DAWN IN DARKEST AFRICA
[Illustration: MUSHAMALENGI, “A ROYAL PRINCE” OF THE BAKUBA KINGDOM IN
THE UPPER KASAI.
_Frontispiece._]
DAWN IN DARKEST
AFRICA
BY
JOHN H. HARRIS
WITH AN INTRODUCTION
BY
THE RIGHT HON. THE EARL OF CROMER
O.M., G.C.B., G.C.M.G., K.C.S.I.
_WITH ILLUSTRATIONS AND A MAP_
LONDON
SMITH, ELDER & CO., 15, WATERLOO PLACE
1912
_All rights reserved_
PRINTED BY
WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED
LONDON AND BECCLES
INTRODUCTION
BY THE EARL OF CROMER
I have been asked to write a short introduction to this book, and I have
no hesitation in complying with the request.
Although the high motives and disinterested devotion which inspire
missionary and philanthropic effort are very generally recognized, there
is often a predisposition—more frequently felt than expressed—not only
amongst responsible officials but also in the minds of no inconsiderable
portion of the public to accept with some reserve both the accuracy of
the facts and the soundness of the conclusions emanating wholly from
these sources. This scepticism, provided it be not allowed to degenerate
into unworthy prejudice, is not merely healthy but even commendable. I
could mention cases within my own knowledge where missionary zeal was
certainly allowed to outrun discretion. It is the duty of responsible
officials to be sceptical in such matters. Whilst sympathizing with
humanitarians they should endeavour to remedy whatever of quixotism is
to be found in their suggestions; and to guide those from whom those
suggestions emanate along a path calculated to ensure the achievement
of their objects by the adoption of practical methods which will be
consonant with the moral and material interests of the Empire at large.
Occasional errors, the result of unchecked enthusiasm in a noble cause,
cannot, however, for one moment be allowed to outweigh the immense
benefits conferred on civilization by missionary and philanthropic
agencies. Nowhere have these benefits been more conspicuous than in the
case of the Congo.
The fact that but a few years ago the administration of the Congo was a
disgrace to civilized Europe is now so fully recognized, not only in this
country, but also—to the honour of the Belgians be it said—in Belgium
itself, that it is scarcely necessary to labour the point. One startling
fact is sufficient to demonstrate its true character. According to an
estimate made by Sir Reginald Wingate,[1] the population of the Soudan
under the Mahdi’s rule was reduced from 8,525,000 to 1,870,500 persons;
in other words over 75 per cent. of the inhabitants died from disease
or were killed in external or internal wars. The civilized European who
for some years presided over the destinies of the Congo was no more
merciful, save as a matter of percentage, than the ignorant and fanatical
Dervish at Khartoum. Mr. Harris states (p. 208) that, under the régime
of King Leopold, the Congo population was reduced from 20,000,000 to
8,000,000.[2] More than this. It is generally impossible in the long run
to pronounce a complete divorce between moral and material interests. It
will, therefore, be no matter for surprise that the Leopoldian policy was
as unsuccessful from an economic as it was from an humanitarian point
of view. It is now clear that unbridled company-mongering has gone far
to destroy the sources of wealth to which it owed its birth. Mr. Harris
tells a piteous tale of the manner in which the rubber vines have been
handled, and, generally of the condition of the plantations. Neither,
having regard to the wanton destruction of elephants (p. 213) does ivory
appear to have been much more tenderly treated than rubber.
Even the most hardened sceptic as regards the utility of missionary
enterprise will not, I think, be prepared to deny that to the
Missionaries, in conjunction with Mr. Morel, the main credit accrues
of having brought home to the British public, and eventually to the
public of Europe, the iniquities which, but a short time ago, were being
practised under European sanction in the heart of Africa.
Amongst this devoted band, many of whom have paid with their lives the
heavy toll which cruel Africa exacts, none have been more steadfast in
their determination to insist on the reform of the Congo administration
than the writer of this book—Mr. Harris. None, moreover, have brought
a more evenly-balanced mind to bear on the numerous problems which
perplex the African administrator. Mr. Harris may be an enthusiast,
but of this I am well convinced—both by frequent personal intercourse
and from a careful perusal of his work—that his enthusiasm is tempered
by reason and by a solid appreciation of the difference between the
ideal and the practical. He wisely (p. 35) deprecates undue Missionary
interference with local customs. He has even something (pp. 58-60) to say
in palliation of polygamy, and if I rightly understand his remarks on p.
154, he does not utterly exclude a resort to forced labour under certain
conditions and under certain circumstances.
Moreover, in so far as my experience enables me to form an opinion, Mr.
Harris has acquired a firm grasp of the main principles which should
guide Europeans who are called upon to rule over a backward and primitive
society, and of the fact that prolonged neglect of those principles
must sooner or later lead to failure or even disaster. He writes as a
fair-minded and thoroughly well-informed observer. Throughout his pages
may be found many acute observations on the various problems which, in
forms more or less identical, tax the ingenuity of the governing race
wherever the white and the coloured man meet as ruler and subject.
Notably Mr. Harris dwells (p. 67) on the great influence exerted by the
example set by officials; this example, he thinks—most rightly in my
opinion—is more important than the issue of laws and decrees. Here, he
says—and I quote the passage with regret—“is where the Belgian and French
Congo officials have failed so utterly.” To put the matter in another,
and somewhat mathematical, form, I have always held that 75 per cent. of
the influence of British officials for good depends on character, and
only 25 per cent. on brains. Mistakes arising from defective intelligence
will generally admit to being rectified. Those which are due to defects
of character are more often irremediable. My belief is that the great
and well-deserved success which has attended Sir Reginald Wingate’s
administration of the Soudan arises in no small degree from a recognition
of this common-place, and from its practical application in the choice
of officials. I am not sure that its importance is always adequately
recognized in London. It is well to encourage the importation of cocoa
and palm oil into the London market. But it is better to acquire the
reputation, which (p. 280) Mr. Harris says has passed into a proverb in
the Congo, that “the Englishman never lies.”
For these reasons I have no hesitation in recommending this book to the
public. Mr. Harris’ facts may perhaps be called in question by others
possessing greater local knowledge than any to which I can pretend. His
conclusions—notably those in his final chapter in which he re-arranges
the map of Africa in a somewhat daring spirit—manifestly admit of wide
differences of opinion. But he speaks with a unique knowledge of his
subject. The opportunities which, with praiseworthy zeal, he and his
devoted companion made for themselves to acquire a real knowledge of
African affairs has been exceptional. He has thus produced a book in
which the ordinary reader cannot fail to be interested if it is only by
reason of the vivid and picturesque account it gives of African life and
travel, and in which those who have paid special attention to African
administration will find many useful indications of the directions in
which their efforts towards reform may best be applied. Whatever may
be thought of some of Mr. Harris’ suggestions, it cannot but be an
advantage, more especially now that attention is being more and more
drawn to African affairs, that the Government, Parliament, and the
general public should learn what one so eminently qualified as Mr. Harris
to instruct them in the facts of the case has to say on the subject.
Mr. Harris is not sparing in his criticisms, neither does he withhold
praise when he considers it is due. Whilst strongly condemning the
slavery—for such it virtually is—that the Government of Portugal permits
in its Colonies, he dwells (p. 296) on the “kindly nature” of the
Portuguese themselves, and significantly adds “there is no colour-bar
in the Portuguese dominions.”[3] He appears to find little to commend
in French administration, and much (pp. 90 and 91) to condemn in their
commercial policy. He does justice (p. 88) to the thoroughness and
wisdom of the Germans in all matters connected with trade, and does not,
as I venture to think, detract from the merits of the liberal policy
which they have adopted by alluding to the fact that it is based on
self-interested motives. On the other hand, he strongly condemns (p.
142) the German treatment of the natives. He dwells (p. 92) on the petty
and vexatious obstacles placed in the way of a trade by the Belgian
officials of the Congo, of which “even Belgian merchants complain,” and
he has, of course, little to say in favor of Belgian administration in
other respects. But he has the fairness to admit (p. 209) that since
the annexation of the Congo by Belgium the death rate has diminished
and the birth rate increased—a fact which, after the experiences of the
Leopoldian régime, appears to me to be very eloquent, and to reflect much
credit on the Belgian Government. Moreover, he tells us that “wherever
the Belgian reforms have been most completely applied, there the ravages
of sleeping sickness appear to be more or less checked.”
These observations are interesting, as they enable a comparison to be
made with the results obtained under different systems of government, but
they deal with matters for which—save to a limited degree in the Congo,
and also perhaps to some slight extent as regards the continuance of
slavery in the Portuguese possessions—neither the British Government nor
the British nation are in any degree responsible. The internal policy to
be adopted in the African territories possessed by France and Germany is
a matter solely for the consideration of Frenchmen and Germans. But Mr.
Harris has a good deal to say about the conduct of affairs in British
African possessions, and it will be well if public attention is directed
to his remarks in this connection, lest having preached to others we may
ourselves become castaways.
Mr. Harris’ position is so completely detached that he may, without
the least hesitation, be acquitted of any desire to exalt unduly the
achievements of his own countrymen. The spirit in which he writes is
not national, but cosmopolitan. Moreover, he is manifestly not greatly
enamoured of the proceedings of some, at all events, of the British
officials. For these reasons his testimony is all the more valuable when
he speaks, as is frequently the case, in terms of warm praise of the
successful results which have been attained under British administration.
He says it is not only the best in West Central Africa, but that the
natives themselves recognize that it is the best. This testimony is
all the more satisfactory because the excellence of British rule has
not been always fully recognized in those circles in which Mr. Harris
principally moves. “With inherent instinct,” he says (p. 257), “the
British Government recognizes that the real asset of the Colony (_i.e._
the Gold Coast Colony) is the indigenous inhabitant, whose material and
moral progress is not only the first, but the truest interest of the
State.” It is by proceeding on this sound principle that the natives
have been kept in possession of the land. “The almost phenomenal success
of the cocoa industry in the British Colony of the Gold Coast,” Mr.
Harris says (p. 161), “is due entirely to the fact that the natives are
the proprietors of the cocoa farms.” It is also by the adoption of this
principle that it has been possible to solve the thorny labour question.
“The native farmers of Southern Nigeria and the Gold Coast employ a good
deal of native labour and generally speaking find little difficulty in
obtaining all they want” (p. 262).[4] Mr. Harris claims (p. 264) that
the economic will be no less satisfactory than the moral results of the
liberal policy which has been adopted by Great Britain, and that “the
indigenous industry of the British Colonies working in its own interests,
unencumbered by the heavy cost of European supervision and the drawbacks
of imported contract labour, will, under the guidance of a paternal and
sympathetic administration, certainly outdistance and leave far behind in
the race of supremacy such systems as those which prevail in San Thomé
and Principe.” I trust, and I also believe, that Mr. Harris will prove to
be a true prophet.
It is, moreover, the adoption of the principle to which I have alluded
above which enabled an American Bishop (p. 109) to characterize as “just
marvellous” the way in which the English are “covering the Continent with
educated natives,” and I am particularly glad he was able to add “with
carpenters, bricklayers, and engineers.”
In spite, however, of the unstinted praise which Mr. Harris has to bestow
and which makes it clear that, broadly speaking, we may legitimately
be proud of what our countrymen, both official and non-official, have
accomplished in Western Africa, he indicates certain defects in the
administration, some of which appear to me to be well worthy of the
attention of the responsible authorities.
In the first place, he says (p. 125) that “between the British official
class and the merchant community a great gulf is fixed.”[5] If this is
the case, there would certainly appear to be something wrong. There ought
to be no such gulf. But as I presume there is an official side to the
case, which I have never heard, I do not presume to pronounce any opinion
on the merits of the point at issue. Neither is it altogether pleasant
to read the episode related on p. 151. It is clearly not right to march
into a church whilst service is going on, impound a number of carriers
and “insist on a native clergyman carrying a box containing whisky.” One
may charitably hope that the facts of the case were not quite accurately
reported to Mr. Harris.
In the absence of adequate local knowledge I cannot pursue the discussion
of this branch of the subject any further, but there is one observation
I should wish to make. There cannot be a greater mistake than to employ
underpaid officials in the outlying dominions of the Crown. We do not
want the worst, or even the second best of our race to prosecute the
Imperial policy to which we are wedded as a necessity of our national
existence. The work presents so many difficulties of various descriptions
that if we are to succeed we must impound into the British service the
best elements which our race can produce, and, as I am well aware, even
when their services are obtained and every care has been taken, mistakes
will sometimes occur in making appointments. And if we want the best
material we must pay the best price for it. Men of the required type
will not submit to all the privations and discomforts, not to speak of
the dangers of an African career unless they are adequately remunerated.
I know well from bitter experience the difficulties attendant on paying
high salaries out of an impoverished, and even out of a semi-bankrupt
Treasury. And I also know the criticisms to which, notably in these
democratic days, the payment of high salaries is exposed. My answer to
the first of these objections is that if the Treasury cannot afford to
give adequate salaries to its European agents it is, on all grounds,
wiser to diminish the amount of European agency, or even to dispense with
it altogether. My own experience has led me to prefer infinitely the
employment of two efficient men on £500 a year to that of four doubtfully
efficient men on £250. My answer to the second objection is that those
who plead against high salaries are generally very ill-informed of the
facts with which they are dealing, and that, if ever there was a case
when Government, being better informed, should resist a hasty expression
of public opinion, it is this.
Are the British agents employed in subordinate positions in Africa
adequately paid? From all I have heard I have considerable doubts whether
they are so. In dealing with this subject, I have heard it sometimes
said: “Candidates are plentiful. If we can get a man on £250 a year or
less, why should we give him £500?” I consider this argument not merely
pernicious but ridiculous. It would never be used by any one who has
been brought face to face with the difficulties which have actually
to be encountered. Its application in practice is liable to lead to
very serious consequences in the shape of loss of national credit, and
possibly in other and even more serious directions.
Turning to another point, I notice (p. 120) that Mr. Harris states that
coloured men are practically debarred from entering the medical service
in the West African Colonies, and absolutely in the Gold Coast. If so,
I can only say that this regulation contrasts unfavourably with the
procedure adopted in other British possessions of which the inhabitants
are coloured, and adopted, moreover, without, so far as I am aware, the
production of any inconvenience. Possibly there are some special reasons,
with which I am unacquainted, which apply to West Africa, but they must
be very strong to justify a course so little in harmony with the general
practice and policy of the British Government elsewhere.
Mr. Harris deals fully with the subject of education, and in his fifth
chapter chivalrously defends the cause of that much-abused individual
the “educated native,” whose merits and demerits seem to present a
striking identity of character whether his residence be on the banks of
the Ganges, the Nile, or the Congo. The old complaint with which Indian
administrators are so familiar, that the education afforded is too purely
literary, re-appears in West Africa. Mr. Harris, however, dwells with
justifiable pride (p. 109) on the number of carpenters, bricklayers and
other mechanics turned out of the Mission Schools, and (p. 112) he most
rightly insists on the importance of extending “that largely neglected
branch of education—practical agriculture.” He suggests that a Commission
should be appointed “to study the whole question of the education of the
African peoples in British Equatorial possessions, with the object of
ascertaining how far the Government may be able to secure a more even
balance between the literary and technical training of natives, and how
far it may be possible to so re-adjust existing systems as to avoid
denationalization.”
My confidence in the results obtained by appointing Royal Commissions is
limited, but they afford a useful machinery for classifying facts and
sifting evidence, and thus provide some safeguard against the risk, which
is nowhere more conspicuous than in dealing with educational subjects, of
generalizing from imperfect or incorrect data. Mr. Harris’ suggestion on
this point will, I trust, receive due consideration.
Mr. Harris also dwells (pp. 113, 114) on the results which ensue when
young Africans are sent to England to obtain legal or medical education.
“No strong and friendly hand is outstretched to help them, no responsible
person comes forward to take them by the hand and bring them in touch
with the better elements of our national life.... Who can be surprised if
the only seeds they carry back to the Colonies are those evil ones which
produce a crop of tares to the embarrassment of Governments?”
If the Colonial Office and the Missionary Societies, acting either
independently or in unison with each other, can devise any satisfactory
solution of this very important and also extremely difficult problem,
they will earn the gratitude of all who are interested in the well-being
of our Asiatic and African dominions. Palliatives for the evils which
most assuredly arise under the existing system have been tried by the
Governments of India and Egypt, but so far as I know the success of these
efforts has not been very marked. I may mention that, so convinced was I
that the harm done by sending young Egyptians to England for purposes of
education more than counterbalanced the advantages which were obtained
that at the cost of a good deal of misrepresentation—which was quite
natural under the circumstances—I persistently discouraged the practice,
and urged that a preferable system was so to improve higher and technical
education on the spot as to render the despatch of students to Europe
no longer necessary. I fear, however, my efforts in this respect were
not altogether successful, for although higher education in Egypt has
unquestionably been much improved, the idea that European attainments
can best be cultivated in Europe itself has taken so strong a hold both
on Egyptian parents and on the Egyptian governing classes, that it is
well-nigh impossible to eradicate it.
By far, however, the most interesting and also the most important part
of Mr. Harris’ work is that in which he deals with the future of the
African possessions of Belgium and Portugal respectively. Even if I had
at my disposal all the information necessary to a thorough treatment
of these questions, it would not be possible to deal adequately with
the grave issues raised by Mr. Harris within the limits of the present
introduction. I confine myself, therefore, to a very few observations.
As regards the Congo, if I understand Mr. Harris’ view correctly, the
situation, broadly speaking, is somewhat as follows. Reforms have been
executed, and a serious effort, the sincerity of which he does not call
in question, has been made to rectify abuses for which neither the
Belgian Parliament nor the Belgian nation are in any degree responsible.
But although abuses have been checked, the main cause from which they
originally sprung has not yet been entirely removed. That cause is
that the Government, whose functions should be mainly confined to
administration, is still largely interested in commercial enterprises.
The State has not yet completely divorced itself from the production of
rubber for sale in the European markets. Moreover, the old officials, who
are tainted with Leopoldian practices, are still employed. Mr. Harris
even goes so far (p. 221) as to state that their presence acts as a
deterrent to the employment of Belgian officials of a higher type.[6] Mr.
Harris thinks—and, for my own part, I do not doubt rightly thinks—that
so long as this defective system[7] exists, radical reform of the Congo
administration will remain incomplete. But radical reform can only be
carried out at a very heavy cost, which the Belgian taxpayers, more
especially after the assurances which have been given to them, will
be unwilling to bear, and possibly incapable of bearing. Mn Harris,
therefore, thinks that the Belgian people will be unable to perform the
heavy task which, from no fault of their own, has been thrust upon them.
“There are reasons,” he says (p. 298), “for believing that the extensive
Congo territories are too heavy a responsibility for Belgium.”
It is very possible that Mr. Harris’ diagnosis is correct. But what is
to be the remedy? The remedy which he suggests is that Germany should
take over the greater part of the Belgian and a portion of the French
Congo, and (p. 302) should concede “an adequate _quid pro quo_” to
France. I will not attempt to discuss fully this suggestion which, to
the diplomatic mind, is somewhat startling. I will only say that I very
greatly doubt the feasibility of arranging any such “adequate _quid pro
quo_” for France as Mr. Harris seems to contemplate. The British attitude
in connection with any transfer of the Congo State from its present
rulers to Germany appears to me, however, to be abundantly clear. If any
amicable arrangement could be made by which Germany should enter into
possession of the Congo, we may regard it, from the point of view of
British interests, without the least shadow of disfavour or jealousy,
but—and this point appears to me to be essential—it must be of such a
nature as will not in any degree impair the very friendly relations which
now fortunately exist between our own country and France. The well-being
of the Congo State, however deserving of consideration, must be rated
second in importance to the steadfast maintenance of an arrangement
fraught with the utmost benefit not merely to France and England, but to
the world in general.
Failing any such rather heroic measures as those proposed by Mr. Harris,
the only alternative would appear to be to rely on Belgian action, and
to exercise continuous but steady and very friendly pressure in the
direction of crowning the work of the Congo reformers. It would be unjust
not to recognize the great difficulties which a series of untoward events
has created for Belgium. It may well be that if this course is adopted
the progress of reform will be relatively slow, and that in the end it
will be less effective than that which would be secured by an immediate
and radical change of system. But I rise from a perusal of Mr. Harris’
pages with a feeling that Congo reformers have no cause for despair,
albeit their ideals may be impossible of realization in the immediate
future.
The case of Portugal is, from the British point of view, if not less
difficult, certainly far more simple than that of the Congo. If one-half
of what Mr. Harris says is correct—and I see no reason whatever to doubt
the accuracy of his facts—two points are abundantly clear. The first is
that however it may be disguised by an euphemistic nomenclature, slavery
virtually exists in the African possessions of Portugal. The second is
that the methods adopted in the repatriation of the slaves are open to
very strong and very legitimate criticism. The process of dumping down
a number of starving blacks on the coast of the mainland and leaving
them to find their own way to their distant homes in Central Africa can
scarcely be justified.
Portugal is justly proud of her historical connection with Africa and
wishes to retain her African possessions. We may heartily sympathize
with this honourable wish. I know of no adequate reasons for supposing
that the present political status of those possessions is threatened.
But, I venture to think, it would be a mistaken kindness to leave the
Portuguese under any delusion on one point. There are some things which
no British Government, however powerful otherwise, can undertake to
perform. First and foremost amongst those things is the use of the
warlike strength of the British Empire to maintain a slave State. In
spite of the long-standing friendship between the two countries, in spite
of historical associations which are endeared to all Englishmen, and
in spite of the apparently unequivocal nature of treaty engagements,
it would, I feel assured, be quite impossible, should the African
possessions of Portugal be seriously menaced, for British arms to be
employed in order to retain them under the uncontrolled possession of
Portugal, so long as slavery is permitted. It is earnestly to be hoped
that, before any such contingency can arise, the Portuguese Government
will have removed the barrier which now exists by totally abolishing a
system which is worthy of condemnation alike on economic and on moral
grounds.
One further incident in connection with the general question is worthy
of notice. Mr. Harris says (p. 200) that a small number of the slaves
now employed at San Thomé are British subjects. There ought surely to be
no great difficulty in dealing with this class. African experts would
probably be able to say whether the claim to British nationality was
justified or the reverse. If justified, it seems to me that the British
Government should send a ship to San Thomé, embark the men, and, after
having landed them at the most convenient ports on the mainland, make
suitable arrangements for despatching them to their respective homes.
CROMER.
36, WIMPOLE STREET, _October, 1912_.
AUTHOR’S PREFACE
It has become the custom in recent years for writers, particularly those
recording their travels in semi-civilized regions, to disclaim in advance
any title to literary merit. I do not propose to make any exception
to this rule and would plead in lieu of literary style a sincerity of
purpose, which I beg my literary critics and superiors to accept. If
they feel that the facts and incidents set forth suffer from any lack of
literary ability, I can only hope that they will take the information
supplied upon some of the existing problems of West Africa and use it in
their own skilful way with the object of helping forward the march of
progress in West Central Africa.
The information contained in this book is drawn from an experience
of West Africa dating back to the year 1898 and in particular during
a recent journey of something like 5000 miles through the western
Equatorial regions. The principal questions under review, are those which
affect in the main the conventional basin of the Congo and the Colonies
of the Gulf of Guinea.
It has always been my endeavour to get to know the mind of natives and
merchants outside the circle of “the authorities,” a habit which I feel
has sometimes entailed the appearance of discourtesy, but I know how
reticent are the merchant communities, no less than the native tribes,
even the most untutored of them, if they see a man or woman holding
friendly relations with the powers that be. This method of investigation
I have always pursued, with the result that information of the utmost
value has frequently been supplied. Whilst, however, I have felt this
to be the best course to follow I have, at the same time, tried to
place myself in the position of a responsible minister of the Crown,
a governor, an official and even a planter, in order that so far as
possible I may look at things from their standpoint.
The question may be raised by some of my readers how a man who has spent
so many years of his life in distinctly religious work can presume to
write upon commercial and political problems. I would make no excuse
for so doing, but in justification would say that prior to preparation
for missionary work, it is well-known by many of my friends that I held
a responsible position in one of the leading commercial houses of the
city of London, which, amongst other advantages, gave me a large insight
into foreign and colonial questions. My experience of the Congo and
cognate questions early brought me into touch with eminent statesmen
and well-known public men, including President Roosevelt, Lord Cromer,
Sir Edward Grey, Lord Fitzmaurice, the Archbishop of Canterbury, Sir
Charles Dilke, Sir Francis Hyde Villiers, Sir Arthur Hardinge, Sir Harry
Johnston, Sir Valentine Chirol, Mr. St. Loe Strachey, Dr. Thomas Hodgkin,
and my friends Travers Buxton, E. D. Morel and Harold Spender. It is
impossible to enjoy frequent discussions with men of such breadth of
knowledge, wide experience and high ideals, without considerable profit,
and at least some qualification for a responsible position. If there
is one to whom I am more deeply indebted than another, it is to Lord
Fitzmaurice, whose friendship and counsel I have been privileged to enjoy
in an increasing measure for nearly twelve years.
My thanks are due to the Editors of _The Times_, _The Manchester
Guardian_, _The Nation_, _The Daily Chronicle_, _The Daily News and
Leader_, and the _Contemporary Review_ for permission to use material
which has already appeared in their columns. To Mr. Hamel Smith, the
Editor of _Tropical Life_, the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce, Messrs.
John Holt, F. A. Swanzy and Elder Dempster, for the information and
help they have so kindly supplied to me, and also to my wife for the
assistance rendered to me in the preparation of the manuscript.
_October, 1912._
TO
MY DEVOTED COMPANION
WHO HAS SO PATIENTLY BORNE THE HARDSHIPS
OF TRAVEL AND THE LONG STRAIN OF OUR
LABOURS FOR THE NATIVE RACES
THESE PAGES ARE
DEDICATED
CONTENTS
PAGE
INTRODUCTION BY THE EARL OF CROMER v
AUTHOR’S PREFACE xxiii
FOREWORD xxxiii
PART I
I. THE AFRICAN “PORTER” 3
II. THE PADDLER AND HIS CANOE 10
III. THE AFRICAN FOREST 17
IV. A MEDLEY OF CUSTOMS 23
(_a_) CICATRIZATION 26
(_b_) PERSONAL ADORNMENT 31
(_c_) THE ANGEL OF DEATH 36
(_d_) PEACE AND ARBITRATION 40
V. THE NATIVE AS A MONEY MAKER 45
VI. THE AFRICAN WOMAN 52
PART II
CIVILIZATION AND THE AFRICAN
I. THE WHITE MAN’S BURDEN 75
II. LIGHTENING THE WHITE MAN’S BURDEN 81
III. GOVERNMENTS AND COMMERCE 87
IV. THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC 98
V. THE EDUCATED NATIVE 106
VI. JUSTICE AND THE AFRICAN 116
VII. RACE PREJUDICE 122
PART III
I. LABOUR—SUPPLY AND DEMAND 131
II. LAND AND ITS RELATION TO LABOUR 157
III. PORTUGUESE SLAVERY 168
IV. THE FUTURE OF BELGIAN CONGO 203
PART IV
MORAL AND MATERIAL PROGRESS
I. THE PRODUCTS OF THE OIL PALM 225
II. THE PRODUCTION OF RUBBER 235
III. THE PRODUCTION OF COCOA 246
IV. THE PROGRESS OF CHRISTIAN MISSIONS 265
PART V
I. THE MAP OF AFRICA RE-ARRANGED 293
INDEX 305
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
MUSHAMALENGI, “A ROYAL PRINCE” OF THE BAKUBA KINGDOM IN
THE UPPER KASAI _Frontispiece_
FACING PAGE
A LIGHT-HEARTED CARRIER 4
THE CANOE SINGER 4
THE VINES OF THE TROPICAL FOREST 8
MRS. HARRIS CANOEING ON THE ARUWIMI, UPPER CONGO 12
A RICKETY DUG-OUT 12
WILD FOREST FRUIT 18
THE “ELEPHANT EAR” IN THE WET SEASON 20
WILD FOREST FRUIT 20
THE “HEALING” FETISH 24
THE BAKETI MEMORIAL GROUND. TREES UPROOTED AND PLANTED BRANCHES
DOWNWARDS IN MEMORY OF THE DEAD 24
THE SWASTIKA CICATRICE 26
THE OYSTER SHELL CICATRICE 26
CICATRICED WOMEN OF EQUATORVILLE 28
THE BANGALLA “RASP” CICATRICE 28
BANGALLA CHIEF WITH HEAD TIGHTLY BOUND FROM BIRTH 32
BANGALLA BABE WITH HEAD TIGHTLY BOUND 32
A FIVE-FOOT BEARD 34
STYLES OF ARUWIMI HEAD-DRESS 34
THE WITCH 38
SLAVE GRAVEYARD ON THE ISLAND OF SAN THOMÉ 38
THE WITCH DOCTOR WITH HIS CHARMS FOR EVERY ILL 40
A NATIVE PLANTER IN HIS FUNTUMIA PLANTATION, SOUTHERN NIGERIA 50
RUBBER COLLECTORS, KASAI RIVER, UPPER CONGO 50
WOMEN POUNDING OIL PALM NUTS 54
GRINDING CORN ON THE KASAI, UPPER CONGO 56
A CHRISTIAN COUPLE RETURNING FROM THE GARDENS TOWARDS SUNSET 58
WEAVING CLOTH IN THE KASAI, UPPER CONGO 58
“TWIN POTS” HOISTED ON FORKED STICKS EITHER SIDE OF PATHWAY IN
HONOUR OF NEWLY BORN TWINS, BANGALLA, CONGO 70
WILD FLOWERS GROWING ON TRUNK OF FOREST TREE 78
“THE STORY THE GRAVEYARDS TELL” 78
CATARACT REGION BELOW STANLEY POOL, BELGIAN CONGO 94
DR. SAPARA OF LAGOS, A MEDICAL MAN IN THE SERVICE OF THE BRITISH
GOVERNMENT 110
COCOA FARM, BELGIAN CONGO 134
A CONGO CHIEF WITH SOME OF HIS WIVES AND “BASAMBA” CONCUBINES 144
A HUNTER’S “LUCKY” FETISH 146
PRINCE ELEKO AND COUNCIL, SOUTHERN NIGERIA 168
LAND FORMATION, LOANDA, PORTUGUESE ANGOLA 170
CHANCEL AND NORTH WALL OF DISUSED DUTCH CHURCH, LOANDA (see
page 171) 172
COCOA CARRYING, BELGIAN CONGO 174
ENTRANCE TO COCOA ROÇA, PRINCIPE ISLAND (PORTUGUESE) 174
SLAVES ON SAN THOMÉ 180
DISUSED SLAVE COMPOUND IN REAR OF HOUSE, CATUMBELLA 180
SLAVES ON COCOA ROÇA, PRINCIPE ISLAND 184
THE END OF THE SLAVE. TWO SLAVES CARRYING DEAD COMRADE IN SACK
TO BURIAL 184
GUM COPAL FOR SALE, UPPER CONGO 214
GOVERNMENT IVORY AND RUBBER, UPPER CONGO 214
AN AVENUE OF OIL PALMS: TEN YEARS’ GROWTH 226
“WALKING” UP TO GATHER FRUIT. WEAVER BIRDS’ NESTS ON THE PALM
FRONDS 230
HEADS OF OIL PALM FRUIT 230
THE OIL PALM IN THE GRIP OF ITS PARASITIC ENEMY:—
THE CREEPER AT AN EARLY STAGE 232
ROOT AND BRANCH IN DEADLY GRIP 232
FINE HEADS OF OIL PALM FRUIT 234
CARRYING RUBBER VINES TO VILLAGE 240
EXTRACTING RUBBER, KASAI RIVER, UPPER CONGO 240
COCOA ON SAN THOMÉ. TERMITE TRACK VISIBLE ON THE TRUNK OF TREE 246
COCOA DRYING IN SUN 256
THE CRUCIFIX IN AFRICAN FETISH HUT ON THE ISLAND OF SAN THOMÉ 272
RUIN OF ONCE IMPOSING CHURCH ON THE ISLAND OF PRINCIPE 272
INTERIOR OF MISSIONARIES’ HOUSE. BASEL INDUSTRIAL MISSION
FURNITURE MADE BY GOLD COAST INDUSTRIAL SCHOLARS 284
MAP OF CENTRAL AND SOUTH AFRICAN COLONIES WITH “MOTHER
COUNTRIES” DRAWN TO SAME SCALE _at end of text_
FOREWORD
WEST AFRICA
West Africa, as some of us have known her, is rapidly changing. Within
the memory of most men, there were deserts uncrossed, forests unexplored,
tribes of people unknown. To-day every desert has been traversed; to-day
we know not only the forests, but nearly every species of tree they
contain; we know, and can locate, almost every African tribe, and almost
every foot of territory has passed under the control, for the time being
at least, of some alien Power.
At the present moment political boundaries are more or less fixed, but
for how long? In Europe certain Powers are, for one reason or another,
seeking opportunities somewhere for colonial expansion, and the moment
seems opportune for a reshuffle of colonial possessions, but where, and
how?
Looking into the Far East, the statesman sees nothing but trouble ahead
in the Celestial Empire, to say nothing of Japan standing sentinel over
the Orient. South America, with its vast resources and possibilities,
might fall an easy prey to an energetic Power, but over every Republic,
Monroe casts his protective declaration which, with the march of time,
fastens itself ever more firmly upon the vitals of the body politic of
the Republican States of South America.
Back to Africa, the searching eye of the statesman returns and rests
to-day. There in the Dark Continent are great territories awaiting
development, there weak administrations are “muddling along” doing
themselves no good, and their neighbours irreparable harm. For those
Powers the hand-writing is on the wall; they must either “get on, or get
out,” otherwise “like a whirlwind” some other Power will come and without
ceremony bundle them out of the path of progress.
In fifty years the map of Africa will bear little resemblance to that
of to-day, but what of the natives? Are they to have no voice in their
destiny? One listens with impatience to the cool and calculating
discussions for a re-arrangement of the map of Africa, which are
being carried on without any reference to the native tribes, without
any reference to treaty obligations, and with little respect for the
fundamental obligations of Christianity, the teaching of which the
European Powers claim as their special monopoly.
Commerce, too, is changing; the kind-hearted merchant of West Africa
going forth at his own charges, trudging from village to village founding
branches, paddling up and down the rivers and planting factories, is
disappearing, and the soulless corporation with directors who are mere
machines for registering dividends, are taking his place. Commerce in
West Africa is rapidly losing all the humanity which was once its driving
force.
The natives are abandoning the old forms of warfare. Denied the weapons
which would give them equal chances in mortal gage, they are astute
enough to refuse to accept mere butchery. They are learning that there
are powers mightier than the sword; education is advancing by leaps and
bounds, and the more virile colonies are producing strong men who will
make themselves felt before many years have passed over our heads. The
African is shaking himself free from the shackles he has worn for so long
and is at last beginning to realize his strength. At present Britain,
with all her shortcomings, leads the way in giving the native the fullest
scope for his abilities. In British and Portuguese Colonies alone in West
Africa has the free native the chance of attaining the full stature of
a man. In German and French tropical territories, the native is there,
not as a citizen, but merely as a necessary adjunct to the production of
wealth for the white man. How long he will be content with this position
is a question, and evidences of a coming change are everywhere apparent.
Soon the Africa we have known—yea, and loved—will have been hustled away.
Its forests, rivers and tribes will possess no more secrets; gone will be
the simple old chief; gone the primitive village untouched by European;
gone the old witch doctor, and gone too, perhaps, that beautiful faith
and trust in the goodness and honesty of the white man—the pity of it all!
Before these changes come, it behoves us to examine closely the great
problems before us—the problems of future political divisions, problems
of labour, and of education in the largest and fullest sense—and so to
readjust our conceptions and laws with an understanding of the natives as
save ourselves from repeating the blunders of the past; blunders which
have cost Africa millions of useful lives; blunders which have indelibly
stained for time and eternity the escutcheon of Christian Europe;
blunders for which recompense can never be adequately made, but which at
least should serve as a warning for the future.
PART I
I.—The African “Porter.”
II.—The Paddler and his Canoe.
III.—The African Forest.
IV.—A Medley of Customs:—
(_a_) Cicatrization.
(_b_) Personal Adornment.
(_c_) “The Angel of Death.”
(_d_) Peace and Arbitration.
V.—The Native as a Money Maker.
VI.—The African Woman.
I
THE AFRICAN “PORTER”
It is almost impossible to exaggerate the part which the African “porter”
or carrier, plays in the history of the Dark Continent. The hinterland
of the vast tropical regions—a death-trap to every beast of burden—has
been opened up by the carrier together with his brother transport
worker—the paddler. The heavier burden has, beyond question, been borne
by the former, by the countless thousands of hard woolly heads which
have sweated under the weight of innumerable bales and cases too often
receiving as a reward of their labour an endless stream of abuse. It
seemed justifiable to murmur when crossing those swamps and fighting
one’s way through impenetrable forest, but at a distance, and with time
for calm reflection, there can surely be no other thought in the mind of
any African traveller than that of admiration, as he pictures those sons
of Africa with heavy and cumbersome loads upon their heads, floundering
through swamps, or toiling up steep hills and along stony paths, cutting
and blistering the feet, while the fierce rays of the tropical sun scorch
every living thing. Yet on that carrier goes, footsore, often foodless,
yet ever ready to renew the march of to-morrow.
Railways and bridges, steamboats and bungalows, engines of war,
machinery for drilling into the bowels of the earth, lofty windmills,
telegraph wires and poles—these and other European conquerors of African
air, land and water have by the thousands of tons found themselves
hundreds of miles in the interior of Africa owing to the infinite
endurance of the African carrier. Abuse him who will, but be sure of one
thing, history will yet give him his due.
The railways, bridges and steamboats, would, so we were told, lessen
the need for carriers. That they have shortened distances we grant, but
so far from the need of the carrier being lessened, economic expansion
has increased the demand. The opening up of the country has brought an
insatiable civilization into close touch with vast uncultivated tracts of
land, with the result that a great impetus has everywhere been given to
agricultural development, which in turns calls for an unceasing stream of
carriers to feed the railways and steam craft.
[Sidenote: THE CARRIER ON THE MARCH]
Thirty years ago the British colony of the Gold Coast possessed no
railways, nor was there any export of cocoa. To-day she exports annually
over a million pounds’ worth of cocoa-beans, requiring in the season
over 100,000 carriers to convey the cocoa harvests to the railways. True
statesmanship must always aim at releasing labour from the unproductive
task of transport, in order that it may till the soil, but it is doubtful
whether the African carrier will ever completely disappear.
Their long procession is never without interest; every man has some
distinguishing mark upon which the white traveller may meditate as he
trudges along, now in front, now in the centre, now again in the rear
of a caravan. What a medley yonder man carries upon his head! There is
the traveller’s “chop” box or his bundle of bedding, to which perhaps is
lashed by means of a piece of forest vine, the sundry goods and chattels
of that simple-hearted carrier—an old salmon tin filled with odd little
packages of salt, chili peppers, bits of string, possibly a piece of
soap, an old knife and the end of a native candle. There is also the
“Sunday best,” whose owner, while looking happy enough in that strip
of loin cloth held in place by a cheap European strap, yet strides the
firmer and prouder because of that old cotton shirt and the patched white
trousers so carefully protected by a bundle of forest leaves. Provisions,
too, are there, carefully pounded, cooked and flavoured by the good wife
at home. Those unsavoury manioca puddings for “her man” are generously
accompanied by her catches of fish, smoked and set aside that he might
each day have an appetizing morsel for his meal.
[Illustration: A LIGHTHEARTED CARRIER.]
[Illustration: THE CANOE SINGER.]
Other carriers are distinguished by the wounds and bruises of their
calling—one limps along with a sore foot, but on he goes until the
journey’s end; others there are with sore skin or nasty wounds, caused by
forest thorns or rough stones, others whose chafed shoulders of yesterday
now gape and become a resting-place for the torment of flies; yet, with
it all, the impatient traveller too frequently falls to scolding and even
cursing them for their “laziness”!
No white man should be allowed to travel beyond a day’s journey with a
caravan unless he has a few medical aids for such bruised and wounded
helpers, and it will repay him if human gratitude can be called a
reward. Cuts and wounds are both the inevitable price of African travel,
and it is a necessity and a duty to carry a few spare bandages and
healing ointments. There is satisfaction too in gathering the sick men
round in the evening and giving them a soothing plaster, ointment or
a bandage. A little human kindness of this nature helps to make the
journey a happier one for all, but alas too often what the Germans call
_tropenkoller_ has no conception of a remedy for complaints beyond the
whip or the boot.
The carrier is no more an angel than other human beings, no matter
whether pink or black; he has all the imperfections and the love of
self-preservation of the brother who calls himself white. I remember once
having all the loads laid out ready for the start and then giving the
order for each man to choose his load. It was evident the carriers had
mentally marked the load each would like to seize, for a dash was made
for a small box only about 18 inches square and having the appearance
of a 20 lb. load—but it was a case of cartridges weighing 80 lbs.! How
promptly they all discarded that box and dashed away for the larger but
lighter loads!
Strangely enough the carrier seldom “pilfers” on a journey. The white
man’s goods may suffer depredations on the steamer or on the train, but
on the march there seems to be a sacred community of interest which
safeguards the goods of most white men as effectively as if protected by
the spirit-haunted herbs and parrot feathers of the witch doctor, but
when civilization, in the shape of steamers and railway trains, enters
barbarous regions away goes the eighth commandment. There is one respect
in which every African traveller invariably suffers—hungry at the mid-day
hour, he calls for “chop”; thirsty, he asks for filtered water; or at
night, dead tired, he looks for his folding bed; he may call in vain,
for either from set purpose with some definite object in view, or from
stupidity, these essentials to the white man are generally “miles behind.”
[Sidenote: THE CARRIER AND NATURE]
Probably the carrier is at his best when travelling through the vast
forests, where, shielded from the sun by the interlacing trees overhead,
it is delightfully cool and the layers of dried leaves render the path
as soft and springy as the richest carpet. Carriers and traveller are
in high mood and as conversation flows freely the traveller realizes
what great students of nature these sons of Africa are. As they walk
along, they will name every tree and almost every plant; they will tell
how many moons elapse before the trees begin to bear; they will give
descriptions of edible fruits, the birds and animals which each kind of
fruit attracts, varying these running comments by periodic dashes through
the undergrowth in search of fruits to illustrate the conversation.
How closely, too, they watch the path for the footprints of animal life,
never at a fault to identify the prints with their owners, or accurately
gauge the time when the creature passed by, begging, if the traces are
recent, to be allowed to track the “meat.” As time does not concern
the hunter, it is generally wise, if there is any reasonable chance of
obtaining food for the caravan, to camp for the night. This knowledge
of forest life stands the natives in good stead, for not infrequently
provisions run out on the long marches and in the absence of human
habitations, the question of feeding the caravan becomes a serious matter.
At one time we had marched for days without any opportunity of obtaining
a supply of food and the carriers were all suffering from hunger; in a
whole day we seldom found more than a small handful of edible fruit. At
last it became almost impossible to push on with the caravan so tired
and hungry: I called together a few of the men and asked what we should
do, whereupon one made the novel suggestion of “calling the meat.” The
proposal was readily taken up and three of us pushed on ahead with guns.
Arriving at a quiet spot, one of the men—a very son of the forest—fell on
his knees, and, placing the tips of two fingers in his nostrils, emitted
a series of calls which made that forest glen echo with, as it were,
the joyous cries of a troop of monkeys! How anxiously the tops of trees
were watched! After repeating these tactics in several places in the
immediate vicinity for about half-an-hour, a man close to me whispered
excitedly “here they come”! In the distance we could see the tree tops
moving, and in a short time a score of monkeys could be seen skipping
from tree to tree towards the inimitable monkey cries of our carrier. New
life was infused into the whole caravan when they saw the gun bring down
four monkeys for the evening meal; lowering countenances were wreathed
with smiles, grumblings and cursings gave place to joyous songs in which
even the sick and lame gladly joined. At dinner that night the men were
so famished that they could not stop to cook the meat, but contented
themselves with merely singeing off the skin and eating the uncooked
flesh.
[Illustration: THE VINES OF THE TROPICAL FOREST.]
[Sidenote: THE CARRIER’S FRIENDS]
To emerge from the forest is generally to enter once more into habitable
country, and there the carriers, no matter how far from home, generally
discover a relative—a brother or a sister, a father or a mother. Their
relationships are strangely elastic, many an African laying claim to as
many mothers as wives, in point of fact the father’s brothers and the
mother’s sisters all rank as the fathers and mothers of the children. The
roving British tar may have a wife in every port, but he is surpassed
by the African carrier who may have not only a wife but a mother and
sometimes a father too in every village!
II
THE PADDLER AND HIS CANOE
Central Africa, the unexplored land of our childhood, is vested with
a charm that never ceases to allure, and reveals her deepest secrets
only to those who dig deep and risk much to discover them. The rivers
with their shifting sandbanks, their treacherous rapids and whirlpools,
entice again and again those whom the miasma has threatened to slay, as
the rushing current threatens the unwary navigator. The native alone is
in any degree immune to the former, and it is he who, with his simple
knowledge of the shoals and currents, may venture with his inimitable
dug-out where scientific navigation is baffled. Inseparable from the
African river is the dug-out, unthinkable are the thousands of miles
of navigable waterway without this primitive, though astonishingly
effective, craft.
Canoeing in Central Africa may be not unpleasant, providing both canoe
and paddlers are amiably inclined. The number of canoes available is
so restricted that there is little choice, and comfort aside it is
wise always to sacrifice size to reputation, for a canoe with a bad
name will dispirit the paddlers. The trimmest and most seasoned craft,
capable of holding twenty to twenty-five paddlers, is the traveller’s
ideal, but the equipment is incomplete without a small pilot boat for
surplus baggage, manned with four or five paddlers, who will keep ahead,
but always in sight, forewarning of rocks, snags, or sandbanks, and
generally discharging the functions of a scout. No less important is the
selection of the crew, and these to complete a harmonious group should
be volunteers—the best plan being that of getting three or four cheery
spirits to select the remainder from amongst their friends.
[Sidenote: THE PADDLER AND MUSIC]
The African paddler readily responds to an appeal for a co-operative
canoe journey, but he dislikes any such undertaking as a mere hired
paddler. Make him part and parcel of the journey and a host of potential
difficulties vanish. Erect in the bows of the canoe a tiny rush shelter
with a bamboo bed for the white man, and only the two final though most
important elements remain—music and provisions—the absence of either
being equally fatal. For the latter, an ample supply of dried fish and
cassava can be stored in the canoe, while a currency in the shape of
beads, salt, cloth, pins and needles will do the rest. Without music the
African can neither live nor die, nor yet be buried; walking, riding,
eating, digging, paddling or dancing, he must have the rhythm of his
music, devoid of charm it may be to the European, but vital to the good
spirits of the African. To the accompaniment of an old biscuit tin or a
couple of sticks, the gunwale of the canoe, or the leaves of the forest,
any or all of which can be made to give forth a sufficiency of barbaric
sounds to set in rhythmic motion the voices and bodies of all within
range.
With canoe packed, paddlers in position with their long spear-shaped
paddles and musicians with their instruments, provisions piled high
and carefully covered, the start is made. Farewells are shouted, and
blessings pronounced which if measured by their volume should preserve
the traveller for all time from hippos and snags, storms and mosquitos,
sickness, accident and even death.
[Sidenote: CANOE CHARACTERISTICS]
One sees in the African canoe characteristics as distinct as those of the
paddlers, for with a limited companionship comes a close acquaintance
with nature and things inanimate. There is the leviathan among native
craft shaped by the chief and his followers from a forest giant and
bearing herself with the proud consciousness of regal ownership. In such
a craft the passengers need have no fear for she rides majestically with
her bows reared high, breasting the waves of the tornado-lashed river or
lake, unmoved by the raging of the elements. She is seen at her best as
she glides down stream under the combined influence of the current and
the swinging impetus of her thirty stout paddlers. There is the rickety
old canoe with broken stern and crippled sides, and her leaking bottom
stuffed with clay, but there is life in her yet. She ships water fore and
aft, and amidships too, soaking the traveller’s blankets and provisions,
but her long experience gives her an ease in travel which her younger
though stouter relatives cannot rival. Then there is the lumbering
ungainly dug-out, with crooked nose and knotty sides, unreliable and
ill-balanced, possessing an affinity for every submerged snag. “Hard
on” she frequently goes and every effort to free her threatens to drown
the occupants. Sandbanks she seeks out too and obstinately refuses to
“jump” them. The paddlers will haul her off and curse her roundly for her
crooked ways,—but as she was hewn so she will remain. At the other end
of the scale is the tiny fishing dug-out of the Niger and the Congo, and
their still smaller sister of Batanga in Spanish Guinea, the latter so
small that the owner may with ease carry on his shoulder both canoe and
fishing tackle, and whilst baiting hooks and catching fish he skilfully
sits astride her and paddles with his feet.
[Illustration: MRS. HARRIS CANOEING ON THE ARUWIMI, UPPER CONGO.]
[Illustration: A RICKETY DUG-OUT.]
Inseparable again from the dug-out is the paddler. Who that travelled
with him can forget him? Humorous as the London Jehu of the twentieth
century, dexterous as his civilized confrères of the ocean, as adaptable
to his surroundings as the clay to the potter’s art; at home everywhere
and in all conditions in his native land, swimming or standing, sitting
or lying, squatting or reclining, sleeping as soundly on the nose of the
canoe or the river bank as we in our downiest of feather beds. He is
ready and alert with the earliest peep of dawn, as the mists rise from
the surface of the river, presenting the appearance of a huge boiling
cauldron. Peeping from beneath your mosquito net you see his figure
outlined against the dawning light as he keeps a sharp look-out for
the hidden snag, and shivers with the clinging chilly mist. His powers
of endurance are unequalled, as the rising sun dispels the mists and
mounting higher in the heavens becomes increasingly fierce. He still
swings his paddle with steady persistence till his body steams with
the effort; then after a little halt and refreshment in the friendly
shade of the riverside forest, he will go on until the sun is sinking,
and if need be, still on in the moonlight, singing his monotonous boat
song, occasionally varied by a running commentary from the leader on the
incidents of the journey, the peculiarities of a certain paddler, or the
ways of the white occupants of the canoe.
During the whole day long the paddler will pursue his task, I see him
now almost unconsciously bending his body with each dip of the paddle,
till a sudden slowing down followed by a profound stillness arrests the
attention. I can again hear those whispered voices as the gentle lapping
of the water against the canoe side ceases, and the boat is still. A
monkey has perhaps been seen overhead springing from bough to bough, or
sitting nibbling the fruit of some forest tree, or it may be an edible
bird with flesh as tough as its plumage is gorgeous, that watches us
till the gun booms out and the creature is brought down. For a moment it
struggles in the river, then with a sudden splash, a man is swimming with
powerful strokes towards the prey which he a moment later lands in the
canoe, while the rest look approvingly on at their prospective meal. With
spirits heartened, on they go, singing of their capture and the feast
which is to follow, till turning a bend in the river the destination is
at last in sight.
[Sidenote: A CANOE RACE]
And how they love a race! Let them but see a competitor ahead bound for
the same goal, and despite their long day’s paddle they will redouble
their strokes. Caution is thrown to the winds and the canoe springs in a
mad gallop, rocking to and fro, pitching and tossing against the current
until the rival ahead, scenting a race, enters the competition with keen
zest. At such times I have found all warnings are in vain. With a rapid
girding up of the loin cloths as the boats proceed, a rearranging of the
cargo, children, dogs, fowls, baggage and all—the race begins in real
earnest. With much shouting and good-natured banter the one or the other
will take advantage of every prospect of an up-current; now out again in
midstream to avoid a snag; a paddle breaks in the effort, but is quickly
discarded and another seized without lessening the speed—and on they go,
each determined to win or sink their rival. The boats ship water, but are
made to right themselves with marvellous ingenuity and then both stop
to bale out, while the paddlers exchange good-humoured threats, gibes,
curses and defiance.
On again they go with little advantage to either side, and the word is
passed for the “master stroke.” Madder than ever is the race; the white
man may shout but they pay no heed, for young manhood has lost all sense
of danger. At last the opportunity occurs for the final advantage for the
river must be crossed at yonder point. Often have I tried to avoid this
danger, proceeding first to command, then to plead, but in vain. I might
as effectively have tried to control a hurricane with a feather! To clear
the point with its snags, one canoe must fall behind or cross the rival’s
bows—to give up and fall back is impossible. The attempt is generally
made by the smaller boat to cross the bows of her more powerful rival and
though occasionally successful she is more often struck amidships and
disappears completely—canoe, paddlers and all!
A great shout goes up and the victors splash in to the rescue, seizing
the mats, baskets, provisions and sundries, which float off in every
direction. The crew, as much at home in the water as on land, come up
one by one and others dive to seize the stern of the sunken canoe. With
vigorous pulling and pushing, the water is swished out till she floats
again, and in the vanquished spring, again baling out the remaining water
with their feet, till it is once more fit for occupation, and every one
is prepared for the last lap of the journey. The men take their beating
well, enjoying the laugh against themselves. That night all sleep
together in a friendly fishing encampment, while the white man curls up
in his canoe, and listens to the merry paddlers as they recount with
evident enjoyment the story of their five-mile race.
Who that has found a home and nightly shelter in an African canoe will
not, as he quits it after many days, feel that he is leaving an old
acquaintance behind him. Through the twenty-four hours of sleeping and
waking, the canoe and the traveller have adapted themselves to each
other’s limitations, and the recently vacated canoe speaks as eloquently
of emptiness as the vacant chair.
III
THE AFRICAN FOREST
There can hardly be any experience more exquisitely luxurious than
that of wandering on through the primeval forests of Central Africa.
The traveller whose daily round confines him to the great cities of a
hustling civilization finds himself in perfect solitude, perhaps for the
first time in his life. Every step he takes brings before him some new
wonder in nature’s garden; every hour in the day is alive with fresh
experiences.
Surely there is no language which aptly befits the transcendent beauty
of nature awaking to greet the new-born day. During the night, giant
forms have roamed at will through the silent glades and recesses of the
forests, but with the peep of day they have retired to their lair. Those
feathered sentinels, whose hoarse cry rings through the night hours,
have perforce veiled their eyes at the awakening of their comrades who
strike the sweeter chords befitting the glad hours of day. Throughout the
night the trees made monotonous music by the incessant drip drip of their
tears, but with the morning, the warm sun has bidden those tears begone.
When daylight breaks through the tree tops, the boughs sway here and
there as the monkeys, springing from tree to tree, gambol with their
fellows, only ceasing for a momentary peep at the strange intruders
of their sylvan preserve, as the undergrowth crackles beneath the
travellers’ feet and the squirrels dart across the pathway seeking a
safer retreat. The sight of the white clad figure, moving rapidly through
the mass of undergrowth, startles the mother bird from her nest, and off
she goes shrieking for her mate and warning her fellows. Yet over all, a
silence broods and the traveller falls to constant musing as he wends his
way.
For miles the dense forests will shut out the sun, and then perhaps
where a lofty giant tree has fallen in decay, a slanting ray of sun
will gleam through the leafy roof turning the pathway into a smiling
track of iridescent moss and fern. A few yards further and the path
descends abruptly into a woodland stream, bridged by rustic logs, only
possible of fording in mid-current by creeping warily along the trunk of
a tree which some thoughtful passer-by has felled. The logs and trees
which lie rotting in all directions are the home of shimmering mosses
and tiny fern. Beside the slippery and tottering causeway there shines
many a filigree globe of purest opal and cunning design like a fairy’s
incandescent light guiding the steps of the unwary traveller. They are
but insects’ nests, as fragile as delightsome, crumbling at the touch.
[Sidenote: THE BUSY ANTS]
The traveller can never proceed many miles on his journey without
meeting the dark lines of driver ants. At a distance of fifty yards,
all one sees is a uniform brown line, sometimes two inches wide,
sometimes as many feet. Drawing nearer they are seen to be well-ordered
regiments, thousands strong, with scouts, baggage bearers, captains
and field-marshals. Their enemies have fled at their approach and they
are masters of the field. On they will march, in faultless array, their
countless thousands obediently passing at a double their immovable
field-marshals, and as they proceed every living thing flees before them.
Now perhaps they disappear through some subterranean passage, tunnelled
out by their indomitable energy, to reappear on the surface when it suits
their plan. You may scatter them if you dare, but you can daunt them
never. Sweep them into heaps, kill them by the hundred, burn them by the
thousand, and tens of thousands surge forward, to fill up the ranks, and
remove the dead. Then the regiments will grimly move once more on their
way—an incentive to higher organisms.
[Illustration: WILD FOREST FRUIT.]
The African forests teem with life, for the most part silent; even the
great beasts glide along in perfect quietude—not till you are upon them
do you realize the proximity of the elephants; then, unless the traveller
be a Nimrod, his greatest concern is to avoid a possible encounter. They
love most a quiet glen near the forest stream, where they will plough the
earth in all directions and everywhere leave the impress of their giant
limbs stretched in gymnastics all their own; here and there scattered
over their playground lie scores of trees athwart each other, evidence
of no woodman’s axe, but of the entwining grip of the monster’s trunk,
who in his unrivalled strength delights thus to shew his power in his own
domain. Everywhere, too, the great forest apples lie idle after their
sport, and the natives tell how they spend hours hurling these great
balls at their fellows.
The rivers which everywhere feed the African forest, coupled with the
tropical sun, give luxuriance to all nature. Vines are there as much
as three feet in circumference, moss-grown and gnarled with age, born
perhaps when the parent acorns of our oldest oaks were yet unformed.
Sometimes like huge serpents they coil themselves in a tortuous grip
round two or three trees, each of which may be ten times their own size.
There is beauty too in these silent forests, when at intervals on the
march the traveller, almost unconsciously at first, begins to inhale the
fragrant odour of some delicious perfume sent forth by modest blooms
that shun the gaze of man. A little searching beneath the undergrowth,
or in the tree tops overhead, reveals a bloom upon which the eye gladly
lingers—trails of waxen jasmine hanging from the bush in exquisite
profusion.
[Sidenote: BEAUTY IN DECAY]
There is beauty, too, in the forest decay, in the fallen tree trunk,
whose rotting bark and ugly torn stump are transformed by tufts of
gracefully drooping fern, while tiny rootlets smile from out every
crevice. There is beauty, too, in the fungus growths, tinted and white,
or the perfection of coral, or blooms whose purple depths suggest some
cherished hot-house flower.
The experienced traveller is quick to note signs of a change; the
pathway leads uphill and the absence of giant tree trunks denotes that
he is treading a once cleared and populated region. That hill, whose
summit is capped with foliage, was once a village landmark, beneath it,
myriad termites live and pursue their daily toils through tunnels and
chambers that they have shaped by their countless thousands. Were man’s
three-score years and ten twice told devoted to the study of the ways and
purposes of the unheeded occupants of our earth, he had but then begun to
learn the alphabet of nature’s infinite resources.
[Illustration: THE “ELEPHANT EAR” IN THE WET SEASON.]
[Illustration: WILD FOREST FRUIT.]
Close to the termite hills the half-buried foundations of primitive
dwellings speak of departed life, and in the Congo, hundreds, yea
thousands, of these mark the spot where once the children of nature lived
out their simple life, till civilization strode through the land treading
ruthlessly down the souls of men. They have gone and their haunts lie
deserted, but their monuments remain. The discarded kernels of the
housewives’ palm nuts have taken root and now rear their graceful fronds
on faultless trunks like capitals of Corinthian pillars in some cathedral
aisle. As if by design they ranged themselves thus. In these silent
groves the traveller treads reverently upon the grassy floor; no monk is
here; there is no echo of the choristers’ song, but nature has reared
her temple where myriad voices rejoice and sing their song of praise,
unfettered by the forms and creeds of man.
The long day’s tramp is now over; the sun is setting and the birds are
carolling their evening song, as the traveller emerges into the open
space beside the gleaming river, flowing swiftly onwards with its errand
to the sea. The glow of the departing sun tints the clouds with purple
and gold outshining in glory the loveliness of the morning. Surely the
heavenly regions are not far beyond, and this is a glimpse behind the
veil. The afterglow has departed and the world of man falls asleep till
the twittering of the birds heralds the approach of another day with
another march through the inexhaustible forests of tropical Africa, where
verily
“Earth is crammed with Heaven
And every common bush ablaze with God.”
IV
A MEDLEY OF CUSTOMS
A lifetime spent amongst a single African tribe would scarcely exhaust
its folklore and customs. Awaiting scientific investigation there is
throughout the African continent a wealth of lore and superstition.
To him who would discover the hidden life of the African infinite
patience is essential. It is useless to force information; the best plan
is to wait until the “spirit moves” the old woman or chief to tell you
something of the inner life of the tribe. Perhaps the time and conditions
which most contribute to a flow of talk are a moonlight evening around
the log fires and cooking pots.
I see them now—these simple Africans, seated around the great earthenware
pot awaiting the meal of boiled cassava, pounded leaves or steamed
Indian corn. I hear that grey-headed old chief, with low musical voice,
passing on the traditions of past generations, so “that the boys may
know something of the early history of their race.” All the old stories
familiar to civilization are there. They all know that “man first went
wrong through woman gathering fruit in the forest,” the only variation
is that the kind of fruit differs in different parts of West Africa, but
it is always a forest fruit, always the woman tempted the man; always
man succumbed! Then the old chief will turn to the oft-told story—the
sacrificial efficacy of the young kid. It is remarkable how closely
this custom resembles even to-day that institution of the Pentateuch.
The young kid must be free from all disease, a perfect animal in every
respect. When killed the blood is carefully sprinkled on the lintel
and on each door-post. Other familiar sacred institutions are passed
under review. Then the animal kingdom comes under discussion, and the
whole series of Uncle Remus, with but slight variations, secures the
rapt attention of the listeners. It is at such times as these that the
student gets beneath the surface of polygamy, burial and marriage dances,
cicatrization and the more serious subjects of land tenure, tribal laws,
social ties and domestic slavery.
Not all tribes are equally interesting, probably the Baketi tribes on
the upper reaches of the Kasai river provide the greatest wealth of
interesting customs and folklore. Their grotesque images, carved in
wood, grin at the traveller from the door-posts of the houses, and
passing through the villages one has to be extremely careful not to
tread upon one of the fetishes which are scattered along the walks in
great profusion. One day I saw three separate fetishes within a single
square yard, and these, the father explained to us in his simple way,
he had purchased at, to him, a heavy cost, hoping thereby to restore to
health his only daughter. Not only does the Baketi fill his town with
fetishes and wooden images, but in the forests which separate village
from village, almost every tree along the pathway has rudely carved on
its trunk the grinning face of some impossible human being.
[Sidenote: THE BAKETI FETISH]
The Baketi, too, is probably unique in his memorial grounds. Most African
tribes bury the dead in the heart of the forest, but at the same time
near the village a memorial ground is set apart on which are erected tiny
memorial huts, which the restless spirits of the departed may inhabit
if they so choose. There, when the spirit pays such visits—as all good
spirits do nightly—he finds his loin cloth ready, the spoon with which he
ate his food, the bottle from which he drank, his battle axe and cross
bow which played havoc in many an affray; there is generally too a spread
of Indian corn or other food, which the thoughtful and sorrowing wives
have placed in readiness for his return visit to earth. How safe these
memorial tombs are from desecration may be gathered from the fact that
very frequently considerable sums of native currency are strewn upon the
floor. These little tombs are also surrounded with numerous carved images
erected on poles. The Baketi have another custom which is, I believe,
quite unique in West Central Africa. Outside every village are large
forest clearings covered with grass, and dotted over these meadow-like
lands may be seen the strange sight of trees rooted up and planted
upside down—the branches having been lopped off or the tree trunk cut
through the middle and planted with the roots in the air. The sight of
these clearings, involving a considerable expenditure of labour, covered
with scores—sometimes hundreds—of these symbolic monuments, is most
impressive.
[Illustration: THE “HEALING” FETISH.]
[Illustration: THE BAKETI MEMORIAL GROUND. TREES UPROOTED AND PLANTED
BRANCHES DOWNWARDS IN MEMORY OF THE DEAD.]
The Baketi have elaborate ceremonials at births and marriages. A special
house is always built for the birth of a child, the mother being conveyed
to the dwelling an hour or so before the expected time, as is likewise
the case with a dying person. Another curious custom which prevails
amongst these people, and strangely enough we found precisely the same
custom a thousand miles north amongst the Ngombe tribes of Bopoto, yet
nowhere in the intervening territories, forbids any young woman to
definitely enter into marriage relations until one end of the interior
of her house is closely packed with neatly cut logs of firewood! This
usually means about three hundred logs, measuring eighteen inches in
length and two feet in circumference. The idea appears to be that of
demonstrating the domestic capacity of the bride-elect.
With every West African tribe there are customs peculiar to the
individual community, but they are generally trivial, or variations of
customs prevailing amongst the surrounding tribes. Amongst Congo tribes
only the Baketi apparently possess customs so completely unique.
(_a_) CICATRIZATION
[Sidenote: CICATRIZATION]
Cicatrizing is practised more or less over the whole of West Central
Africa. In some parts like the Bangalla and Equatorial regions of the
Congo, the patterns are extremely elaborate and involve much patient
labour on the part of the artist and prolonged suffering by the
individual.
[Illustration: THE SWASTIKA CICATRICE.]
[Illustration: THE OYSTER SHELL CICATRICE.]
Cicatrizing is often confounded with tattooing, but the latter process
is entirely different, and is of course most largely in vogue amongst
the Maoris and seafaring men. The word cicatrization is derived from
the French medical term which designates the scars left by a healed
wound and implies a raised portion of the flesh, whereas tattooing is
an indentation coupled with the insertion of indelible dyes. Strangely
enough the Baluba tribes south of the Congo tattoo themselves, and in
this respect are unique in West Africa. Both men and women readily
subject themselves to the cicatrizing knife, but generally speaking women
are more liberally marked than men.
In the Bangalla regions of the Congo, the facial markings resemble the
surface of a coarse rasp, whilst the women content themselves with
large shell patterns on the lower part of the stomach. Along the main
Congo and some of the tributaries, the marking which finds most favour
is the “coxcomb” in the centre of the forehead; this is sometimes cut
quite deeply. The hinterland tribes of the Equatorial rivers almost
without exception adopt the oyster shell pattern just below the temple,
but the women, in addition, are prodigally marked with “knobs,” small
“oyster shells” and “bead strings” all over the body, particularly on
the thighs. Amongst the Batetela, the forearm is usually covered with a
pattern identical with the Cornish “one and all” motto, often also with
a sunflower pattern running from the navel up to the shoulder, sometimes
to the right, but more often to the left. In the Kasai territories there
is first the one general cicatrice imposed on the people by the historic
northern conqueror Wuta, a “white” chieftain of prodigious valour and
energy, who, apparently more than five hundred years ago, swept through
the whole region founding new dynasties and placing the tribes under
tribute of soldiers and money. This hustling personage, it is said,
reached what is now Rhodesia, but so great was, and is, the fear of his
spirit that everyone to-day bears his cicatrice. The Bakuba, Bashilele,
Baketi, Bushongos and Lulua, all bear their distinctive marks, many of
the women having the whole thigh covered with a “herring bone,” and
the men carrying a mark similar to the Grecian “key” pattern. In the
Portuguese Enclave and the Mayumbe territory of the Congo, the whole of
the back is frequently covered by a single pattern and on the back of one
woman we found a marking which is clearly the Swastika.
[Sidenote: THE ARTIST IN BLOOD]
The operation is, of course, distinctly painful. The subject sits on the
ground or on a log of wood, whilst the operator cuts deeply into the
flesh with the knife held at such an angle that a considerable wound
will result. Think of sitting still whilst this crude hand-made piece of
native steel is dug into the flesh something like twenty or thirty times
within half an hour! Once I was able to watch the process; the woman
desired a “lace pattern” made from the shoulder blades to the waist,
involving altogether four lines, which meant nearly two hundred cuts. She
sat outside her hut, and bending down slightly to stretch the skin, the
intended pattern was marked in chalk, and then the operator, taking his
small cicatrizing knife in his right hand, proceeded to grasp between
the thumb and forefinger of the left successive small portions of flesh,
gashing each till the blood flowed freely. Then he started the other side
of the body, returning again to cut the third line, and back to the
second to link the pattern up with the fourth.
I watched the woman closely, and as the knife dipped into the flesh she
made a grimace, but between the cuts, laughingly and with considerable
spirit replied to my comments. At the conclusion of the operation, she
calmly walked to the nearest tree and gathered a few leaves to wipe up
the blood which by this time was streaming down her body. The operator,
according to custom, threw over the wounds a handful of powdered camwood
which, however, has less antiseptic than drying properties.
[Illustration: CICATRICED WOMEN OF EQUATORVILLE.]
[Illustration: THE BANGALLA “RASP” CICATRICE.]
It is not easy to light upon such operations, which are generally carried
out more or less privately, and in all my years of residence in Africa,
this was the only occasion on which I have been able to watch throughout
an elaborate cicatrization. It is, however, a familiar sight to meet
natives with their bodies newly cut. On the day after the incisions have
been made the wounds swell and suppurate, greatly to the delight of the
hosts of insect life which swarm everywhere in Central Africa. These
surround the wounded body of the native and only by a continuous flicking
of grass or twig brushes can the suffering victim obtain even comparative
freedom from the tortures which every movement of the body imposes, but
in the course of a few months the pattern originally cut in the body
stands out firm and clear. In those cases where still more emphatic
designs are desired, the cicatrice will be re-opened and raised higher
still until the prominence is quite pronounced, in others, after a lapse
of a few months, still more lines and still more “knobs” will be added
until the age of twenty to thirty. After this the desire for adornment
ceases and the body rests from its tortures.
What is it that attracts? What power is it which buoys up the spirit
under these painful operations? What is the secret which gives this
insatiable desire for fleshy adornment?—a desire firmly rooted in the
breast of every section of the community and shared by young and old
alike. I well remember an orphan child, of about three summers, standing
in the roadway crying bitterly, and upon my asking the cause, she told me
that being an orphan no one had enough interest in her to cut a “coxcomb”
on her forehead. Secreting a small bottle of red ink, I told her to sit
on the table, and by a series of pinchings and finger-nail marks on
her forehead, coupled with a smearing of red ink over my white hands,
calmed the little mite into the belief that her heart’s desire was being
gratified. After about ten minutes she was supremely happy in the thought
that she too possessed a “coxcomb.” Her delight was unbounded, until the
little mischief caught sight of her natural forehead in a mirror!
[Sidenote: MARRIAGE AND TRIBAL MARKINGS]
No doubt the principal motive for this passion is the love of personal
adornment, of which the African assuredly does not retain a monopoly.
Hitherto the hinterland tribes have had no access to those artificial
aids to personal adornment, which are laid so temptingly before the youth
of civilization. They will tell you they have had no alternative but to
“adorn” their only garb—nature’s dusky skin, and none would deny, that
there is a certain beauty even in these barbarous forms of embellishment.
The critic may observe that the beauty of womanhood is obviously not
enhanced by the bold use of the cicatrizing knife, but I would remind
that critic that the wife without a body fairly well covered with
cicatrization finds but scant favour with the other sex. In Africa the
European youths of fashion have their counterpart, and in the direction
of the most daintily cicatrized maiden, are cast the most amorous
glances, and offers of handsome dowries to the admiring parents for the
hand of their captivating daughter.
Other reasons doubtless play a part, among them the question of tribal
ownership of wives, and the necessity of placing a distinctive and
indelible mark upon the body. Constant internecine warfare, too, demanded
a mark which would make easy the task of discriminating the warriors of
the respective combatants.
Patriotism, relationship and love of adornment, combine in giving to
the African the extraordinary fortitude which this prolonged operation
demands, but the disappearance of internal warfare, the increasing
importation of cheap jewellery and gaudy clothing, and the advance of
Christian civilization, is robbing this custom of its _raison d’être_,
and in another generation the little African boys and girls will only
learn from books of this curious custom of their grandfathers and
grandmothers, for cicatrization, as practised to-day, will have perished
within another twenty-five years.
(_b_) PERSONAL ADORNMENT
Left to nature, the African, dissatisfied with his personal charms, looks
about him for some means for adding adornment to his body. In the absence
of finely woven cloths and silks, he covers his person with ornamental
markings, and his woolly hair he makes to take the place of head-gear.
In two respects only his tastes accord with those of the European—metal
ornaments and rouge powder.
Most African tribes wear some cloth. The wild Ngombe on the southern
banks of the main Congo, skilled in ironwork but ignorant of weaving,
wear a vegetable cloth which they strip from the inner side of the
coarse bark of a forest tree. Many of their women content themselves
with only a few cicatrized patterns, and this is most noticeable in the
hinterland of Bangalla, north of the Congo. A peculiar feature, however,
is that all these women, though completely nude, wear a thin piece of
string round the loins. When photographing a group, I suggested the
removal of these strings, because they seemed to imply that normally a
cloth or leaf was thereby suspended; but the women, at this, to me, most
innocent suggestion, all became exceedingly angry and threatened to run
away. Finally, I managed to restore good relations, and we succeeded
in obtaining an excellent photograph. It was evident that some deep
significance attached to wearing this almost invisible cord, but what
that significance was I could not discover.
[Sidenote: HAIRDRESSING]
Hairdressing ranks almost equal in importance with cicatrization, and
practically any day the traveller passing through the villages may see
some native stretched lazily upon a mat on the ground, the head resting
on the lap of the hairdresser—generally one of the opposite sex. In
Spanish Guinea, and on the islands off Batanga, the style of hairdressing
is that of long plaits, sometimes a dozen in number, running out in
all directions from the top of the head. In French and Belgian Congo
the style most favoured is the helmet and in some cases the mitre form;
in these the hair is braided up until it adds apparently about five or
six inches to the stature. In many parts of the Cameroons, as well as
in French and Belgian Congo, the hair thus built up is covered with a
mixture of oil and camwood powder, and thus offers a solid protection
against the fierce rays of the tropical sun.
[Illustration: BANGALLA CHIEF WITH HEAD TIGHTLY BOUND FROM BIRTH.]
[Illustration: BANGALLA BABE WITH HEAD TIGHTLY BOUND.]
Amongst the Boela people of Bangalla, the custom prevails of binding
the crown of an infant’s head with tough cord soon after birth, and
this head-binding is maintained throughout life. The effect is that of
an elongated or sugar-loaf skull which is greatly emphasized when the
hair is prominently braided around it. We observed men of all ages with
their heads bound in this manner, but they did not appear to suffer any
discomfort, and the mental powers of the tribe were in no sense below the
average.
Rouge finds great favour in the personal adornment of the African.
The powder is obtained from the camwood tree, and in almost every
well-regulated household in the forest regions may be seen let into the
ground a log of wood some eighteen inches in diameter, while a piece of
smaller dimensions lies near at hand. The housewife, in order to obtain
the colouring, rubs—or more correctly grinds—one piece on the other,
which, with the aid of either water or oil, causes a thick red paste
to exude, which is then made into cones and placed in the sun. When
thoroughly dry, it is either pressed into a powder and sprinkled over
the body, or the person is anointed with a mixture of the powder and palm
oil; in either case imparting a bright red appearance.
In war times, at festivals, and on feast days, an enormous amount of
rouge is used, and the red bodies of the tribes are rendered extremely
grotesque by the addition of white clay markings which stand out very
clearly on the red background.
[Illustration: A FIVE FOOT BEARD.]
[Illustration: STYLES OF ARUWIMI HEAD-DRESS.]
For the most part the West African tribes extract all the hair from the
body with the exception of the head, the beard and moustache. The task is
almost a daily one, and in the case of a man is generally undertaken by
one or more of his wives. Little boys and girls submit willingly to the
removal of their eyebrows and eyelashes.
Brass anklets and necklaces are much prized by the natives throughout
West Africa. The Mongo tribes of the Congo wear anklets weighing
sometimes 10 pounds on each ankle, and the whole set of ornaments,
including the collar, will turn the scale at 35 pounds. In the Leopoldian
régime these valuable ornaments were a contributory cause to the
atrocities, for the rubber soldiery would always seek out the women in
possession of such anklets and collars, and, as they were welded on the
body, would not hesitate to chop off the foot, the hand, or even the head
in order to obtain the ornaments.
[Sidenote: THE PRICE OF ADORNMENT]
I once heard a neat retort from an African woman. The questioner was a
white lady who had been pointing out the pain caused by wearing these
heavy articles of adornment. The dialogue ran as follows:—
_White Woman_: Why do you wear anklets which cause you so much
pain? _African Woman_: Beauty is worth pain.
_White Woman_: Surely you do not suffer such torture in order
to appear beautiful?
_African Woman_: Tell me then, white woman, why do you suffer
pain by tying yourself so tightly in the waist, like a woman
suffering the pangs of hunger?
How far these simple customs should be checked has always seemed to me a
matter of doubt, but in the internal government of missions they cause
serious dissensions among the staff. Not a few missionaries, and some
government officials, seem to feel called upon to place these old-time
customs almost on the level of criminal offences.
In one mission no natives may sit down to Holy Communion with their hair
braided and oiled, nor may they enjoy the full privileges of Church
membership if they use camwood powder on their bodies; this is the more
outrageous when, within a few days’ canoe journey, there is another
Christian mission where one lady missionary at least is evidently well
acquainted with the use of delicately scented rouge. In another mission,
cicatrizing, the extraction of the eyelashes, men dressing the hair of
women or vice versâ, are sufficient to warrant suspension from Church
membership.
In all conscience there is enough that is evil in humanity, both white
and coloured, to make the decalogue sufficiently hard of attainment,
without human agencies arbitrarily introducing non-essentials which make
it grievous to be borne.
(_c_) “THE ANGEL OF DEATH”
[Sidenote: THE DEATH OF THE AFRICAN]
The wildness of the African hinterland, the frequency of bloody feuds,
the ever present unhealthiness, almost daily materializes the hand of
death. From the moment the traveller touches the coast of Sierra Leone,
he is never far from the tragedy of early and violent deaths, accounts of
which reach him at every port.
The native’s fear of death is immortalized in his many boat songs,
his legends and traditions, as well as in those elaborate systems of
fetishism which are used to ward off the imaginary proximity of Death’s
angel.
This was the feature of African life which so impressed Du Chaillu on his
first visit to West Africa. “Are you ready for death?” he sometimes asked
the natives. “No,” would be the hasty reply, “never speak of that,” and
then, says Du Chaillu, “a dark cloud settled on the poor fellow’s face;
in his sleep that night he had horrid dreams, and for a few days he was
suspicious of all about him, fearing for his poor life lest it should be
attacked by a wizard.”
Cursing in West Africa, which almost invariably takes the form of
invoking death upon some relative, is one of the most frequent causes
of trouble. A curse hurled at himself, the African merely resents, and
returns the compliment, but let a man invoke death upon another’s mother
or sister, and the dagger leaps instantly from its scabbard, or the spear
goes hurtling through the air with deadly precision.
“May you die” is the most common form of cursing, which brings the
sharp retort, “And you also.” The curses, “May the leopard catch your
mother,” “May the crocodile eat your sister,” call forth instant battle.
The explanation of this strong resentment and intensity of feeling is
found in the fact that the African firmly believes that when a curse is
pronounced the unfortunate person is thereby accursed.
No man ever goes on a journey, no matter how short, without a string
of charms about his neck, to ward off the grim form of death, which he
believes lurks in every forest, along every river, in every home. There
is one charm to protect from violent death through wild animals, there is
one to protect from death at the hands of strangers, but chiefest of all
is that little charm stuffed away in the ram’s horn, which is a perfect
safeguard against the death curse of strangers whom the traveller may
meet when on his way from village to village.
The traveller cannot escape the sorrow and despair of death which surely
is nowhere so marked as at the death of the African. For days, maybe,
the sufferer has lain without any perceptible change, either for better
or worse; then, perhaps, the watcher observes a sign which shews that
the end is not far off, and the word goes round the village that Bomolo
cannot live long.
Silently, one after another, the relatives creep into the hut and sit
upon cooking pots, mats, stools and logs of wood, until the hut is
filled with men and women knit together with a common sorrow. The strong
man they have remembered in the sylvan chase, the keen fisherman, or
possibly the courageous warrior they have known and admired, and in their
beautiful simplicity loved, is stretched upon the hard bamboo bed which
his busy hands had made. The watchers can see that it is only a matter
of hours and the general weeping is at first silent, occasionally ceasing
when the sick one speaks or calls for something. The nearer relatives rub
and bathe the limbs which begin to chill; one or two affectionately hold
a foot, a hand, or a finger; the favourite wife, as her right and duty,
tenderly nurses the head.
In proportion as the weakness increases, the crying becomes more audible;
then louder still the women cry, invoking all the spirits of the other
world to surrender their grip and restore to life and vigour their
beloved tribesman. Some momentarily cease crying and call to Bomolo to
“speak words of farewell,” and the fact that the dying man is unable to
reply is a signal for louder wailing still. At last comes the dreadful
moment when their friend ceases to breathe. For the space of a few
seconds, a breathless and awful silence prevails, whilst brother and wife
listen to the heart beat; then, with a terrible shriek which rends the
air, the wife cries, “He is gone!”
Words fail to describe this scene! How can the pen adequately portray the
bursting of the pent-up misery of these scores of relatives as, in their
agony, they twist and writhe in the dust. Wildly despairing, they grasp
in frenzy the corpse or the bed, and then releasing their hold, they
throw up their arms and again roll in the dust, not infrequently into the
log fire which smoulders on the floor of the hut, scattering the embers
amongst the tumbling and twisting mass of wailing humanity. What matter
those burning scars?—the frenzy of a terrible sorrow consumes reason and
chases into oblivion the pains of cut, bruised, scalded and burnt bodies.
[Illustration: THE WITCH.]
[Illustration: SLAVE GRAVEYARD ON THE ISLAND OF SAN THOMÉ.]
An hour later, the storm having spent its fury, the body is washed and
prepared for the grave, but the wailing still goes on rising and falling
in a monotonous cadence like the moan of a dying gale at sea. There is
no escape from that never-ceasing death wail until the body is buried,
which, in most villages, is generally within forty-eight hours. Then the
tide of weeping turns. A reaction sets in and the weird dancing to drive
away the evil spirits continues throughout the night, until mourners and
relatives revive sufficiently for the task of partitioning the wives and
other worldly goods of the deceased.
The death customs differ with almost every tribe. In the watershed of
the Lopori, Aruwimi and Maringa rivers of the Congo towards the Egyptian
and Uganda borders, the corpse is frequently hung for weeks over a fire
and thoroughly smoke dried. A similar custom prevails in certain parts
of the middle and lower Congo. The corpse, however, is dressed in the
best clothes and placed for a day or two in a life-like sitting posture—a
gruesome and unnerving sight for the passing European. A hut in which
a traveller was resting on his journey was seen to have suspended from
the roof a deep wicker basket, from which a dark round object protruded.
This, on inquiry, he found to be the head of a child whose body, after
being smoke-dried, was hung there by the mother that she might look upon
the features of her cherished infant. Amongst the Bakwala tribe, the
custom prevails of smoking the body of a deceased wife who may be the
daughter of a distant tribe, in order that she may be sent home and find
burial amongst her own people.
Some of the Bakuba tribes on the Kasai, before life is actually extinct,
seize the body, bundle it unceremoniously out of the hut, and then
raising it shoulder high rush off to a distant and unoccupied hut that
the spirit may there take flight, and not from the home which they
believe the spirit would henceforward haunt. It is there prepared for
burial, the whole village meanwhile gathering at the house of the
deceased to take part in the general wailing.
(_d_) PEACE AND ARBITRATION
Most African tribes set the civilized world an example in their unwritten
methods of preventing war, or, after war has been declared, of bringing
it to an early termination. If it were possible to exile the Foreign
Ministers of the Great Powers of Europe to the hinterland of their
respective colonies—Sir Edward Grey to remote Barotseland, Baron von
Kilderlen Waechter to the Sanga in German Cameroons, and Monsieur De
Sélves to the Ubangi—where they could divide their time between fishing
and studying the peace principles of barbarous tribes, I have little
doubt they would return to civilization with more practical ideas upon
peace than they will ever learn in the despatch encrusted offices of
London, Berlin and Paris.
[Sidenote: THE “PALAVER”]
The African detests war and will make great sacrifices to prevent the
outbreak of hostilities. The two principal causes of war are (1) land;
(2) wives. Slave raiding does not belong to the African; the Arab
imported it. Before war breaks out there is first the “palaver,” which
may last many days or weeks. In palaver the debates differ but little
from the parliaments of the world, except perhaps that custom keeps
womanhood out of general debates, although where the particular interests
of women are concerned, I have seen them throw themselves into the
debates in a manner no whit less collected and impressive than the men.
[Illustration: THE WITCH DOCTOR WITH HIS CHARMS FOR EVERY ILL.]
The African revels in debate, and possibly this accounts to some extent
for the admitted passion for litigation which now animates the civilized
centres of the African colonies. The orators of the primitive tribes are
no less masters of the art than their eloquent compeers at Lagos and
Freetown. I was once asked to visit a first-class palaver and found a
huge semi-circle of people closely massed together. Soon after my arrival
the chief took his seat and one could almost hear the policemen of St.
Stephen’s calling out, “Speaker in the chair!” for a similar signal was
given for the palaver to commence.
The chief, surrounded by his advisers, called upon the speakers in turn;
first to the right, then to the left, so that all sides might be heard.
The “palaver” had commenced about nine o’clock, and at mid-day sun only
four speakers had been heard. The fifth, who was an orator of some
repute, rose from his stool where he had been reclining, drank from the
calabash of water handed him by his wife, and then adjusting his loin
cloth and picking up his notes—a bundle of twigs as remembrancers of the
various points—he stepped forward. With an air of complete mastery of his
facts, he sped on quietly for the first quarter of an hour; at the close
of every period he turned to his supporters for approving applause,
which was given in a chorus of assenting “Oh’s.” From calm and reasoned
recital of facts, he then passed on to his deductions, and for another
quarter of an hour he drove his points home amid the now increasing
interest and applause of his own side and the derisive laughter of the
opposition.
At the end of half an hour, excitement was beginning to run high. The
orator now threw himself into a final effort; gathering up his facts and
deductions, he charged the other side with every species of deception
and fraud, and as he did so he danced to and fro with his body bathed in
perspiration. Every sentence now was punctuated by the almost frenzied
applause of his supporters. In his concluding sentences he made a fervid
appeal for justice, all the while moving backward towards his expectant
friends and wives. He uttered his concluding sentence with arms waving
aloft and then swooned into the arms of half a dozen wives who emptied
their calabashes over that quivering perspiring body. This man had
never read the trial of Warren Hastings, but I could not help recalling
Sheridan as the African orator lay there apparently in a dead swoon—I
knew of course that he was inwardly rejoicing in his great feat and
in the applause which awoke the echo and re-echo in the great forests
immediately behind us.
If this “full dress” palaver fails to secure an amicable settlement, the
tribes in the Congo basin do not abandon their efforts. They surround the
villages with sentinels and adopt various defensive measures, but before
hostilities actually begin, they select a sort of “daysman,” who, to
act in this capacity, must be of peculiar relationship to both tribes;
that is to say he must be able to claim parentage in both dissentient
communities.
The daysman goes forth wearing a fringed and partially dried plantain
leaf sash thrown over the shoulder so that the sentinels of both tribes
immediately recognize him and his sacred office. It is very seldom this
arbitrator fails to secure a peaceful termination of the dispute. If he
does fail and hostilities break out causing loss of life, he immediately
renews his efforts; indeed he never ceases that constant passing to and
fro on his errand of peace and goodwill.
[Sidenote: PEACE CONFERENCE]
The proposal to sheathe the sword, or, more accurately, to unstring
the bows and cleanse the poisoned arrow heads, is followed by another
palaver. It was once my good fortune to be invited to act as arbitrator
at one of these interesting proceedings.
The drums in all the surrounding country were beaten at cockcrow and
immediately the two tribes, under their respective chiefs and headmen,
began marching towards the rendezvous—a clearing in the forest outside
the village at which we were staying.
I was rather alarmed at the fact that though this was a peace conference,
every member of that great concourse carried not only spears, but bows
and arrows, and I knew that the slightest indiscretion would precipitate
a bloody fight.
All the old history was retailed again through that long and burning hot
day. Once or twice a speaker raised the devil in his opponents; spears
were gripped and arrows snatched from their quivers, but at last better
counsels prevailed and terms were agreed upon. The question at issue was
a boundary dispute, but lives had been lost and prisoners taken on both
sides. The boundary was readjusted to the apparent satisfaction of both
parties, prisoners exchanged and compensation paid for the killed on
either side—this latter surely an advance on “civilized” terms of peace
by the way!
The ceremony of “signing the peace” is not the least interesting part.
First a strip of leopard skin was secured and then a bunch of palm
nuts. The skin was pinned to the ground by a dagger, and each chief and
headman followed me in driving the dagger deeper into the earth. When
it was firmly fixed the leopard skin was drawn first one way, then the
other, until it had been completely severed. A half was given to a young
chieftain of each tribe, and they were instructed to “haste to the river,
young men, throw the separated skins upon the waters that all men may
know the quarrel is now cut in pieces (_i.e._, is destroyed).” This done,
the bunch of palm nuts was taken and a spear from each party driven into
the head of nuts. Two more men were selected, again from each tribe, and
instructed to “Carry that head of nuts carefully, young men, throw them
into the river that all men may know that our spear heads are buried,
that fighting is over and peace made for ever and for ever.”
In this exceptional case the “for ever and for ever” only lasted three
months! but in the great majority of such cases peace though threatened
is maintained for many a year.
V
THE NATIVE AS A MONEY MAKER
If the African woman is a prudent banker, the man is the money maker. The
range of remuneration they receive for their labour is no less divergent
than one finds in Europe. The Sierra Leone native will obligingly row you
ashore to Freetown in fifteen minutes “for two bob, Sah”; but his brother
paddler on the Chiloango, or the Congo, will paddle for you throughout a
week for 5_d._ a day, coupled with a plump bat or the leg of a monkey by
way of rations.
There is one form of money making which is fastening its fell grip ever
more firmly upon the middle-class African—money lending. It is extremely
difficult to deal with this question in West Africa by legislation, but
a good deal can be accomplished in various directions by a watchful
administration. One case brought to my notice was that of a cook who
was compelled to pay £2 10_s._ interest on a loan of £4 for six months.
Another one was that of a teacher who required a loan of £6, for which he
had to pay 12_s._ per month interest. I was also assured that frequently
10_s._ a month interest is exacted for small loans of £1. In some parts
of the Gold Coast borrowers find themselves in such straits that they are
often compelled to pawn their children.
[Sidenote: WAGES AND WIVES]
The wages of agricultural labourers vary very considerably. In Southern
Nigeria labourers working for native employers receive from 15_s._ to
20_s._ per month. The contracted labourers on the islands of the Gulf of
Guinea—that is Fernando Po, San Thomé and Principe—are all “contracted”
at paper wages, varying from 10s. to 15_s._ per month, but neither under
the Spanish or Portuguese Administrations do they receive more than half
their pay when it is due, the other half being placed in the hands of the
Curador. In German Cameroons the wage is seldom more than 10_s._ a month,
and more often the labourers only receive 8_s._ In the hinterland of
Belgian and French Congo, the unskilled labourer receives from 6_s._ to
8_s._ per month. All these wages are exclusive of board and lodging, but
generally a certain amount of clothing is supplied freely. In many parts
of the various colonies, however, stores are opened by the plantation
owners to tempt the labourer into purchasing goods which usually carry a
respectable profit.
The hardest work and the poorest pay falls to the carrier; that patient
burden bearer rarely gets, in any part of Africa, more than about 9_d._
per day for his heavy task. The Upper Congo was thrown open to the
advance forces of civilization by a continuous stream of carriers, who
occupied from a fortnight to three weeks reaching Stanley Pool from
Matadi, a journey for which they seldom received more than a sovereign
a load. “Big money,” however, is earned by the cocoa carriers of the
Gold Coast, but the conditions are entirely abnormal. The cocoa carrying
enterprise as at present organized cannot be other than a temporary
expedient and the general army of African carriers will have to be
content with a wage varying from 4_s._ 6_d._ to 7_s._ a week.
The African is by nature a trader, and no more honest than many Europeans
in his business transactions, and on the whole I am afraid less honest
than the reputable business houses of West Africa. It is only fair
to say that the native merchants trained under the rigid standard of
European firms—particularly the Basel Mission of the Gold Coast—maintain
a standard of honest trading which does credit to the firms under which
they received their commercial education.
The ambition of most young men on the Upper Congo is focussed upon wives.
Without earthly possessions, their only hope of matrimonial bliss is in
the death of a relative from whom they may “inherit” a partner, if there
is a disparity in age an “exchange” is always possible, subject, of,
course, to an additional dowry. But this chance is remote and the waiting
time is always long, tedious, and full of social complications. One
day a young man in the Congo endowed with more than the usual share of
courage and trading instinct, hit upon a plan which has for years found
increasing favour. The captains of steamers could only with difficulty
work their boats up and down that 2000 miles of waterway between Stanley
Pool and the great tributaries of the Upper Congo, for lack of wood fuel
from the forests. Here, then, was the chance for the enterprising native.
He bargained with the white man upon the following basis. To travel with
him to Stanley Pool and back again, a journey occupying four weeks, to
cut a square yard of wood every night on the journey, and to be allowed
to sleep during the day. The wages for this enterprise to be ten francs
payable at Stanley Pool, and the free transport back again of one bag of
salt and one box of sundries. This suggestion, sound in its common-sense,
giving the white man fuel without trouble, was promptly agreed upon,
and with ten others on the same terms the contract was confirmed. The
white man went to his bunk that night, happy in the thought that for one
journey at least he would be saved the eternal “wooding palaver.” The
native youths, too, went to sleep, and possibly dreamed of the wedded
bliss which was now so unexpectedly within sight.
Four weeks later the “Stern Wheeler” returned and put the respective wood
cutters ashore at their different villages, each with a bag of salt and
a few sundries purchased at Stanley Pool with the 10 francs. The eyes
of certain comely young African women shone brightly that night as they
heard of the brilliant enterprise of their prospective mates. A few days
later two or three parties in small canoes pushed away from the banks
and started on a ten days’ journey up one of the small tributaries which
abound everywhere on the Upper Congo. In each canoe were precious bags
of salt and a tiny spoon for retailing the “white powder” to distant
tribes. A fortnight later family palavers were held and a sufficient
dowry laid at the feet of the damsel’s father. The nightly wood-chopping
enterprise had produced 10 francs which had in turn obtained a bag of
salt, a hundred common safety pins and a cheap mirror. The salt and pins
had disappeared and there lay on the ground in their place the coveted
dowry of £2 sterling in native money for the father, and a mirror for the
mother of the native bride who now gladly joined her husband for better
or for worse. There is your African trading instinct!
Since that day many a young man has followed that example, but with
competition dowries have risen and the value of European produce fallen.
Nevertheless, to-day, many a native on the Congo waterways is cutting
firewood to and from the ports in the hope of raising the wherewithal to
obtain his heart’s desire.
It is said of the Indian coolie that anywhere he will make two blades
grow to the one blade the white man can produce. In this respect the
African follows hard on the heels of his Indian rival. The white man will
often select what seems a most promising piece of land, but for some
reason his crops fail. The native will choose a little out-of-the-way
patch and cultivate it in a style which calls forth a pitying, almost
contemptuous smile from the white, but somehow that native has struck
fertility and his crops flourish amazingly.
[Sidenote: AGRICULTURAL WAGES]
In Southern Nigeria I met several successful native farmers, who seem in
some respects to outdo their friends in the neighbouring colony of the
Gold Coast. One of these had some years ago bought 200 acres of land at
4_s._ per acre, and soon it was discovered that he had obtained a very
fertile patch and he was offered no less than £5 an acre and his crops
at valuation, but Mr. X. has a keen business head upon his shoulders and
finds it more profitable to cultivate cocoa, palm nuts and rubber than to
sell his land even at an enhanced price. Every time he makes a few pounds
he extends his plantation, “pulls down his barns and builds greater.”
This man has now a turnover of nearly £20,000 a year.
[Sidenote: THE KEEN TRADER]
There are scattered all down the coast in British colonies native traders
pressing on to positions of dominating influence. These men can handle
cargoes of four figures and pay at an hour’s notice. They receive regular
cable information of the prices of different commodities on the European
market, and several of them have branches which connect by telephone.
Most of them conduct their business on modern principles with typists,
cashiers, messenger boys and so forth. Not a few of them are frequently
in a financial position to strike a bargain and settle a transaction
before the European firm can get a cable reply from the home directors.
They are up-to-date traders in being able to supply anything which may
be demanded of them, or if not in stock they will promise it—and keep
the promise—on a given day. If an order is specially urgent and has to
come from Europe, a messenger will meet the ship, take off the package
and deliver it to the client within an hour or two of the ship’s arrival.
One of the most interesting transactions I know of occurred in a certain
British colony. A chief, for some reason, was in great need of a large
elephant’s tusk, and after fruitless endeavours to obtain one, a native
trader relieved the old man’s anxiety by offering to deliver a tusk
the required size, to cost about £80, within a month. Promptly to time
the tusk was delivered—the cute trader had cabled to Europe for it!
“Holts,” “Millers,” and other all-wise competitors in that town knew how
imperative it was that this old chief should have a big tusk, and I was
told they tried their “up country” stores, but it never occurred to them
to order from Europe. There again is the African trading instinct, which
put a clear £10 note in the trader’s pocket!
[Illustration: A NATIVE PLANTER IN HIS FUNTUMIA PLANTATION, SOUTHERN
NIGERIA.]
[Illustration: RUBBER COLLECTORS, KASAI RIVER, UPPER CONGO.]
The legal profession is beyond question the most lucrative in West
Africa, but this does not obtain in Africa alone. The mass of the people
have not yet learned to settle their troubles without the aid of the
legal community. The fees paid to the coast barristers are surprising.
I was informed that in one colony more than one native barrister has an
income of close on five figures. I had no reliable evidence upon this
and should think it an exaggeration, but the style in which the coast
barrister lives and moves must certainly require a substantial income.
Certain it is too that none are more generous with their money.
Unlike the medical profession, no colour-bar stands between the barrister
and the free exercise of his ability. Surely the position of these
medical men calls loudly for redress, the profession which, above all
others, is needed in the fever-haunted colonies of Africa, yet between
the increase of these men and the countless sufferers there is firmly
fixed the detestable colour-bar of prejudice.
Though the native has not yet become convinced of the safety of banking,
the sums placed by them on deposit in the three British colonies—Sierra
Leone, the Gold Coast and Nigeria, are nearly £80,000.
When we reflect upon these natives rising to positions of greater power
and influence in British colonies, and when we are prone to criticize
British administrations, it will not hurt any of us, either native or
European, to remember that less than a century ago these centres were
amongst the principal slave markets of the world.
VI
THE AFRICAN WOMAN
There is assuredly no country whose women are more interesting than those
of Central Africa. Certainly there can be no place on the habitable
globe where women are so continuously industrious. Amongst African women
there are no unemployed and no unemployables. In all the hinterland,
the women are the agriculturists. In the early morning, often before
sunrise, they file out of the village to their plots, perhaps a mile
away from the town, where there is always something to do; weeding and
planting being almost an integral part of the daily routine. When the
gardens have received attention, meals must be considered and the woman
proceeds to dig up the manioca tubers, but only to bury them beneath the
water in some forest stream or pool to extract the injurious element. In
a few days hence the load of sodden tubers will be ready for the native
culinary art.
[Sidenote: DAILY BREAD]
Ten minutes in the forest and the woman has gathered the fuel required
for her cooking; then loading her basket with the manioca left to
soak six days before, she places a layer of leaves between it and the
firewood, and shoulders her burden. She steps out brightly for home, in
company with perhaps another twenty matrons.
It is not every day that she is able to finish by noon, for in the
planting season the gardens demand her labour for whole days at a
stretch. Some weeks before the husband has perhaps started a new field
by cutting down at immense labour hundreds of trees, which lie there
scattered in all directions till the tropical sun dries up the leaves
and smaller branches. Then a torch at one end of the clearing starts the
whole area in a blaze.
It is at this stage that the wife comes along with her seeds and
cuttings, digging little mounds all over the area and raising the soil by
heaping upon it the cinders, dead leaves and ash, which provide the only
manure these primitive folk possess. Between the rows of manioca she may
plant gourds, Indian corn and ground nuts, and thus secure a general crop
all over her cultivated field.
From Sierra Leone right away to the north bank of the Kasai, these
domestic crops vary but little, but on arriving at the southern bank of
the Kasai, the change becomes very marked, for the extensive fields of
manioca and cassava give way to mealies as the staple food.
The field is the first charge, so to speak, upon the time of the African
woman, but to her belongs also the major responsibility for providing
the daily meals. The primitive African is almost a vegetarian, though he
dearly loves meat. Trapping edible fish is by no means frequent, and the
wife, knowing with her civilized sister how important it is to feed the
man, will often snatch an hour or two from her busy life and run to the
nearest stream and catch some “small fry,” with which to make savoury
the evening meal of cassava and pottage. In season she will hunt through
the forests for the caterpillars which abound on certain trees and which
by some tribes are regarded as great delicacies, particularly those
tribes inhabiting French and Belgian Congo and the Cameroons. The Gold
Coast people substitute large snails, of which they appear inordinately
fond.
There are four principal dishes which, with slight variations, prevail
throughout Western Africa:—
1. There is the staple food of manioca, which is sometimes boiled and
pounded into puddings, resembling a lump of glazier’s putty. Cassava or
sweet manioca is never soaked, but cooked fresh from the ground and is
much liked by Europeans.
2. The plantain, which is prepared in many forms by roasting, baking,
frying and boiling.
3. There is pottage, the body of which is composed of pounded leaves
from the manioca plant, closely resembling spinach. In most parts of the
tropics, green Indian corn is introduced freely into this dish.
4. There is the palm oil chop, which, as I have shewn in another part of
this book, is not a “chop” at all, but anything from a caterpillar or a
beetle to the leg of a dog or buffalo.
Perhaps next in importance to the position of agriculturist is that of
cook. Give the African woman a clay pot, a pestle and mortar and a few
leaves, and she will produce in quick time a meal which even a European
can relish. She is a trifle too fond of chili peppers and palm oil for
a sensitive palate and fully believes that a fair proportion of earth
and other etceteras add to the flavour and digestibility. Her husband,
with a natural weakness for chili peppers and oil, and himself not averse
to “foreign bodies” in his food, readily consumes nearly two pounds of
prepared manioca and pottage at a single meal.
[Sidenote: THE WOMAN IN THE HOME]
With cockcrow, the woman rises, steps outside the hut and in lieu of
washing herself, yawns two or three times, then stretches herself in
several directions, and is ready for the day’s work. She will first
sweep her hut, open the chicken-house, pluck a few dew-covered leaves
to wipe over the faces of the children, and then pick up her basket and
set out for the gardens. Returning, she will pull the fire logs together
and again shoulder her basket and go off to catch fish, or to hunt
caterpillars. Some of the older wives may stay in the village to fashion
clay cooking pots, weave baskets and mats, or crack palm kernels.
[Illustration: WOMEN POUNDING OIL PALM NUTS.]
About four o’clock, “when the monkeys in the forest begin to chatter,”
the women return to their huts and commence preparing for the principal
meal of the day. Above the hum of conversation, the passing jest, or the
humorous repartee, the clear ringing thud, thud, of pestle and mortar is
distinctly heard. Most dishes at some stage or the other are pounded. The
boiled manioca, the pottage leaves, the palm nuts, the plantains, all
find their way to the mortar, and no doubt the muscular physique of many
of the women is largely the result of the perpetual wielding of the heavy
wooden pestle.
The African woman is at home with any industry, hardly anything comes
strange to those deft fingers and muscular arms. The husband may go on
a journey by canoe, and his wife, or wives, will be there paddling
amidships and cooking the meals at intervals. The husband, however,
always takes the post of danger, which may be bow or stern, according
to the weather, the current, or the district through which they may be
passing.
Much has been written, backed by little knowledge, about the brutality of
man in making the woman carry the loads when on an overland journey. To
the uninitiated European, it may seem callous for a strong able-bodied
man to walk in front of a line of women every one of whom is struggling
along with a 50-pound load on her back. But make them change positions,
force the man to take the load, tell the women to walk in front, and
before you have gone many yards the women will all have bolted into the
bush, for the “Lord Protector” under a load is no longer ready to shield
them from the danger which lurks behind every tree and beneath almost
every leaf in the African forests. The African knows his business when
on a journey, and his first duty, from which no matter what the odds, he
never shrinks, is that of protecting his family from the ravages of wild
animals no less than the violence of hostile tribes. But to do this he
must be unencumbered and alert.
[Sidenote: WOMAN A MONEYMAKER]
The women of West Africa, by reason of their thrifty natures, are
frequently the bankers. To them the husband entrusts the keeping of his
worldly goods, and right sacredly they guard anything placed in their
keeping. Not only are the women trustworthy bankers, but as moneymakers
they are extremely keen. The finest business woman it has been my lot to
meet was a farmer woman of Abeokuta. This old lady could tell at sight,
almost to a penny, the value of a pile of kernels without weighing them.
I fell to discussing with her so technical a question as the possibility
of cotton in Southern Nigeria, and she was adamant in her opinion upon
this: “Unless they can guarantee me 1_d._ per pound for unginned cotton
and 4½_d._ per pound for the ginned, I would even prefer to grow yams.” I
gathered that on the whole she was not likely to become a shareholder in
any cotton producing company.
[Illustration: GRINDING CORN ON THE KASAI, UPPER CONGO.]
In the mart the women excel. It may be in the streets of Accra, Abeokuta,
Freetown, or in that finest of all marts in West Africa—Loanda, or
again in some wayside market of a tributary river in the far distant
hinterland. Wherever you find the market, the women are in control and
right merrily goes the auction. The din amounts to a pandemonium, the
tricks of the trade are to be looked for in every basket of fruit or
pile of vegetables. The eggs are probably old ones, carefully washed
and possibly doctored; that fowl tied by the legs could not walk from
sickness if it were free. Billingsgate, Smithfield, Covent Garden, rolled
into one could not be at once more entertaining, more noisy and more
novel than those African markets where you may buy almost everything you
want, and receive a great deal gratis that is not welcome.
THE AFRICAN WIFE
Is there any feature, social, political or religious so important in West
Africa as the wife and mother? No “teeming millions” are to be found
in the African tropics and every colony is crying out for more native
workers as the development of her industries gets beyond the fringe. As
a wife the African woman is generally but one of a number. In most coast
towns to-day the stress of modern competition has forced up the cost
of living, which together with the absorption of civilized ideas has
made monogamy—oftentimes, alas, only surface monogamy—the passport into
respectable society. But away from the coast towns, though it be only a
few miles away, polygamy is prevalent almost throughout West Africa.
Christian converts profess an abhorrence, and in many cases I am
satisfied a sincere abhorrence, of polygamy, but the fact remains that
this causes more trouble in the Christian Churches in West Africa than
all other evils put together. In the purely pagan areas there is no doubt
that the woman regards polygamy as a desirable condition; she argues
that the position of the husband is gauged by his many possessions—wives
and cattle, and that she prefers being the wife of a great man to that
of some insignificant fellow who can afford to keep but one! Again she
will point out, and with obvious truth, that if a man possesses several
wives, the burden of agriculture, of fishing, of kernel-cracking, and the
domestic duties spread over four, five or more persons is proportionately
lighter upon each individual.
[Illustration: A CHRISTIAN COUPLE RETURNING FROM THE GARDENS TOWARDS
SUNSET.]
[Illustration: WEAVING CLOTH IN THE KASAI, UPPER CONGO.]
Into the sentiment of polygamy there is also the practical consideration
of offspring. No matter how plain the daughters, no matter how slightly
cicatrized they may be, no matter what imperfections the boys may have,
if they are the children of a much married man they are certain to make
“good matches.” The sons may be certain of securing the daughters of
chiefs no less famous than their father; if a girl, her dowry will not
be her intrinsic worth, but will be gauged likewise by the position and
possessions of her father.
[Sidenote: INHERITED WIVES]
It does not seem to be generally recognized that there is both voluntary
polygamy and in a very real sense obligatory polygamy. A man inherits
wives from his father or uncle, just as he inherits other possessions.
In most cases of course he gladly accepts his inheritance. This, I know,
is a revolting custom to the European, but to the African not merely
desirable but the only honourable future for his father’s wives. His
own mother reigns as a sort of dowager Queen in the household and keeps
order in the harem of her son. I have often discussed this feature with
the women themselves and find that invariably they regard any other
course with the utmost repugnance. Why, they say, should they suffer the
disgrace of being passed on to other husbands; what evil have they done
that their rightful husband should disown them and refuse to accept them
as his wives? his father loved and cherished them, and why should the son
disgrace his father’s name by refusing to follow in his steps!
In one or two cases Christian men have actually put away wives whom
they have inherited in this manner, but the women concerned have always
felt that the shadow of disgrace has fallen upon them and that they are
outcasts from the social life of the tribe.
This custom, like most extreme polygamous concomitants, finds its fullest
development in the upper reaches of the Congo river, but it is also
found practically throughout the whole of the Congo basin.
[Sidenote: CHRISTIANITY AND POLYGAMY]
The general attitude adopted by missionaries in West Africa is that
of rigidly excluding the husband of more than one wife from Church
membership, and this no doubt accounts for the apparent lack of success
which statistics seem at first sight to demonstrate. Almost every
missionary, however, will point out to the traveller, man after man who,
though not a member of his church is, he declares, with a regretful sigh,
“more of a Christian than the majority of our members.” The German Basel
Mission in the Cameroons excludes all polygamists from Church membership
and they have been fortunate in obtaining King Bell as a monogamist
member. In the “oil rivers” of the Niger, the same rigorous position is
taken up by the missionaries.
In not a few churches in Southern Nigeria, polygamists are certainly
admitted to membership of the churches. These men if not openly
polygamous are notoriously so in private life.
The Christian Church has, in polygamy, a problem which at present
defies solution; the custom is so much an integral part of African life
that a conversion to Christianity involves an abrupt termination of
the convert’s former habits, the effects of which reach far beyond the
individual most intimately concerned. One of the greatest difficulties is
that of the outcast wives. In one Mission in Southern Nigeria if a man
becomes a Christian convert he is asked to call his wives together and
explain his position, then to select one, put the others away and provide
for their maintenance. But even this involves a sense of injustice and
is, I am told, fruitful in many cases of deplorable results. The women
thus set aside regard themselves not unnaturally as outcasts, as they
have lost the affection of their husbands and are therefore in disgrace.
In many cases, I am told, these women become either temporarily or
permanently the mistresses of other men who do not hesitate to taunt them
with the fact that they are outcasts from ordinary native society.
No doubt there are exceptional cases where women so put away find mates
amongst the bachelor members of the Christian community, but even these
young fellows—and more particularly their parents—are not always over
anxious to accept as a wife for their son the woman whom another man has
set aside.
The Honourable Sapara Williams, one of the ablest men in West Africa,
expressed the opinion that it is imperative the Christian Church should
find some other solution than exists to-day for this difficulty if it
is to maintain and increase its hold upon the native tribes of tropical
Africa. We see already a native Christian Community in Southern Nigeria
known as the African Church existing avowedly upon a polygamous basis
and growing rapidly in membership and influence. This Church is entirely
self-supporting and is becoming more and more propagandist. In the course
of time it may easily produce what will be called an “African Wesley,”
or an “African Spurgeon,” and the result we can foresee. The African _en
masse_ is inflammable material and intensely patriotic; let such a man
emerge from their ranks and the doctrines he preaches will spread like
wildfire.
It is universally recognized that in case of any modification of the
attitude now adopted by the European government of Christian Churches,
thousands of adherents would be secured in every colony. The heroic
attitude hitherto adopted surrenders to Mohammedanism a potent factor in
the propagation of its beliefs, hence the extraordinary advance made by
the apostles of the prophet.
There is evidence that the position maintained by the Christian Churches
as a whole upon this aspect of its work leads to widespread immorality
amongst Church members, but wherever it becomes too notorious, the
delinquents are, with certain exceptions, excluded from membership.
It will be readily seen therefore that should any single Christian
denomination once lower its standard in this respect, converts would
flock to it in thousands. The African Church does this, and springing
from the people themselves, meets the situation. Its members probably
represent the Christian natives of the near future in Southern Nigeria,
men for the most part commercially successful, boldly solving their own
problems, living an easy-going and comfortable life, their religious
standard lowered to their own desires. Can we criticize them? If we do,
we must beware, for they will tell us that it is more honest to live open
polygamous lives than the fraudulent lives of professing Christians—white
and black—whose hypocritical attitude, particularly on sex questions, is
a by-word on the West Coast of Africa. I fear there is too much truth in
this retort. White men, at least, must hold their peace, and there lies
the greatest danger!
[Sidenote: POLYGAMY AND THE BIRTH RATE]
It is generally accepted that polygamy is productive of a high birth
rate, and Sir William Muir has given this as one reason for the almost
miraculous advance of Mohammedanism. It may have been, and may still be
true to-day of Mohammedanism that polygamy produces a high birth rate,
but that existing polygamists in tropical Africa to-day produce a greater
number of births than monogamists is, I am satisfied, open to serious
question. At the same time I think it is clear that prior to European
occupation, polygamist Africa maintained a higher birth rate than is
possible under modern conditions.
The reason for this is not far to seek, for the chiefs, possessing as
they did unrestricted power over the community, could terrorize into
complete submission every unit of the tribe. Wherever polygamy existed
the wife was kept faithful to the one husband by the knowledge that
unchastity was forthwith rewarded by instant death. The young men also
knew that a _liaison_ meant either that they were sold into slavery,
involving in all probability ultimate sacrifice, or they would be hanged
on the nearest tree.
This is so even to-day amongst those tribes beyond the reach of white
men. One day, when crossing towards the main Congo river, I suddenly
heard wild shrieks from a person evidently in great danger. Rushing to
the spot, I found a woman bound hand and foot, and standing over her was
a burly young chief with an executioner’s knife raised aloft. In a moment
more that woman’s head would have been hacked off had I not promptly
gripped the man’s arm. With a terrible oath he attempted to spring upon
me, but the headmen of the village, who had also hurried to the scene,
fell upon him and wrenched the knife from his hand. For a quarter of an
hour nothing would stay the man’s fury; it took six of us to hold him.
Ultimately, however, he calmed down and explained to me that his wife had
been unfaithful and that she merited the death penalty. I gave him some
presents to appease him further and he agreed to forgive the woman if I
would “reward him.” As the gift he asked was to me a trivial matter, and
the only chance of saving the woman’s life, I gave it to him. The woman
herself, in gratitude, at once wrenched from off her wrists a bracelet
which she presented to me as a keepsake. I fear, however, that after I
left the village, she suffered a cruel death for her unfaithfulness. It
will be readily seen that these conditions are only possible in regions
where there is no restraining hand.
The question of the birth rate under monogamist and polygamist marriages
in West Africa has always been of absorbing interest to me and my diaries
are full of jottings bearing upon the subject, but very few are worth a
permanent record. Amongst the Christians of Accra many monogamists have
considerable families and from personal observation twins appeared to be
fairly frequent. In the hinterland, we were informed, that the “baku”—or
tenth child—is by no means rare amongst the “Twi” people. The largest
family we found amongst the monogamists of the Bangalla region of the
Congo was five children, the average appearing to be three. But West
Africa is very weak in reliable statistics.
In our recent journeys, I selected four areas and obtained with some
accuracy the composition of several groups of villages. It was
impossible to accept the figures from some districts because the people,
fearing there was some subtle move behind our requests, either gave
evasive replies or figures which were obviously inaccurate.
The following six groups, however, are reliable. They were gathered from
areas hundreds, and in one case over a thousand miles apart:—
Average Average Average
woman Offspring. per per
Men. Women. per man. Boys. Girls. Total. man. woman.
_Five Hinterland Villages of the Kasai._
A 241 316 1.315 70 81 151 0.626 0.477
(201 monogamists)
_River-side Villages on the Upper Congo._
B 26 45 1.875 14 15 29 1.115 0.644
C 41 54 1.317 5 4 9 0.222 0.166
D 16 42 2.625 10 6 16 1 0.380
_Hinterland Village, Upper Congo._
E 31 69 2.225 23 20 43 1.387 0.623
_Remote Hinterland Village, Upper Congo._
F 196 319 1.627 171 148 319 1.627 1
In group “C,” the principal polygamist possessed fifteen wives, but only
two children. Sixteen monogamists had no children.
Group “A” is taken from the Kasai, where monogamy most widely prevails,
but of the two hundred and one monogamists, one hundred and three had no
children. The principal polygamists possessed six, eight and thirteen
wives respectively. The two first had no children at all and the chief
with thirteen wives had two boys and three girls.
From these figures no deduction is possible as to the advantage of either
polygamy or monogamy upon the question of birth rate. One deduction only
is clear.
The birth rates in the following order are with estimated distance from
effective civilized Government:—
Average birth-rate Distance from effective
per woman. civilized Government.
Group C 0.166 10 minutes’ walk
” D 0.380 30 ” ”
” A 0.477 1 hour’s ”
” E 0.623 1 ” ”
” B 0.644 1½ ” ”
” F 1 2 days’ ”
The birth rate figures are lamentably low, and being selected from areas
so widely apart give anything but an encouraging indication for the
future of the Congo. The deductions from these figures is unmistakable
and only confirms what one hears everywhere, not only in the Congo but
all over the West Coast of the utter demoralization which is flooding
these territories.
The Congo is by far the worst. Europe was staggered at the Leopoldian
atrocities and they were terrible indeed, but what we, who were behind
the scenes, felt most keenly was the fact that the real catastrophe in
the Congo was desolation and murder in the larger sense. The invasion
of family life, the ruthless destruction of every social barrier, the
shattering of every tribal law, the introduction of criminal practices
which struck the chiefs of the people dumb with horror—in a word, a
veritable avalanche of filth and immorality overwhelmed the Congo tribes.
[Sidenote: THE ONLY HOPE]
To-day one sees the havoc which King Leopold created when he let
loose upon the Congo tribes the scum of Europe. None have escaped the
infection; girls of tender years and even boys not yet in their teens
delight in practices of which in the old days the chiefs would have
kept them in complete ignorance for another five years. Upon the women
the results have been by far the most revolting, for in the Congo the
majority of women have lost their womanhood and have fallen into a daily
condition from which even the beasts of the forest refrain.
The truth is that in the greater part of West Africa neither monogamy nor
polygamy is the prevailing relationship between man and woman. Doctors,
administrators and missionaries all know it, and are all powerless at
present to bring the situation under control. It is useless for the
administration to make laws for practices beneath the surface, the only
thing the officials can do, and should do without delay, is to see to
it that an ever higher example is set to the natives. This is where the
Belgian and French Congo officials have failed so utterly.
The Christian missionary alone touches the evil, and though he is
defeated again and again, he plods steadily on preaching a perfect
chastity—too lofty a standard for most natives at present—but without
doubt gathering round him an ever increasing number not only of men but
of women who, apart from occasional lapses, set a bright example to the
whole countryside.
[Sidenote: MOTHERHOOD]
The birth of children is in primitive Africa rarely attended by anything
abnormal. If a native nurse is confronted with complications, she
immediately throws up the case in despair and appeals to the witch
doctor, but normally the birth of children is taken as quite an ordinary
part of the daily life. One day we were passing through a native village,
and there, lying on a plantain leaf, were two chubby little twin girls
but half-an-hour old; the mother was sitting close by “resting.” This
picture was so beautifully simple that my wife went with a boy to bring
up the camera and plates, but on arriving at the spot in about twenty
minutes the woman had picked up her twins and carried them home! That is
primitive Africa, but in the coast towns where African womanhood delights
in corsets and other European follies, the suffering at childbirth is in
many cases almost as acute as that amongst the European community. With
several Congo tribes, the belief is firmly rooted and put into practice
that in order to change the colostrum flow to that of milk, co-habitation
is essential.
With many tribes throughout West Africa, the period of lactation is
prolonged; frequently the mother nurses the child until it is two, three,
and even four, years old. A case of adultery was brought before the
District Commissioner’s Court at Ikorodu in Southern Nigeria in April
last year, and in the evidence it came out that the accused woman was
suckling a child four years of age. The District Commissioner ordered her
to cease nursing the child within three months.
The death rate amongst the young children in West Africa is very high and
no doubt arises from the deplorable manner in which they are brought up.
There is practically no attention given to diet or cleanliness, with the
result that any disease which attacks a family quickly spreads through
the community.
Amongst the Dagomba of the Northern territories of the Gold Coast colony,
the woman who has given birth to a child leaves her husband’s compound
and goes to that of the father-in-law, taking the child with her, where
they stay for a year. At the end of this period the wife and child return
to the home of the husband and father.
TWINS
[Sidenote: TWINS]
It is a mistake to assume, as some writers do, that the taboo on twins
is a prevailing custom amongst West African tribes. The distribution
of the taboo is extremely erratic. Twins are unwelcome in the Northern
territories of the Gold Coast, yet the reverse is the case amongst the
Egbas of Nigeria. In the Congo territories, twins cause the greatest joy
to a tribe and the mother is lauded wherever she goes, whilst amongst the
tribes of the oil rivers of Nigeria, the birth of twins is regarded as
the most fearful calamity which can fall upon the community.
In the Upper Congo regions, the traveller may frequently see two
earthenware pots hoisted on forked stakes which have been driven in the
ground, one on either side of the path, and these are in honour of twins
born in the nearest compound. Every person passing by those pots will
religiously pluck two leaves and throw one at the foot of each forked
pole as a votive offering to “Bokecu” and “Mboyo,” as all good twins are
named.
The tragedy of the oil rivers is one of the most distressing in West
Africa. Throughout the Eastern, and to a considerable extent of the
Central Province, the cruel custom prevails of putting to death one,
sometimes both twins. The British Government spares no pains in the
effort to combat and overcome these practices, but though much good has
resulted, the custom still holds its own.
Not only are the children killed, but the mother is immediately
driven from home for she is no longer regarded as a chaste woman and
rapidly becomes an outcast from Society, living upon the proceeds of
prostitution. In some districts, however, this custom is less rigorous,
and the mothers of twins are allowed to form isolated villages and to
engage in trade. Some tribes, again, whilst driving them from the homes
of their husbands, permit them to engage in agricultural pursuits upon
the husband’s lands.
The missionaries are doing much towards weaning the tribes from this
murderous practice. One missionary society working amongst the Ibunos,
a tribe of five thousand people, claims that through the conversion to
Christianity of a large section of this tribe, the horrible practice of
murdering the twins and making the women outcasts has ceased. It is of
course difficult to control absolutely a statement of that kind, but it
is only the Christian missionary who can hope to deal effectively and
permanently with a subterranean evil like twin murder.
[Illustration: “TWIN POTS” HOISTED ON FORKED STICKS EITHER SIDE OF
PATHWAY, IN HONOUR OF NEWLY BORN TWINS, BANGALLA, CONGO.]
An interesting custom which survives in the Upper Congo is that a man
may never see or speak to his mother-in-law, and should he by accident
turn a corner in the village compound and meet her face to face, he must
at once send a propitiatory offering. If she should come into the house
where he is sitting, he will promptly raise a mat and hold it between
them, so that they may not see each other.
On the whole the lot of the African woman is a hard one. She has her
occasional pleasures it is true, but from childhood hers is a lifelong
drudgery with, however, the one sure recompense, that in old age it is
the joy and the privilege of the younger generation to support her.