EVENTS PRIOR, AND LEADING UP, TO SECOND AFGHAN WAR
Conquest of Khiva, Bokhara, and Kokand by Russia--British Conquest of
Scinde and the Punjaub--Our Policy with the Frontier Tribes--Treaty of
1857 with Dost Mahomed--Shere Ali succeeds as Ameer, 1868--War of 1878--
Abdul Rahman becomes Ameer--Withdrawal of British Army from Afghanistan,
1881.
For a few years subsequent to the war, our frontier policy happily
remained free from complications, and it will be desirable now to refer
shortly to the progress of Russia in Central Asia, and of her conquests
of the decaying Principalities of Khiva, Bokhara and Kokand.
Previous to 1847 the old boundary line of Russia south of Orenburg
abutted on the great Kirghis Steppe, a zone [Footnote: Parliamentary
Papers: _Afghanistan_, 1878.] (as the late Sir H. Rawlinson told
us) of almost uninhabited desert, stretching 2,000 miles from west to
east, and nearly 1,000 from north to south, which had hitherto acted as
a buffer between Russia and the Mahomedan Principalities below the Aral.
[Footnote: Extract from _Quarterly Review_, October 1865.]'It was
in 1847, contemporaneously with our final conquest of the Punjaub, that
the curtain rose on the aggressive Russian drama in Central Asia which
is not yet played out. Russia had enjoyed the nominal dependency of the
Kirghis-Kozzacks of the little horde who inhabited the western division
of the great Steppe since 1730; but, except in the immediate vicinity of
the Orenburg line, she had little real control over the tribes. In 1847
-48, however, she erected three important fortresses in the very heart of
the Steppe. These important works--the only permanent constructions
which had hitherto been attempted south of the line--enabled Russia, for
the first time, to dominate the western portion of the Steppe and to
command the great routes of communication with Central Asia. But the
Steppe forts were after all a mere means to an end; they formed the
connecting link between the old frontiers of the empire and the long
-coveted line of the Jaxartes, and simultaneously with their erection
arose Fort Aralsk, near the embouchure of the river.'
The Russians having thus crossed the great desert tract and established
themselves on the Jaxartes (Sir Daria), from that time came permanently
into contact with the three Khanates of Central Asia, and their progress
since that date has been comparatively easy and rapid.
The Principalities had no military organisation which would enable them
to withstand a great Power; their troops and those of Russia were
frequently in conflict of late years; but the battles were in a military
sense trivial; and the broad result is, that Russia has been for some
years predominant throughout the whole region; and her frontiers are now
continuous with the northern provinces of both Afghanistan and Persia.
It is this latter point which is the important one, so far as we are
concerned, but before entering into its details, it will be well to
consider the nature of the great country over which Russia now rules.
Until within the last few years our information as to its general
character was very limited; but the accounts of numerous recent
travellers all concur in describing it as consisting for the most part
of sterile deserts, deficient in food, forage, fuel and water. There
are a certain number of decayed ancient cities here and there, and there
are occasional oases of limited fertility, but the general conditions
are as just described. With the exception of the one railway from the
Caspian to Samarcand, the means of transport are chiefly pack animals.
Speaking roughly, the dominions of Russia in Central Asia, south of
Orenburg, may be taken as almost equal in geographical extent to those
of our Indian Empire; but there is this striking difference between the
two, that whilst the population of India is computed at 250 millions,
that of Central Asia, even at the highest computation, is only reckoned
at four or five millions, of whom nearly half are nomadic--that is, they
wander about, not from choice, but in search of food and pasturage. The
extreme scantiness of the population is of itself a rough measure of the
general desolation.
The military position of Russia in Central Asia, therefore, is that of
a great but distant Power, which during the last fifty years has overrun
and taken possession of extended territories belonging to fanatical
Mahomedan tribes. The people themselves are, many of them, warlike and
hostile; but they are badly armed, have no discipline, training, or
leaders, and are not therefore in a position to withstand the advance of
regular troops. Consequently Russia is enabled to hold the country with
a comparatively small force of scattered detachments, which are,
however, supplied with arms, munitions and stores under great
difficulties from far distant centres, and her troops are practically
incapable of concentration. Indeed the farther they go the weaker they
become; the very magnitude of the area being an additional cause of
weakness. This is a condition somewhat precarious in itself, and would
certainly not appear to be an alarming one as a basis of attack against
our Empire, even were India close at hand.
While Russia, however, was completing the subjugation of the
Principalities, and advancing her frontiers until they became
conterminous with the northern provinces of Afghanistan and Persia, the
Government of India, by the great wars of 1843 and 1849, having annexed
Scinde and the Punjaub, advanced our frontiers in a similar manner, so
that the people both of Beloochistan and Afghanistan, hitherto far
remote from our dominions, now became our neighbours.
In the life of Sir Robert Sandeman recently published, a very
interesting account is given, not only of the nature of the country
along the border, but of the policy pursued for many years with the
independent tribes. It says: 'By the conquest of Scinde in 1843, and the
annexation of the Punjaub in 1849, the North-West frontier of India was
advanced across the river Indus to the foot of the rocky mountains which
separate the plains of the Indus valley from the higher plateaus of
Afghanistan and Khelat. These mountain ranges formed a vast irregular
belt of independent or semi-independent territory, extending from
Cashmere southward to the sea near Kurrachee, a total length of about
1,200 miles.' The belt of territory above described was 'inhabited by
fierce marauding tribes, often at war with each other, ever and anon
harrying the plains of the Punjaub and Scinde, and the constant terror
of the trade caravans during their journey through the passes.'
The policy pursued for many years is thus described: 'The disasters of
the first Afghan war, and the tragical episode of Khelat, were fresh in
men's recollections, and created a strong feeling against political
interference with tribes beyond our border'.... 'Accordingly, from the
very first, the system of border defence maintained by the Punjaub
Government was not purely military, but partly military, partly
political and conciliatory. While the passes were carefully watched,
every means was taken for the promotion of friendly intercourse.' Roads
were made, steamers started on the Indus, and inundation canals
developed along the border.
So long as they were friendly the tribesmen had free access to our
territory, could hold land, enlist in our army, and make free use of our
markets. As a result, the deadly hatred formerly prevailing between the
Sikhs and the hill tribes soon disappeared; raids became exceptional;
cultivation increased; the bazaars of our frontier stations teemed with
Afghans, with trains of laden camels, who at the close of the season
returned laden with our goods. Disputes were voluntarily referred by
independent tribesmen for the arbitration of British officers. Such, (it
is stated in the life of Sir Robert Sandeman) were the results of
Lawrence's frontier policy, and no words are required to emphasise these
excellent arrangements, which remained in force for many years.
Before leaving this part of the subject, it may be as well to
anticipate a little and to allude to the successful part taken by Sir
Robert Sandeman in 1876 on his appointment as our agent to the Khan of
Khelat. It is important in the first place to mention, that whilst in
Afghanistan the tribes all along the frontier were for the most part
independent of the Ameer of Cabul, and were ruled by their own 'jirgahs'
or councils, in Beloochistan the mode of government was so far different
that the chiefs, whilst acknowledging the Khan as their hereditary
ruler, were entitled, not only to govern their own tribes, but to take
part in the general administration of the country as the constitutional
advisers of the paramount chief. The dangers arising from the vicinity
of three powerful kingdoms, Persia, Afghanistan, and Scinde, had no
doubt led them to perceive the necessity of co-operation, which was
established about the middle of the eighteenth century. Although the
constitution as above described secured to the confederated tribes
nearly a century of prosperity and peaceful government, it so happened
that for some years before 1876, owing to the weakness of the then
ruler, and partly to turbulence of the chiefs, the government of the
country fell into disorder, and the commerce through the Bolam Pass
altogether ceased.
From 1872 to 1876 Lord Northbrook was Viceroy of India, and one of his
last acts before leaving was the appointment of Colonel Sandeman as our
Envoy, with a view to mediate between the Khan and his subordinates, and
which proved successful. The principal terms which were finally accepted
by the Khan and his tribal chiefs were, that their foreign policy was to
be under our guidance, and we were also to be the referee in case of
internal disputes; that the commerce of the Bolam was to be opened and
protected, the annual subsidy hitherto granted to the Khan of
5,000_l_. being doubled to cover the necessary expenditure; and,
finally, that a British Agent with a suitable contingent should be
established at Quetta. It is important to observe that the negotiations
were conducted throughout in a spirit of conciliation, and that their
beneficial results remain in force to the present day.
The policy pursued for many years on the Afghan frontier, although
regulated by the same general principles as in Khelat, was not
altogether so rapidly accomplished, or so entirely successful. The
circumstances were in some degree different and less simple. In the
first place the frontier was 800 miles long, and was inhabited by Afghan
tribes, who were more predatory and intractable than the Beloochees;
they were not only independent of each other, but for the most part
acknowledged no allegiance to the Ameer of Cabul. Border disputes
therefore had to be settled with individual chiefs; and no opportunity
was offered for our mediation in internal feuds, or for joint agreement
on external policy, as was so successfully accomplished by Sandeman in
Beloochistan. There was no general federation with which we could enter
into negotiation. As a consequence, we were compelled to maintain a
large force and fortified posts along the frontier; and many punitive
expeditions became necessary from time to time against lawless offending
tribes. Still, on the whole, and considering the difficulties of the
situation, the policy of conciliation, subsidies, and of non-
interference with their internal affairs, gradually succeeded; raids
once chronic became exceptional, and were dealt with rather as matters
of frontier policy than of war. [Footnote: See Parliamentary Papers:
_Afghanistan,_ 1878, page 30, and _Beloochistan,_ No. 3, 1878.]
It must also be remembered, as an additional complication, that in
annexing the Punjaub, although it is essentially the country of the
Sikhs, who are Hindoos, the inhabitants of the trans-Indus districts are
for the most part what are termed Punjaubee Mussulmen, that is, Afghans,
in race, religion and language.
From what has been said as to our dealings with the border tribes, it
will be evident that while our difficulties were continuous and often
serious, still, they were chiefly local; and that the defence of the
Empire on that frontier against foreign aggression depended in a great
measure on our relations with the ruler of Afghanistan itself. When Dost
Mahomed, after the great war, returned in 1843 to his former position as
Ameer of that distracted country, it was hardly to be expected that,
although acquiescing in his reinstatement, we should be regarded by him
in a friendly light; still, some years passed away without any important
change in our relative positions, one way or the other.
In 1855, Lord Dalhousie was Governor-General, and a treaty was made
with Dost Mahomed, by which both parties agreed to respect each other's
territories. In January, 1857, a still more important one followed. We
were then once more at war with Persia; and at a meeting between Sir
John Lawrence and the Ameer, an agreement was entered into that Dost
Mahomed, acting in co-operation with us, should receive 10,000_l_.
a month for military purposes, to continue during the war; that English
officers should reside in his country temporarily, to keep the Indian
Government informed, but not to interfere with the administration, and
that when peace ensued they should be withdrawn, and a native agent
alone remain as our representative. [Footnote: In view of the strong
objection to the presence of English officers in Afghanistan, Sir John
Lawrence intimated to the Viceroy of India that he had given an
assurance to Dost Mahomed that it should not be enforced unless
imperatively necessary.]
It is important to note that this friendly treaty was made at Peshawur,
just before the great Mutiny, and that the Ameer, though urged by his
people to attack us in our hour of danger, remained faithful, and would
not allow them to cross the border.
Dost Mahomed died in June, 1863, and for some years after his death
family feuds and intestine wars occurred as to his successor, during
which we carefully abstained from interference, and were prepared to
acknowledge the _de facto_ ruler. Ultimately, in 1868, his son
Shere Ali established his authority in Afghanistan, and was acknowledged
accordingly. Lord Lawrence was then the Viceroy, and in a despatch to
the Secretary of State expressed his views as regards the advances of
Russia. After pointing out that they were now paramount in Central Asia,
he suggested a mutual agreement as to our respective spheres and
relations with the tribes and nations with whom we were now both in
contact, and he went on to welcome the civilising effect of Russian
government over the wild tribes of the Steppes, and pointed out that if
Russia were assured of our loyal feeling in these matters, she would
have no jealousy in respect of our alliance with the Afghans.
The Secretary of State (Sir Stafford Northcote) replied 'that the
conquests which Russia had made, and apparently is still making, in
Central Asia, appear to be the natural result of the circumstances in
which she finds herself placed, and to afford no ground whatever for
representations indicative of suspicion or alarm on the part of this
country.' It is a great misfortune that such sensible, conciliatory
views did not continue to guide our policy in the events which a few
years later led us into the second great war in Afghanistan.
Shere Ali did not inherit the great qualities of his father, and was
also somewhat discontented that we had not abetted his cause during the
internal troubles in Afghanistan. However, in 1869 he met Lord Mayo at
Umballa, and after careful discussion it was agreed that we should
abstain from sending British officers across the frontier and from
interfering in Afghan affairs; that our desire was that a strong,
friendly, and independent Government should be established in that
country. It was further decided to give Shere Ali considerable pecuniary
assistance, and presents of arms from time to time. The Ameer, while
gratified at these results, wished us also to give a dynastic pledge as
to his lineal descendants, which, however, was not acceded to. In 1873
Lord Northbrook was Viceroy of India, and a further conference took
place at Simla with the Ameer's Prime Minister, chiefly as to the
northern Afghan frontier in Badakshan and Wakkan, which were at the time
somewhat uncertain, and a matter of dispute with Russia.
This somewhat delicate question was, however, settled in a friendly
manner by Lord Granville, then Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.
Prince Gortschakoff's final despatch to him on the subject was as
follows: [Footnote: _Central Asia_, 1873--c. 699.] 'The divergence
which existed in our views was with regard to the frontiers assigned to
the dominion of Shere Ali. The English Government includes within them
Badakshan and Wakkan, which according to our views enjoyed a certain
independence. Considering the difficulty experienced in establishing the
facts in all their details in those distant parts; considering the
greater facilities which the British Government possesses for collecting
precise detail, and above all considering our wish not to give to this
question of detail greater importance than is due to it, we do not
refuse to accept the boundary line laid down by England. We are the more
inclined to this act of courtesy as the English Government engages to
use all its influence with Shere Ali in order to induce him to maintain
a peaceful attitude, as well as to insist on his giving up all measures
of aggression or further conquest. This influence is indisputable. It is
based, not only on the material and moral ascendency of England, but
also on the subsidies for which Shere Ali is indebted to her. Such being
the case, we see in this assurance a real guarantee for the maintenance
of peace.'
Prince Gortschakoff admitted more than once that the Emperor of Russia
looked upon Afghanistan as completely outside the sphere of Russian
influence, and within that of ours; at the same time, claiming similar
independence for Russia in Central Asia.
During the next few years, subsequent to the Simla conference, Shere
Ali, though he had received considerable assistance from us, both in
money and arms, was not altogether satisfied, and one or two incidents
occurred during that period which gave him umbrage. Lord Northbrook,
the Viceroy in 1875, was not unaware of the somewhat cold and capricious
spirit of the Ameer, but in writing to London he pointed out that Shere
Ali's situation was difficult, not only from the risk of revolution at
home, but also of attack from abroad, but that on the whole he was to be
relied on.
A change, however, was coming over the scene, and our policy reverted
from conciliation to compulsion. It was a critical period in the history
of frontier policy, and demands careful consideration.
It must not be forgotten that although amongst those best qualified to
judge the majority had long been opposed to advance and conquest in
territories beyond our North-West frontier, and entertained but little
fear of Russian aggressive power, still there were others--men of long
experience, who had filled high positions in India--who held different
views; and it is probable that not only successive British Governments,
but the public generally, who have no time for carefully weighing the
diverse aspects of the subject, were influenced sometimes one way,
sometimes another. In the many difficulties connected with our world-wide
Empire this must always be more or less the case. For instance, the
late Sir H. Rawlinson, a few years before the second Afghan war, took a
very alarmist view of the progress of Russia, not only in Central Asia
but also in Asia Minor. He considered that her advance from Orenburg was
only part of one great scheme of invasion; and he averred that the
conquest of the Caucasus had given her such a strong position that there
was no military or physical obstacle to the continuous march of Russia
from the Araxes to the Indus. [Footnote: Parliamentary Papers,
_Afghanistan_, 1878.] He described it as the unerring certainty of
a law of nature. But, throughout, he ignores distances, blots out the
mountains, deserts, and arid plains of Persia and Afghanistan, and takes
no account of the warlike races who would bar the path. It requires a
very large map to embrace all the details of this widespread strategy.
Some account has already been given of the weakness, in a military
point of view, of Russia in Central Asia, and of the distance of her
scattered troops from the main resources of the Empire. But, in
addition, it must be remembered that the mountains of Afghanistan also
form a natural and enduring barrier against a further advance. The great
Hindoo Koosh range, running all along the northern part of that country,
forms indeed the real scientific frontier between the two Empires, the
few passes over its snowy crests ranging from 12,000 to 18,000 feet
high, and only open for a few months in the year.
Another supposed line of advance for a Russian army, namely by the
Pamirs, has of late years been brought forward; but its main features
are more discouraging than those of any other. This elevated region
consists of a mass of bare snow-capped mountains attaining elevations of
over 25,000 feet, intersected by plateaux almost as devoid of vegetation
as the mountains themselves. The lakes are about 12,000 feet above the
sea, the population is scanty, and consists chiefly of nomads in search
of food and pasture during the short summer; so that although the
Russians might, if unopposed, possibly move in small isolated
detachments carrying their own food and munitions over the Pamirs, it
would only be to lose themselves in the gorges of the Himalayas.
The conditions above mentioned are for the most part permanent. Russia
may not, and probably has not, any intention of trying to invade and
conquer India--but she has not the power, which is a far more important
consideration.
To return to the position of affairs previous to the second Afghan war.
[Footnote: See _Afghanistan_, 1878, published by Secretary of State
for India, p. 128 et seq.] Early in 1875, Lord Northbrook, the Governor
-General, received a despatch from the Government at home, pointing out
that the information received from Afghanistan, not only in respect to
internal intrigues but also as regards the influence of foreign Powers,
was scanty, and not always trustworthy. He was, therefore, instructed to
procure the assent of the Ameer to the establishment of a British Agency
at Herat, and also at Candahar.
The Viceroy of India and his Council having consulted various
experienced officers on the subject, replied in June, that in their
opinion the present time and circumstances were unsuitable for taking
the initiative. They pointed out that the Sirdars and many of the people
of Afghanistan would strongly object, and that in the Ameer's somewhat
insecure position he could not afford to disregard their feelings in
the matter. They advised patience and conciliation.
In November 1875 a second despatch was received from England,
reiterating the necessity of more complete information as to
Afghanistan, especially in view of recent Russian advances in Central
Asia; and the Viceroy was directed to send a Mission to Cabul without
delay, to confer with the Ameer on Central Asia, and requesting that
British officers should be placed on the frontier to watch the course of
events.
The Government of India, in January 1876, again urged the
undesirability of forcing the hands of the Ameer, and pointed out that
his objections to English officers were not from a feeling of
disloyalty, and that to force his hands was not desirable. They did not
apprehend any desire of interference on the part of Russia, and they
concluded by alluding to the careful conciliatory policy carried out by
Lords Canning, Lawrence, and Mayo, as giving the best promise of peace,
and satisfactory results in Afghanistan. Consequently they deprecated
the proposed action by the Home Government in forcing British officers
upon Shere Ali. In April 1876 Lord Northbrook quitted India, and was
succeeded by Lord Lytton; and a further reply from Lord Salisbury, the
Secretary of State for India, was received by the Viceroy. It reiterated
that the Government at home considered our trans-frontier relations
unsatisfactory; that permanent British Agencies should be established in
Afghanistan; and that we were willing to afford the Ameer material
support against unprovoked aggression, our object being to maintain a
strong and friendly Power in that country. The despatch went on to say
that should the Ameer decline to meet our request, he should be informed
that he was isolating himself from us at his peril.
The next step was taken in May, when the Ameer was invited to receive a
special Mission, which he politely declined. In October our native Agent
at Cabul came to Simla and had an interview with Lord Lytton, who
reiterated the demands of the British Government, pointing out that in
the event of a refusal there was nothing to prevent our joining Russia
in wiping Afghanistan out of the map altogether, of which Shere Ali was
duly informed. In January 1877 a final effort was made to come to terms,
and Sir Lewis Pelly and the Afghan Prime Minister, Noor Mahomed, had a
conference at Peshawur. The first, and indeed the only point discussed,
was the demand that British representatives should reside in
Afghanistan, which was a _sine qua non_. Noor Mahomed pathetically
pleaded that Lords Lawrence, Mayo, and Northbrook, successive Viceroys,
had all in turn promised that this should not be insisted on; and he
ended by saying that Shere Ali would rather perish than submit. It was
evident that further discussion was useless, and the conference was
closed; Noor Mahomed, who was ill, dying shortly afterwards. In March
1877 our native Agent at Cabul was withdrawn, and direct communication
with Shere Ali ceased.
I have given the above _resume_ of the correspondence in 1875-77,
and of the abortive efforts to induce the Ameer to comply with our
demands, because it is evident that if he continued to resist compulsion
must almost inevitably ensue. At about the same time, Quetta, in the
Bolam, was occupied by a considerable British force, which was naturally
regarded as a threat on Afghanistan. A concentration of troops also took
place in the Northern Punjaub, and preparations were made for the
construction of bridges over the Indus. All these were indications of
coming war. It must also be noted that our relations with Russia in
Europe were much strained at the time, so that probably the preparations
in India were in some degree due to the apprehension of war in other
parts of the world.
In the summer of 1878 a Russian Envoy arrived at Cabul, which under the
circumstances is hardly to be wondered at. Some months however elapsed,
and it was not until November 1878 that war was declared. Lord Lytton,
the Viceroy, in his proclamation stated: 'That for ten years we had
been friendly to Shere Ali; had assisted him with money and arms; and
had secured for him formal recognition of his northern frontier by
Russia.' It went on to state, that in return he had requited us with
active ill-will; had closed the passes and allowed British traders to be
plundered; and had endeavoured to stir up religious hatred against us.
It then pointed out that whilst refusing a British Mission he had
received one from Russia; and ended by saying that we had no quarrel
with the Afghans, but only with Shere Ali himself.
From official correspondence published subsequently [Footnote:
Parliamentary Papers, _Afghanistan_, 1881, No. 2.--c. 2811.] it
appeared that in entering Afghanistan our chief object at the outset was
to establish what was called a strategical triangle, by the occupation
of Cabul, Ghuznee and Jellalabad; and it was stated that by holding this
position, entrenched behind a rampart of mountains, we should have the
power of debouching on the plains of the Oxus against Russia in Central
Asia! 'It is difficult,' said Lord Lytton, 'to imagine a more commanding
strategical position.' The events of the war, however, soon put an end
to this somewhat fanciful strategy.
In November 1878 the British forces entered the country by three main
routes, the Kyber, the Koorum, and the Bolam, and hard fighting at once
ensued on the two northern ones. The results were immediate: Shere Ali
fled northwards, and died soon after. His son, Yakoob Khan, assumed
temporarily the position of Ameer, but in the convulsed state of the
country lie possessed little real power or authority. In May, 1879, he
met the British authorities at Gundamuk, and after considerable
discussion signed a treaty, the chief points of which were as follows:--
The foreign affairs of Afghanistan were to be under our guidance; and we
undertook to support the Ameer against foreign aggression; British
agents were to reside in the country; the Koorum, Pisheen, and Sibi
Valleys were assigned to the British Government; and finally, Yakoob
Khan was to receive an annual subsidy of 60,000_l_.
So far, it would appear as if the campaign had at once realised the
main objects of British policy; but tragic events rapidly followed,
active hostilities were resumed, and the Treaty of Gundamuk became mere
waste paper.
As a first result of the treaty, Sir Louis Cavagnari [Footnote:
_Afghanistan_, 1881, No. 1.] was appointed our Envoy, and
accompanied by a few officers and a small escort, arrived at Cabul in
July, being received in a friendly manner by the Ameer; although
influences adverse to his presence in the capital soon became apparent.
Suddenly, on September 3, the British Residency was attacked by several
Afghan regiments, and after a desperate resistance, Cavagnari and the
whole of his officers and escort perished.
This deplorable event, of course, upset all previous arrangements, and
led to an immediate resumption of hostilities. Our troops at once
advanced and captured Cabul, Yakoob Khan voluntarily abdicating and
becoming an exile in India. Ghuznee also was occupied shortly afterwards
by our advance from Candahar.
The Government of India, in a despatch in January, 1880, pointed out
that, in view of the complete change in the political situation, it was
necessary, in the first place, fully to establish our military position
in the country. They acknowledged that the hopes entertained of
establishing a strong, friendly, and independent kingdom on our frontier
had collapsed; and that Afghanistan had fallen to pieces at the first
blow, its provinces being now disconnected and masterless. In view of
these unexpected results, they went on to recommend the permanent
separation of the provinces under separate rulers; and having regard to
the special difficulties connected with Herat, advocated its being
handed over to Persia!
This was indeed a policy of despair!
Lord Hartington, who had become Secretary of State for India, writing
in May, 1880, summed up the situation as follows :--'It appears that as
the result of two successful campaigns, of the employment of an enormous
force, and of the expenditure of large sums of money, all that has yet
been accomplished has been the disintegration of the State which it was
desired to see strong, friendly and independent; the assumption of fresh
and unwelcome liabilities in regard to one of its provinces, and a
condition of anarchy throughout the remainder of the country.'
Long and careful consideration was naturally given to the solution of
the difficulty in which this country found itself owing to the untoward
circumstances just related. Two important decisions were however
ultimately arrived at: [Footnote: _Afghanistan_, 1881, No. 1.]
1. That authority in Afghanistan, and the unity of its provinces,
should as far as possible be restored by the appointment of a new Ameer;
and Abdul Rahman, a nephew of Shere Ali, who had been for twelve years
an exile in Bokhara, was invited to Cabul, and was supported by us in
assuming the title.
The chief conditions were, that his foreign policy was to be under our
guidance, that no English officers were to reside as our representatives
in Afghanistan, and that he was to receive a subsidy.
2. That the British troops should be withdrawn as soon as the
pacification of the country would permit. This decision was recommended
not only by the Viceroy, the Marquis of Ripon, but by the higher
officers who had held command during the war. Sir Donald Stewart, who
was in chief command, and Sir Frederick Roberts, both, concurred in our
withdrawal from the country; the Kyber Pass was to be held by subsidised
tribes, and the Koorum Valley to be altogether abandoned; the
independence of the tribes being in each case recognised. Sir John
Watson, who was in command in that valley, pointed out that as a route
from India into Afghanistan it was practically useless. As a further
argument in favour of withdrawal, it may be well to allude to the fact
that the men of our native regiments were sick of serving in
Afghanistan, far away from their homes, and that it would be impolitic
to keep them there.
Some differences of opinion existed as to whether we should relinquish
possession of Candahar; but as it was 400 miles from the Indus, in a
foreign country, and as our remaining there would not only be hateful to
the Afghans, but in a military sense would be dangerous and costly, its
final abandonment was decided on; the valley of Pisheen, between
Candahar and Quetta, being alone retained by the British Government.
So ended the great war of 1878-80. At its close we had over 70,000 men
in Afghanistan, or on the border in reserve; and even then we really
only held the territory within range of our guns. The whole country had
been disintegrated and was in anarchy; whilst the total cost of the war
exceeded twenty millions sterling, being about the same amount as had
been expended in the former great war of 1839-41.
The military operations in themselves had been conducted throughout
with great skill in a most difficult country, and the troops, both
British and Native, had proved themselves admirable soldiers; but as
regards the policy which led us into war, it appears to have been as
unjust in principle as it was unfortunate in result. The facts, however,
speak for themselves.