl. The impulse to push forward and discover new

wonders and beauties for yourself is swiftly checked by your guide, who

warns you that, as the sun begins to drop, noxious vapours presently

will rise,--vapours charged with deadly fevers and incurable agues. And

so you hurry back, thanking heaven, all the time, that you have a guide

with you, for without his friendly aid you might wander round and round

in this maze of luxuriant vegetation, never straying far from the point

whence you started, and sink at last, exhausted, to die of hunger and

thirst, with, it may be, a cluster of tempting poison peaches dripping

luscious but death-dealing syrup just above your parched lips. In

forests such as these, stretching for leagues across the island, do the

Cuban rebels pitch their camps.

Through these wild forsaken regions there are neither roads nor paths,

and the enemy has concealed the trace of his footsteps with the utmost

precaution. Every bush may mask an ambuscade, and behind every rock some

danger lurks. Sometimes the Spaniards--to whom experience has taught

many things--may mark the exact position of the rebels by the whirl of

the vultures, circling high above it, watching the time when, after the

camp has broken up, they may make a descent upon the scanty fragments of

victuals left behind, or upon the dead bodies of those who have perished

of wounds, of starvation, perchance, or of some malignant fever.

Overhead is a brazen black-blue sky, through which the sun darts red-hot

rays, or else a black stretch of dense clouds, belching cataracts of

water from week's end to week's end, and frequently torn by the most

terrific storms of thunder and lightning. The marvel of it is that so

many men, and even women, are able to live at all, under such dreadful

conditions, more often than not lacking the veriest necessaries of life,

and depending for their daily food on their knowledge of the qualities,

poisonous or harmless, of the various fruits, berries, and herbs they

find about their path. I wonder if it ever occurs to people who talk so

glibly of Cuban affairs, over their well-spread tables, that at this

very moment there are considerably over a hundred thousand human beings

encamped, under these appalling conditions, in various districts of

Cuba, not to mention the miserable _reconcentrados_, or men out of

employment, whom the towns-people reject, whom the rebel army is not

allowed to absorb into its ranks, and who, between the two camps, have

been systematically starved to death, especially under the merciless and

cruel rule of General Weyler.

In the dry season matters are a trifle better, the fevers diminish, and

it is possible to sleep in the open air without serious risk. The

insects, too, are a trifle less vicious, and the brilliant moonlit

winter's nights are often pleasant enough. Then the bivouac becomes

endurable, and if the enemy is sufficiently distant, a certain element

of gaiety lends a picturesque, even romantic, character to the barbaric

gathering. The negroes twang their banjos, blow their horns, and dance

in rings, and the white adventurers gather round the camp fires, to tell

old-world stories, or dream, perchance, of their childhood, spent under

more temperate skies,--and in their heart of hearts, as their

recollection slips back to home, to regret they ever embarked on such

pitiful adventures as these. Suddenly the alert is called, the trumpet

blows, an order is hoarsely shouted, and the motley crowd moves on

elsewhere, or is commanded to make a descent on some plantation to

demand provisions, and, may be, if the owner does not comply, to fire

his sugar canes. Not unfrequently, to screen their flight, they set

light to the prairie or to the forest, and the grass and the trees burn

on for days and nights on end. Some of these bands have a chaplain with

them--a priest of the sort called in England, before the Reformation, a

"hedge-priest"--who, on Sundays and feast days, celebrates Mass at an

improvised altar, in some forest glade. But, on the other hand, the

negroes, of whom there are thousands, seem, as a result of the free life

they lead, to have reverted, in most cases, by a species of atavism, to

their old savage habits.

I have said elsewhere that in the olden days their Cuban masters only

gave them a veneer of Christianity; they soon relapse into the obscene

and bloody creed of Voudism, the traditions of which they have never

lost. And in almost every rebel camp there are a number of coolies who,

although--to please the Cubans--they prostrate themselves before the

images of Neustra SeA+-ora de Cobre, and of Our Lady of Guadalupe,

secretly practise the lowest forms of Buddhism.

It is now time to turn our attention to an extremely interesting

personage, who, in his day, has given the mother country more trouble,

probably, than any other of the numerous leaders of the rebellion--the

famous Maceo. He was a true son of the revolution, born at Santiago di

Cuba in that great year of universal revolt, 1848. He was not, as has

been so frequently stated in English newspapers, a gentleman of noble

family. As a matter of fact, he began life as a muleteer. Hence his

wonderful knowledge of the Cuban ravines and passes, which has been so

precious both to his followers and to himself. He never made any

pretence of being a "Caballero," but gave himself out for what he was, a

blunt man of the people (egregiously vain, let me add, and astonishingly

ignorant!). Four years ago the following description of Maceo was

written me from Cuba by a friend who knew him well. "This wonderful man,

though short of stature, looks the very incarnation of a Spadassin of

the good old times of Calderon and Lope, and this notwithstanding his

strong evidences of negro blood. True, his features are none too

regular, but his complexion is, to say the best of it, swarthy. His eyes

are splendid, and he has formidable moustachios, which would have roused

the envy of a musketeer. He is scrupulously neat in his dress, and wears

his much belaced gold uniform with a gallant air. His broad-brimmed

white felt hat sets off his face to advantage. On the whole, he at

first impressed me very favourably. Suddenly, however, something annoyed

him, and he turned round on one of his men, and burst into a storm of

oaths. Then he showed his white teeth, shook with nervous fury, and

looked very fierce." For a good many years, Maceo was the hero of the

day. Even in the towns, where interest in the rising is apt to flag,

people liked to talk of his adventures. He bore the marks of twenty-five

wounds,--twenty caused by bullets, and five by sword thrusts. He

possessed a quality of ubiquity which at times seemed almost miraculous.

When the Spaniards were perfectly certain that Maceo and his men were in

the west, they were tolerably certain to turn up in the east. A dozen

times, at least, he was reported killed, but sooner or later he always

reappeared, and in a condition altogether too lively for Spanish taste.

Some persons even now believe he was not shot, as reported, on December

9th, 1895. But there can be but little doubt his adventurous career is

ended, otherwise he would have certainly reappeared ere this, especially

as he is sorely needed, no one having as yet risen up to take his place.

General Gomez and Maceo have been by far the most interesting figures in

the Cuban rebellion. In the time to come he will, I feel sure, be the

hero of a score of novels, as startling and sensational as any of those

of Mayne Reid or Fenimore Cooper.

Far be it from me to disparage the motives of the men who have conducted

this revolt against a distinctly vicious and obsolete government. The

saddest fact connected with the present struggle is that Spain's

punishment has come upon her at a time when she least deserves it, for

during the last ten years, though all too late, a great deal has been

done for the island by the mother country. In the first place, it is not

true that Cubans are not admitted to any official position in the

administration of their country. At this present time at least one-half

of the Government employA(C)s, high and low, are Cubans. There are some

scores of Cuban officers in the Spanish army. Cuba is represented at the

Cortes by thirteen Senators, and thirty Deputies. The University of

Havana is almost entirely in the hands of Cubans; the Rector, Don

Joaquim F. Lastres, and the Vice-Rector, are both of them natives of the

island. All the Deans are Cubans, and out of eighty Professors, sixty

are Spaniards born in the island, _ergo_ Cubans. All the Advocates of

the Supreme Court are Cubans, many belonging to families which have

resided for generations in the island. Still there is widespread and

well-founded discontent. The island is not properly administered.

Everything is in a state of confusion. Red-tapeism--the curse of Spanish

bureaucracy--is rampant, and the system of petty backsheesh is almost as

universal as in Turkey.

There is much truth, too, in Mr Gossip's statement in his article in the

May number of the _Fortnightly Review_, entitled "The Mournful Case of

Cuba," which runs as follows:--

"Spain has placed an almost insuperable barrier in the way of

American merchants, should they attempt to enter her ports with

American products, in the form of a protective tariff, which

resembles in many respects, the policy once pursued by England

against her American colonies, of which the 'Boston tea party' was

the direct result, has proved very detrimental to American

interests. For while the United States purchases, at least, more

than seventy per cent. of everything Cuba has to sell, Cuba in

return buys from the United States less than twenty per cent. of

the articles she imports--chiefly flour, petroleum, and other

non-competitive articles, which Spain is unable to furnish; so that

it is to the land of the Stars and Stripes that Cuba must look,

since, as long as beets are grown in Europe, the product of the

sugar cane will find no market on the European side of the

Atlantic. Thus, the mother country pockets annually, through her

antiquated institutions, the Yankee millions, which, under proper

conditions of trade, would be returned to the people of the United

States in payment for American coal, iron, and manufactured goods,

which are often sent to Spain and then re-shipped to Cuba, as the

only practical method of getting into the latter country. Owing to

the backwardness of Spanish industries, and the inability of Spain

to supply Cuba with the products she requires, the Cubans have to

consume Spanish articles of inferior quality, or pay exorbitant

prices for foreign goods, owing to the prohibitive duties imposed,

which merely place large sums in the Spanish exchequer. Spanish

merchants practise a novel fraud by nationalising foreign products

for importation into Cuba, and thus the senseless commercial policy

of Spain is the cause of inextinguishable discontent.

"It is true, also, that Cuba is within the economic orbit of the

United States, and that the commerce of the island is a strong

factor in the Cuban problem, inasmuch as it is the active agent of

civilization everywhere; and sugar is omnipotent from the purely

commercial American point of view. There are certain fixed economic

laws, which are as sure in their operation as gravitation, and must

inevitably affect the ultimate destiny of Cuba."

I do not think sufficient attention has been paid by students of the

Cuban question to facts wholly unconnected with bad government and of a

purely economic nature. First and foremost of these is the depreciation

in the commercial value of local produce, especially the loss on sugar,

which is mainly due to the popularity and cheapness of beetroot sugar on

the continent of Europe. Without undue entering into details, I would

point out that Cuba is in this respect going through precisely the same

financial and commercial crisis as the other and better-governed West

Indian Islands. The tobacco trade, I hear, is less flourishing than it

used to be. It has to contend with the prodigious development which has

recently taken place in the tobacco markets of Asia Minor, Egypt,

Europe, and the United States. In a word, Cuba has been doing very badly

now for over twenty years, and families which were not very long ago

amongst the richest of our period, are now paupers, eager to sell their

few remaining jewels, bric-A -brac, and even their fans, lace, and

brocades, to the passing stranger. To add to the general distress came

the completion of the abolition of slavery, with its usual result--the

negroes refused to work. Coolies were imported, but the climate did not

suit them. White labour has not been tried, for the simple reason that

it is a foredoomed failure. Masters who have had to deal with negroes

all their lives are never able to manage poor whites. Hundreds of

plantations have gone out of cultivation, and thousands of half savage,

coloured folk, have gone to swell in the all-pervading anarchy which the

Spanish Government is not strong enough to suppress.

Meanwhile the rebellion has absorbed an incredible amount of Spanish

capital, and drained the mother country of hundreds of thousands of

young men, the great majority of whom will never see their homes again.

Cuba, in her present condition, is Spain's ruin, and it would have been

well for the Spaniards if they had sold the island half a century ago.

"Cuba," said a Spanish writer the other day, "is a sort of bottomless

waste-paper basket. The women of Cadiz and its neighbourhood hold the

very name of Cuba in execration, they have seen so many of their sons

and sweethearts depart thither, never to return."

I am not one of those who see an angel in every Cuban rebel, and a devil

in every Spaniard; I hold that in this, as in almost every other human

concern, the case, to put it vulgarly, is "six to the one, and half a

dozen to the other." There are grave faults, nay, crimes, on both sides,

and the condition of the island in the present half of the century, and

especially during the last five years, is a disgrace to civilization.

When individual Spaniards have tried to do their best for the Cubans,

their good intentions have not received much response from their

superiors. Take, for instance, Martinez Campos, who was sent out to the

island some years back as Commander-in-Chief; he was an honourable and

humane man, desirous of doing the best he could to reduce bitterness and

evolve peace. But his efforts were frequently baulked by the home

Government, which was for ever pressing him to take active measures. He

knew the island, having been there twenty years before, and under

exceptional circumstances, but he was powerless to plant the olive

branch he had brought with him from Spain, whence he had started amidst

the most enthusiastic expectations, and to which he returned, not unlike

the proverbial rocket that went up in a blaze of glory, to fall a flat,

burnt stick. I cannot forbear thinking that the gravest mistake of the

Spanish Government in the whole of this Cuban business was its

peremptory recall of Martinez Campos, and, above all, the despatch of

such a man as General Weyler, with the strictest orders to put the

rebellion down at any cost.

Weyler, Marquis of Tenerife, is an extraordinary individual. He has been

charged with appalling cruelty, and although, in a recent interview in

the _Daily Telegraph_, he is described as bringing forward some

justification for certain of his acts, still the fact remains, that

since the dreadful days of Alva, the horrors he has perpetrated in Cuba

have rarely been equalled in human history. Indeed, with his Belgian

descent, he seems to have inherited something of the unrelenting nature

of those cruel bigots who transformed the Sablon Square in Brussels into

a sort of permanent furnace, for the roasting of human beings. He might

be Caesar Borgia come to life again, in a modern Spanish uniform. He

conceived it his duty to extinguish the civil war at any cost, and he

used the self-same methods which made the fame (or shame) of Hernando

Cortez and of Alva. I have waded through a mass of evidence against him,

and must confess, even allowing for considerable exaggeration, that he

stands out in unpleasant relief against an ugly background of massacre

and starvation. His desperate struggle to stamp out the revolt seems to

have driven him to frenzy, and the rebels were roused, on their side, to

reprisals of an equally shocking character. But the rebellion was not to

be quelled even by General Weyler's bloody methods. Like some gaunt

skeleton, it rose up again, in its marshes and its forests, and defied

him. The wretched _reconcentrados_ were starved to death, or shot down

by scores, but the undaunted resistance still waved its scarlet and

white striped banner, with the solitary "star of hope" glittering in its

corner. At last, and none too soon, in response to the indignant

outcries of Europe and America, Weyler was recalled. Meanwhile the New

York Junta availed itself of the excitement produced by the harrowing

stories of Weyler's inhuman methods, to work up the easily excited

Americans to the very verge of hysteria.

An incident occurred in Havana some little while back, which, although

trivial enough when reduced to its true proportions, has had a vast

influence in bringing about the present war. Miss Evangelina Cisneros, a

daughter of that Marquis de Santa Lucia who was second President of the

Cuban Republic, effected her escape from a Cuban prison under

exceptional circumstances. We are assured that she is exceedingly

lovely, and, judging by her numerous photographs, she certainly must be

very pretty. Her aged father has been in a State prison at Havana for

some years. His dutiful daughter, hearing that his health was breaking

down under the prolonged confinement, went one day to the governor of

the prison, Colonel Berriz, and throwing herself upon her knees before

him, implored him to use his influence to obtain her parent's

liberation. If we are to believe Miss Evangelina Cisneros' account of

the affair, the colonel offered her the same vile conditions that the

Count de Luna suggests to Leonora (in _Il Trovatore_), when that

operatic heroine begs him to release Manrico. The fair Evangelina

scorned the proposal, and, in a whirlwind of indignation, fled from her

insulter's presence. According to the Colonel, there is not a word of

truth in the whole story; he vows he is the victim of an hysterical

girl, who had been caught carrying letters to the rebel army. Be this as

it may, SeA+-orita Cisneros was arrested and sent to prison, and to what

seems to have been a very undesirable one, in which she was given scanty

fare, and forced to associate with the very lowest females. Here she

remained for many months, in the greatest agony of mind, until she

managed, one fine day, to communicate with Mrs Lee, the wife of the

United States Consul, by means of a few words scratched on a bit of

paper with a pin, dipped in her own blood. Mrs Lee contrived to visit

her, and does not seem, to tell the truth, to have had much difficulty

in obtaining admission to her cell. The sad story was soon afterwards

published broadcast all over the United States and England, thanks

mainly to the arch-millionaire journalist, Mr W. E. Hearst, who,

perceiving that Evangelina's adventures would make excellent copy for

his paper, and considerably help the Cuban cause, commissioned Mr

Deckar, a young gentleman connected with his staff, to go to Cuba and

effect her release, which exploit was duly performed with splendid

courage and skill. The fair Evangelina was enabled, thanks to Mr

Deckar's intervention, to stupefy her companions with sweetmeats infused

with laudanum, and, whilst they lay in a profound slumber, to squeeze

herself through the bars of her cell window, to cross a ladder stretched

from roof to roof, and finally, after many hairbreadth perils and

dangers, to effect her escape from Cuba like another Rosalind, in the

disguise of a boy--all of which tends to prove that the Cuban prisons

are not particularly well guarded.

Meanwhile, a petition to the Queen of Spain, signed by hundreds of

American ladies, headed by the President's mother, was sent from New

York to Madrid, and yet another to the same purpose was forwarded from

London, where two ladies, famed for their instinctive horror of anything

approaching self-advertisement--Mrs Ormiston Chant and the fair author

of _The Sorrows of Satan_--warmly espoused the fate of the hapless

Evangelina, whose adventures, in spite of a monster reception in Madison

Square, attended by not less than 250,000 persons, with appropriate

banners, flowers, and bands of music, fell rather flat in New York. Her

gallant rescuer being a married man, Evangelina remains to this day in

"maiden meditation, fancy free."

But the sensation produced by this interesting case was immense.

Portraits of Mlle. Cisneros were sold by the thousand, and from New York

to San Francisco execration of the Spaniards rose to fever heat.

Soon afterwards occurred the terrible "Maine" disaster, which, coming on

the top of the Cisneros business, drove the American masses, egged on by

the clamours of the "yellow press," to force the reluctant President

into a strangely sudden declaration of war,--a struggle, the fate of

which, even as I write, yet hangs in the balance.

* * *

_P.S._--Even as these pages go to press, a telegram announces the

marriage of "Miss Evangelina Cisneros to one of her rescuers."

[Illustration: HAVANA.]

Cuba Past and Present · 第 5 / 12 章