House, March 10, 1873, during the discussion of the May Laws:
"The gentleman who spoke before me has entered on the same
path which the opponents of these bills followed in the other
house by ascribing to them a confessional, I might say, an
ecclesiastical character. The question we are considering is,
according to my view, misconstrued, and the light in which we
consider it, a false light if we look upon it as a
confessional, a church question. It is essentially a political
one; it is not, as our catholic fellow citizens are made to
believe, a contest of an evangelical dynasty against the
Catholic Church; it is not a struggle between faith and
unbelief; it is the perennial contest, as old as the human
race, between royalty and priestcraft, older than the
appearance of our Savior on earth. This contest was carried on
by Agamemnon at Aulis, which cost him his daughter and
hindered the Grecian fleet from going to sea. This contest has
filled the German history of the Middle Ages even to the
disintegration of the German Empire. It is known as the
struggles of the popes with the emperors, closing for the
Middle Ages when the last representative of the noble Suabian
imperial dynasty died on the block beneath the axe of the
French conqueror, that French conqueror being in league with
the then ruling pope. We were very near an analogous solution
of this question, translated into the manners of our own time.
Had the French war of conquest been successful, the outbreak
of which coincided with the publication of the Vatican
Decrees, I know not what would have been narrated in Church
circles of Germany of 'gestis Dei per Francos' ['Gesta Dei per
Francos,' 'Deeds of God by the French' is the title of a
collection by Bongars, containing the sources of the history
of the crusades.—Footnote]. … It is in my opinion a
falsification of history and politics, this attitude of
considering His Holiness, the Pope, exclusively as the high
priest of a religious denomination, or the Catholic Church as
the representative of Churchdom merely. The papacy has at all
times been a political power, interfering in the most resolute
manner and with the greatest success in the secular affairs of
this world, which interference it contended for and made its
program. These programs are well known. The aim which was
constantly present in its mind's eye, the program which in the
Middle Ages was near its realization, was the subjection of
the secular powers to the Church, an eminently political aim,
a striving as old as mankind itself. For there have always
been either some wise men, or some real priests who set up the
claim, that the will of God was better known to them than to
their fellow beings and in consequence of this claim they had
the right to rule over their fellowmen. And it cannot be
denied that this proposition contains the basis of the papal
claims for the exercise of sovereign rights. …
{3783}
The contention of priesthood against royalty, in our case, of
the Pope against the German Emperor, … is to be judged like
every other struggle; it has its alliances, its peace
conventions, its pauses, its armistices. There have been
peaceful popes, there have been popes militant, popes
conquerors. There have been even peace-loving kings of France,
though Louis XVI. was forced to carry on wars; so that even
our French neighbors have had monarchs who preferred peace to
war. Moreover in the struggles of the papal power it has not
always been the call that Catholic powers have been
exclusively the allies of the pope; nor have the priests
always sided with the pope. We have had cardinals as ministers
of great powers at a time when those great powers followed an
antipapal policy even to acts of violence. We have found
bishops in the military retinue of the German emperors, when
moving against the popes. This contest for power therefore is
subject to the same condition as every other political
contest, and it is a misrepresentation of the issue,
calculated to impress people without judgment of their own,
when it is characterized as aiming at the oppression of the
church. Its object is the defense of the State, to determine
the limits of priestly rule, of royal power, and this limit
must secure the existence of the State. For in the kingdom of
this world the rule and the precedence is the State's. We in
Prussia have not always been the pre-eminent object of this
struggle. The papal court for a long time did not consider us
as its principal opponent. Frederic the Great was at perfect
peace with the Roman See while the contemporary emperor of
Catholic Austria [Joseph II.] was engaged in the most violent
contention with the Catholic Church. I wish to prove thereby
that the question is entirely independent of creed. I will
further add that at the Vienna Congress it was King Frederic
William III., thoroughly and most strictly evangelical, nay,
it might be said, anticatholic in his belief, that it was he
who insisted upon and carried through the restoration of the
secular rule of the pope; nevertheless he departed this world
while engaged in a struggle with the Catholic Church. In the
paragraphs of the constitution we have under consideration we
found a 'modus vivendi,' an armistice, concluded at a time
when the State was in need of help and thought to obtain this
help or at least some support in the Catholic Church. This
hope was based upon the fact that at the election for the
national assembly of 1848 the districts in which the Catholic
population preponderated elected, if not royalists, yet
friends of order,—which was not the case in evangelical
districts. Under this impression the compromise between the
ecclesiastical and secular arms was concluded, though, as
subsequent events proved, in miscalculation as to its
practical effects. For it was not the support of the electors
who had thus voted but the Brandenburg ministry and the royal
army that restored order. In the end the State was obliged to
help itself; the aid that might have been given by the
different churches did not pull it through. But at that time
originated the 'modus vivendi' under which we lived in peace
for a number of years. To be sure, this peace was bought only
by an uninterrupted yielding of the State, by placing its
rights in regard to the Catholic Church, without reservation,
in the hands of a magistracy which was originally intended to
be the guardian of the royal Prussian prerogatives against the
Catholic Church, but which in fact ultimately became a
magistracy in the service of the pope, in order to guard the
rights of the church against the encroachments of the Prussian
State. Of course, I refer to the Catholic section in the
Supreme Church Council [the Church Council is a Protestant
body.—Foot-note]. I mean of the Ministry of worship. … When we
were yet in Versailles I was somewhat surprised to learn, that
Catholic members of parliamentary bodies were asked to declare
whether they were ready to join a religious party, such as we
have now in the Party of the Center, and whether they would
agree to vote and agitate for the insertion of the paragraphs
we are at present considering into the constitution of the
Empire. I was not much alarmed then at that program; I was a
lover of peace to such a degree. I knew from whom it emanated;
partly from an eminent prince of the church [Bishop Ketteler
of Mayence] whose chief task it was to do for the papal policy
what he could. … I was completely deceived. … When I returned
here I saw how strong was the organization of this party of
the church militant, against the state. … What, was this
program? Read it. There are pamphlets in everybody's hand,
written with spirit, pleasant to read. Its object was the
introduction of a state dualism in Prussia, the erection of a
state within the state to bring it about that all Catholics
should follow the guidance of this Party of the Center in
their private as well as their political conduct, a dualism of
the worst kind. Under different conditions a dualistic
constitution might work well in an empire. Witness the
Austro-Hungarian monarchy. But yonder it is no religious
dualism. With us the construction of two denominational states
is aimed at, to be engaged in a dualistic struggle, one of
which was to have for its supreme ruler a foreign church
potentate, whose seat is in Home, a potentate who by the
latest changes in the constitution of the Catholic Church has
become more powerful than ever before. If this program were
carried out, we were to have instead of the one formerly
integral state of Prussia, instead of the German Empire then
at the point of realization—we were to have two state
organizations, running side by side in parallel lines; one
with the Party of the Center as its general staff, the other
with its general staff in the guiding secular principle, in
the government and the person of his Majesty the Emperor. This
situation was absolutely unacceptable for the government whose
very duty it was to defend the state against such a danger. It
would have misunderstood and neglected this duty if it had
looked on calmly at the astounding progress which a closer
examination of the affair brought to light. … The Government
was obliged to terminate the armistice, based upon the
constitution of 1848, and create a new 'modus vivendi' between
the secular and sacerdotal power. The State cannot allow this
situation to continue without being driven into internal
struggles that may endanger its very existence. The question
is simply this: Are those paragraphs of the constitution [of
1848] dangerous to the State, as is contended for by the
government of His Majesty, or are they not?
{3784}
If they are, then it is your duty as conservatives to vote
against the retention of those paragraphs. If you think them
entirely harmless then you hold a conviction which the
government of His Majesty does not share, and as it is not
able to assume the responsibility for the administration of
the affairs of the State with these articles of the
constitution in force, it must surrender it to those who
consider them harmless. The Government, in its struggle for
the defense of the State, applies to the Upper House for aid
and assistance for the strengthening of the State and its
defense against attacks and machinations that undermine its
peace and endanger its future. We trust and believe that this
assistance will not fail us with the majority of the Upper
House."
_Die politischen Reden des Fürsten Bismarck
(translated from the German),
volume 5, pages 384-391._
GERMANY: A. D. 1871-1873.
Adoption of the gold standard.
See MONEY AND BANKING: A. D. 1871-1873 (page 2220).
GERMANY: A. D. 1871-1895.
The organization of the modern German Empire.
"The idea of the unity of the empire in its purest and most
unadulterated form is most clearly typified by the German
diet. This assembly, resulting from general elections of the
whole people, shows all the clefts and schisms which
partisanship and the spirit of faction have simultaneously
brought about among the different classes of the people and
among their representatives. But there is not one among all
the prominent factions of the German diet which owes its
formation to territorial differences. The changing majorities
and minorities have assumed their form more curiously in our
parliament than in any other in the world, but there never has
been a single case where in taking a vote North Germans have
come forward in a body against South Germans or vice versa, or
where small and medium states have been pitted against the one
large state. If the constitution of the empire reminds each
deputy that he is a representative of the whole people, the
best part of the provision is that it comes to be looked upon
as a matter of course; it belongs to the very essence of a
parliamentary assembly that it should see in a particular
constellation of opposing factions only something exceptional.
How indispensable a parliamentary organ which actually
represents the unity of the people is to every state in a
confederation is best shown by the energy with which the
Prussian government again and again demanded a German
parliament at the very time when it fairly despaired about
coming to an understanding with its own body of
representatives. In the middle between the head of the empire
and such a diet as we have described is the place occupied by
the Federal Council (Bundesrath): not until we have made this
clear to ourselves can we fully understand the nature of this
latter institution. Each of its members is the plenipotentiary
of his sovereign just as were the old Regensburg and Frankfort
envoys. It is a duty, for instance, for Bavaria's
representative to investigate each measure proposed and to see
whether it is advantageous or not for the land of Bavaria. The
Federal Council is and is meant to be the speaking-tube by
which the voice of the separate interests shall reach the ear
of the legislator. But all the same, held together as it is by
the firm stability of the seventeen votes which it holds
itself and by the balancing power of the emperor and of the
diet, it is the place where daily habit educates the
representatives of the individual states to see that by
furthering the welfare of the common fatherland they take the
best means of furthering their own local interests. Taken each
by himself the plenipotentiaries represent their own
individual states; taken as a whole the assembly represents a
conglomeration of all the German states. It is the upholder of
the sovereignty of the empire. If, then, the federal council
already represents the whole empire, still more is this true
of the general body of officials, constituted through
appointment by the emperor although with a considerable amount
of co-operation on the part of the federal council. The
imperial chancellor is the responsible minister of the emperor
for the whole of the empire. At his side is the imperial
chancery, a body of officials who, in turn, have to do in each
department with the affairs of the whole empire. The imperial
court, too, in spite of all its limitations, is none the less
a court for the whole empire. Not less clearly is the
territorial unity expressed in the unity of legislation. In
the circumstances in which we left the old empire there could
scarcely be any question any longer of real imperial
legislation. Under the confederation beginnings were made, nor
were they unsuccessful; but once again it was primarily the
struggle against the strivings for unity that chiefly impelled
the princes to united action. The 'Carlsbad decrees' placed
limits to separate territorial legislation to an extent that
even the imperial legislation of to-day would not venture upon
in many ways. The empire of the year 1848 at once took up the
idea of imperial legislation; a 'Reichsgesetzblatt' [imperial
legislative gazette] was issued. In this the imperial
ministry, after first passing them in the form of a decree,
published among other things a set of rules regulating
exchange. The plan was broached of drawing up a code of
commercial law for all Germany for the benefit of that class
of the population to which a uniform regulation of its legal
relationships was an actual question of life and death. So
firmly rooted was such legislation in the national needs that
even the reaction of the fifties did not venture to undo what
had been done. Indeed the idea of a universal code of
commercial law was carried on by most of the governments with
the best will in the world. A number of conferences were
called and by the end of the decade a plan had been drawn up,
thoroughly worked out and adopted. It has remained up to this
very day the legal basis for commercial intercourse. It is
true it was not the general decrees of these conferences that
gave legal authority to this code, but rather its subsequent
acceptance by the governments of the individual states. But
the practical result nevertheless was that, in one important
branch of law, the same code was in use in all German states.
Never before, so long as Germany had had a history, had a
codification of private law been introduced by means of
legislation into the German states in common; for the first
time princes and subjects learned by its fruits the blessing
of united legislation. But a few years later they were ready
enough to give over to the newly established empire all actual
power of legislation: only, indeed, for such matters as were
adapted for common regulation, but, so far as these were
concerned, so fully and freely that no local territorial law
can in any way interfere.
{3785}
What the lawgiver of the German empire announces as his will
must be accepted from the foot of the Alps to the waves of the
German Ocean. Thus after long national striving the view had
made a way for itself that, without threatening the existence
of the individual states, the soil of the empire nevertheless
formed a united territorial whole. But not only the soil, its
inhabitants also had to be welded together into one
organization. The old empire had lost all touch with its
subjects—a very much graver evil than the disintegration of
its territory. So formidable an array of intermediate powers
had thrust itself in between the emperor and his subjects that
at last the citizen and the peasant never by any chance any
more heard the voice of their imperial master. … In three ways
the German emperor now found the way to his subjects. Already
as king of Prussia the emperor of the future had been obeyed
by 19 millions of the whole German population as his immediate
subjects. By the entrance of a further 8 millions into the
same relationship on the resignation of their own territorial
lords by far the majority of all Germans became immediate
subjects of the emperor. The German empire, secondly, in those
branches of the administration which it created anew or at
least reorganized, made it a rule to preserve from the very
beginning the most immediate contact with its subjects: so in
the army, so in the department of foreign affairs. The empire,
finally, even where it left the administration to the
individual states, exercised the wholesome pressure of a
supreme national authoritative organization by setting up
certain general rules to be observed. The empire, for
instance, will not allow any distinctions to be made among its
subjects which would interfere with national unity. If the
Swabian comes to Hesse, the Hessian to Bavaria, the Bavarian
to Oldenburg, his inborn right of citizenship gives him a
claim to all the privileges of one born within those limits.
For all Germany there is a common right of citizenship; and
this common bond receives its true significance through
numerous actual migrations from one state to another, the
right of choosing a domicile being guaranteed. … It belongs in
the nature of a federative state that it should not claim for
itself all state-duties but should content itself with
exercising only such functions as demand a centralized
organization. In consequence we see the individual states
unfolding great activity in the field of internal
administration, in the furtherance of education, art and
science, in the care of the poor: matters with which the
empire as a whole has practically nothing to do. All those
affairs of the states, on the other hand, which by their
nature demand a centralized administration have been taken in
hand by the empire, and the unity of public interests to which
the activity of the empire gives utterance is shown in the
most different ways. There are certain affairs administered by
the empire which it has brought as much under a central
organization as ever the Prussian state did the affairs of the
amalgamated territories within its limits. With regard to
others the empire has preserved for itself nothing more than
the chief superintendence; with regard to others still it is
content to set up principles which are to be generally
followed and to exercise a right of supervision. It would be
wrong, however, to imagine that the two last-mentioned
prerogatives are only of secondary importance. The
superintendence which the German emperor exercises over the
affairs of the army, the chief part of which, indeed, is under
his direction as king of Prussia, is sufficient in its
workings to make the land-army, in time of war, as much of a
unit as is the consolidated navy. … Customs' matters form a
third category, with regard to which the empire possesses only
the beginnings of an administrative apparatus: all the same we
have seen in the last years how the right of general
supervision was sufficient in this field to bring about a
change in the direction of centralization, the importance of
which is recognizable from the loud expressions of approval of
its supporters and also in equal measure from the loud
opposition of its antagonists. … In the field of finance the
empire has advanced with caution and consideration and at the
same time with vigor. In general the separate states have
retained their systems of direct and indirect taxation. Only
that amount of consolidation without which the unity of the
empire as a whole would have been illusory was firmly decreed:
'Germany forms one customs and commercial unit bounded by
common customs limits.' The internal inter-state customs were
abolished. The finances that remained continued to belong to
the individual states—the direct taxes in their entirety, the
indirect to a great extent. The administration of the customs
on the borders even remained in the hands of the local
customs-officials, only that when collected they were placed
to the general account. But the unconditional right of the
empire to lay down the principles of customs legislation gave
it more and more of an opportunity to create finances of its
own and to become more and more independent of the scheduled
contributions from the separate states. … Judicial matters are
the affair of the individual state. With his complaints and
with his accusations the citizen whose rights have been
infringed turns to the court established by his territorial
lord. But already it has been found possible to organize a
common mode of procedure for this court throughout the whole
empire; the rules of court, the forms for criminal as well as
civil suits are everywhere the same. … The general German
commercial code and the exchange regulations, which almost all
the states had proclaimed law on the ground of the conferences
under the confederation, were proclaimed again in the name of
the empire and were supplemented in certain particulars. As to
criminal law a general German criminal code has unified the
more important matters and, with regard to those of less
importance, has legally fixed the limits to be observed by the
individual states. Work is constantly going on at a civil code
which is to be drawn up much on the same lines. The German
nation is busily engaged in creating a German legal system
according to which the Prussian as well as the Bavarian, Saxon
or Swabian judge is to render his decisions. Furthermore, a
century-long development in our civilized states has brought
it about that a supervision, itself in the form of legal
decisions, should be exercised over the legality of judicial
sentences. Here again it was in commercial matters that the
jurisdiction of a supreme court first showed itself to be an
unavoidable necessity.
{3786}
Then it was, however, that after a slumber of seventy years
the old imperial court rose again from the dead, not entirely
without limitations, but absolutely without the power to make
exceptions. The imperial court at Leipzig is a court for the
whole empire and for one and all of its subjects. If we turn
to the internal administration it is chiefly matters
concerning traffic and intercommunication which call by their
very nature for regulation under one system. Although the
management of local and to some extent also of provincial
postal affairs is left as far as possible to the individual
states themselves, the German post is nevertheless imperial,
all the higher officials are appointed by the emperor, the
imperial post office passes its rules and regulations and sees
that they are carried out with reference to the whole empire.
Just this branch of the administration indeed has had to halt
at the Würtemberg and Bavarian frontiers, but in these two
states also the legal foundations of the postal system have
been adopted in all essential points. And if in the actual
administration the differences likewise begin to vanish, the
reason for this is more gratifying than is the fact itself:
the extraordinary triumphs, namely, of our imperial post,
which of themselves invite imitation and a breaking down of
barriers. The introduction of the penny tariff has increased
the amount of mail matter to four or five times what it was
before. Postcards, invented by the director of our postal
system, are already [1885], issued annually by the 150
million. The parcels-post, made cheaper and more convenient,
has attained such importance that it has actually come to
serve as a regulator of prices for the retail business of
mercantile houses. Great differences of price in different
parts of the empire become more and more an impossibility so
soon as one only has to pay ten pfennigs per kilo (2 pounds)
to procure the same goods in two or three days from the
cheapest place, be it ever so far off. What is true of the
post is true also of the telegraph which has come again to be
one with it. Here, too, we can observe how the centralization
in the empire has been of especial advantage to just those
places which lie most out of the way. Chiefly in connection
with existing or newly created post offices, the imperial post
office, in the first five years after the direction of the
telegraph came into its hands, opened more than four thousand
telegraph counters—on an average two new counters a day!
Through an extended system of treaties the German imperial
post has regulated its relations to foreign lands and paved
the way for the World-postal-association, the first such
association in the history of the world to take in states from
all four quarters of the globe. … Compared with the postal
system the other branches of inter-communication and of
internal administration seem to be only in the first stages of
centralization; but here, too, much has been accomplished. The
railroads stand under the direction or supervisory
administration of the individual states, but unity with regard
to time-tables, connections, fares and forwarding has been in
so far preserved that differences which might interrupt
traffic are avoided as far as possible. The governments of the
confederated states are under obligations 'to allow the German
railroads, in the interests of general communication, to be
administered as one unbroken network.' A separate Imperial
Railroad Bureau watches over the fulfillment of this
agreement. Nothing, however, has given clearer expression to a
unified system of intercommunication in Germany than the
equalization of the coinage. In old times, when all or at
least the chief territorial lords possessed the unrestricted
right of coinage, each state did not, indeed, have its own
standard, for how would it have been possible to invent
several hundred standards of coinage? But when the territorial
lord did make up his mind to adopt some existing system he
usually chose one that was not in vogue in the state next to
him, so that the boundaries of his own state might be the more
clearly defined. That was how it came about that a map of the
coinage standards of Germany looked almost as variegated as
the map of its states. … Still worse than with regard to
coined money—which, after all, always had a natural regulator
in the actual market value of the silver or gold—did the want
of unity show itself in the matter of paper money. Not only
did the various states have different principles on which they
issued it, and a different system of securities in funding it,
but one and the same state would continue to use its old paper
money even when issuing new on another principle. Hundreds of
different bank-notes were in use, many which had long been
called in continued still to circulate until some unfortunate
last holder had to pay the costs. He who had thus learned a
lesson at his own expense became very cautious and would
refuse even the best paper money. The black Schwarzburg notes
looked so grimy that the petty folk in their own land
considered them out of date and preferred Prussian money. … In
the matter of coins the empire found no general European model
to go by. The mark, which was finally chosen as the unit of
coinage, had the double advantage of facilitating a transition
from the old thaler days and of inaugurating a firm
relationship to the franc of the Romanic coinage system, the
pound of the English world, the gulden of the Austrian empire
(so soon as the latter power resumed metal coinage). The
introduction of a gold basis gave the young coinage system a
solid basis on the most precious metal. The mints remained in
the hands of the separate states, but the coin was issued 'on
account with the empire.' The coins accordingly bear on one
side the image of the territorial lord who issues them, on the
other, to give them general validity, the coat of arms of the
empire. … Founded thus on a system of firm finances, on the
uniform administration of justice in all lands, on an internal
administration which, however varied, nevertheless fulfills
the necessary demands of unity, the German empire shows a
measure of consolidation the best outward expression to which
is given by its army. Among the two million men on land and on
sea who are ready to protect the Fatherland's boundaries there
is not one who has not sworn fidelity to his imperial master:
among the generals, not one who has not been appointed by the
emperor. The most cherished of all duties binds the German to
his German Fatherland. If, as regards the land-army, the
princes still have a certain right of administration over
their own contingents: on the man-of-war, where the sons of
all the states that border on the sea come together, every
possible distinction vanishes. The German navy knows no other
flag, no other cockade, than the black-white-and-red."
_I. Jastrow,
Geschichte des deutschen Einheitstraumes und seiner Erfüllung (translated from the German),
pages 285-303._
{3787}
GERMANY: A. D. 1883-1889.
Bismarck's Sickness, Accident and Old-Age Insurance Laws.
See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1883-1889 (page 2955).
GERMANY: A. D. 1883-1894.
Acquisitions in Africa.
See (in this Supplement) AFRICA: 1883, and after.
GERMANY: Libraries.
See LIBRARIES, MODERN (page 2010).
----------GERMANY: End--------
GHENT, Treaty of (the text).
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1814 (pages 3355-3358).
GIRTON COLLEGE.
See EDUCATION (page 745).
GODIN, and his Social Palace at Guise.
See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1859-1887 (page 2947).
GODOY, The Ministry of.
See (in this Supplement) SPAIN: A. D. 1788-1808.
GOLD AND SILVER, Production of.
See MONEY AND BANKING: A. D. 1848-1893 (page 2217).
GORTON, Samuel, in Rhode Island.
See RHODE ISLAND: A. D. 1641-1647 (page 2641).
GRANGERS, The.
See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1866-1875 (page 2951).
GRANT, General U. S.: Report on affairs in the South.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1865 (page 3562).
GREAT SEAL, Lord Keeper of the.
See LAW, EQUITY: A. D. 1538 (page 1990).
GREECE: Outline Sketch of ancient history.
See EUROPE (pages 991-996).
GREECE: Commerce, ancient.
See (in this Supplement) COMMERCE, ANCIENT.
GREECE: Libraries.
See LIBRARIES, ANCIENT (page 2002.)
GREECE: Medical Science.
See MEDICAL SCIENCE, GREEK (page 2124).
GREECE: Money and Banking.
See MONEY AND BANKING (pages 2201 and 2202).
GREELEY, Lieutenant, Polar expedition of.
See (in this Supplement) ARCTIC EXPLORATION: 1881-1884.
GREGORY I., Pope (called the Great).
See PAPACY: A. D. 461-604 (page 2422).
GREGORY VII., Pope, and the Empire.
See PAPACY: A. D. 1056-1122 (page 2427);
GERMANY: A. D. 973-1122 (page 1441);
and CANOSSA (page 386).
GRINNELL EXPEDITIONS.
See (in this Supplement)
ARCTIC EXPLORATION: 1850-1851, 1853-1855.
GRIPPE, La, Early appearances of.
See PLAGUE, ETC.; A. D. 1485-1593,
and 18TH CENTURY (page 2542).
GUILDS, OR GILDS.
See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1720-1800 (page 2933).
GUNBOATS, Jefferson's.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1804-1805 (page 3332).
H.
HABEAS CORPUS, President Lincoln's suspension of the writ of.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1861-1863 (page 3447).
HAHNEMANN, and the system of Homœopathy.
See MEDICAL SCIENCE: 17-18TH CENTURIES (page 2139).
HALL, Captain Charles F., Arctic explorations of.
See (in this Supplement)
ARCTIC EXPLORATION: 1860-1862; 1864-1869; and 1871-1872.
HALLER, Albrecht von, The medical system of.
See MEDICAL SCIENCE: 18TH CENTURY (page 2141).
HANSA, The.
See (in this Supplement)
COMMERCE, MEDIÆVAL;
and GERMANY: 13-15TH, and 15-17TH CENTURIES.
Also, HANSA TOWNS (page 1624).
HAPSBURG, Early fortunes of the family of.
See (in this Supplement) AUSTRIA: A. D. 1273-1349.
HARMONY SOCIETY, The.
See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1805-1827 (page 2937).
HARVEY, and the discovery of the Circulation of the Blood.
See MEDICAL SCIENCE: 17TH CENTURY (page 2133).
HAYES, Dr. Isaac I., Arctic explorations of.
See (in this Supplement)
ARCTIC EXPLORATION: 1860-1861, and 1869.
HELMONT, John Baptist, The medical system of.
See MEDICAL SCIENCE: 16TH CENTURY (page 2133).
HENRY, Professor Joseph,
Invention of the electric telegraph.
See ELECTRICAL DISCOVERY AND INVENTION:
A. D. 1825-1874 (page 772).
For other work of Henry;
_T. O'Conor Sloane
The Standard Electrical Dictionary
https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/26535_
HERCULANEUM, Libraries of.
See LIBRARIES, ANCIENT (page 2005).
HIGHER-LAW SPEECH, Seward's.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1850 (page 3387).
HINDU MEDICAL SCIENCE.
See MEDICAL SCIENCE, HINDU (page 2123).
HIPPOCRATES.
The Hippocratic Oath.
See MEDICAL SCIENCE, GREEK (page 2125).
HOFFMANN, Frederic, and Humoral Pathology.
See MEDICAL SCIENCE: 17TH CENTURY (page 2136).
HOLLAND: Commerce.
See (in this Supplement) COMMERCE, MEDIÆVAL, and MODERN.
HOLLAND: Libraries.
See LIBRARIES, MODERN (page 2013).
HOLT, Lord, and the Law of Bailments.
See LAW, COMMON: A. D. 1698-1710 (page 1971).
HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE, The.
See (in this Supplement) GERMANY: A. D. 9)62;
also, page 2652.
HOMŒOPATHY, Origin of the system of.
See MEDICAL SCIENCE: 17-18TH CENTURIES (page 2139).
HUDSON, Henry, Northern voyages of.
See (in this Supplement)
ARCTIC EXPLORATION: 1607, and after.
HUNTER, Dr. John, The work of.
See MEDICAL SCIENCE: 18TH CENTURY (page 2139).
HUTCHINSON, Governor Thomas.
Conversation with King George.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1774 (pages 3210-3213).
{3788}
I.
ICARIA.
See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1840-1883 (page 2943).
ICILIAN LAW, The.
See ROME: B. C.456 (page 2665).
INDIA, Ancient Commerce.
See (In this Supplement) COMMERCE, ANCIENT.
INTERNAL IMPROVEMENTS, The question of.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
A. D. 1807. and 1816-1817 (pages 3335 and 3360).
INTERNATIONAL, The.
See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1862-1872,
and 1872-1886 (pages 2950 and 2953).
INVESTITURES, The question of.
See (in this Supplement) PAPACY: 11-12TH CENTURIES;
also page 2427.
----------ITALY: Start--------
ITALY: 11-15th Centuries.
Commerce of the city republics.
See (in this Supplement) COMMERCE, MEDIÆVAL.
ITALY: A. D. 1154-1190.
Invasions of Frederick Barbarossa.
"In November Frederick appeared in Lombardy and hung up his
shield on a high post as a token that he was to hold a review
of the army and a general court. The most of the complaints of
the cities were directed against Milan, but on complaint of
Pavia the emperor first attacked Tortona. … A horrible
chastisement was inflicted on the city; … the inhabitants were
driven away. … Now at length Frederick turned his attention to
Rome. On June 18, 1155, he marched into the Leonine City and
was at once crowned in St. Peter's. … The results of this
first Italian expedition were nevertheless small. The emperor
had not conquered Rome; William I of Naples was more
independent than ever; in northern Italy after Frederick's
departure Milan was pre-eminent. By her authority Tortona was
built up again. The Milanese sent the city a brass trumpet
with which to call her inhabitants together once more. … The
emperor was determined to put an end forever to all this
opposition. In July 1158 an immeasurably greater expedition
started with the express purpose of restoring the authority of
the empire in Italy. … The Milanese in addition (having after
a short siege recognized the emperor's claims) paid a fine,
gave 300 hostages, … and afterwards made their submission in
the humblest manner: the nobles with drawn swords across their
shoulders, the people with cords around their necks, fell down
before the emperor and did him homage. … It was in pursuance
of Frederick's intention, and of his desire to settle the
matter once and for all, that to his purposed diet in the
Roncaglian plains he also summoned some teachers of law from
Bologna. … Enough, in the assembly at Roncaglia through a well
authorized judicial sentence, those regalia [royal rights]
which had gone over to the civic communes were adjudged to the
emperor, save in cases where by special privilege they had
been relinquished to special cities. The emperor was
recognized as the highest legislative power. … Frederick had
set himself the great problem of uniting together authority
and freedom. In the best possible monarchical spirit he
expressed it that he wished an empire resting on a legal
foundation in order to maintain every man in his freedom. But
it is none the less evident that he wished the centre of
gravity to lie in his own authority. It was not the demand of
the regalia alone that caused the trouble, but just this
principle, and it comes to the fore in the clearest manner in
his relations with Milan. The agreement on the occasion of the
peace with Milan had been that the civic authorities should be
freely elected but should be invested by the emperor. In
Roncaglia on the other hand it was decreed that the emperor
should nominate the authorities subject to the assent of the
people. A slight change, but one which in reality betokened an
immense difference. Thus at the diet of Roncaglia did the
empire unfold once more its full glory. But in the carrying
out of these decrees, and especially in the matter of
nominating the authorities; immeasurable difficulties now
showed themselves. … On this matter, then, it had to come to
blows. At the very first attempt in Milan a popular tumult
arose. Frederick instituted proceedings which ended with a new
banning of the city. … Large as the city was a way was found
of cutting off from it all supplies. Through extreme want it
was at last compelled to surrender and to beg for mercy. … The
city was actually made to cease to exist. It was to be divided
into four different places. If every trace of it was not
completely obliterated this was solely due to regard for
certain churches. The Milanese were treated like a tributary
people on conquered territory. … In November 1166 the emperor
started out to drive Pope Alexander from Rome. But already
under his eyes the Lombard cities were bestirring themselves
against him. They were discontented on account of oppressions
which they were obliged to suffer more through the violence of
the imperial officials than from any fault of the laws. … The
Lombards considered that if the pope were again to be beaten
they should find no more help against the power which was
holding them down. What especially goaded them on was the
firmness of the imperial rule, its methodical and stern manner
of proceeding against every one who opposed it. … It was after
the imperial governors in consequence of the growing
disaffection had claimed and received new hostages that the
representatives of Cremona, Brescia, Ferrara and Mantua came
together in Pontida (April 1167). … The decision of the
Lombards was, not to consider due to the emperor any more than
had been considered due to him at the death of Henry V and to
oppose him by force should he demand more. They restored
Milan, which joined them, compelled Lodi to go over to their
side and captured, as they had once done before, the treasure
of the emperor which was in Trezzo. … Frederick thought to
crush all opposition in Upper Italy if he could only withdraw
from it the help of the Greeks and of the pope. He therefore
turned first against Ancona which the emperor Manuel had
captured and compelled the city to give him hostages. … He
then attacked Rome. … They (the Germans) conquered the Leonine
City after a bloody fight. The emperor himself appeared,
installed his own pope and caused his queen to be crowned
(August 1, 1167). Alexander fled, the city of Rome consented
to make peace. … Thus had the main point been gained and the
emperor prepared to renew the struggle against the Lombards.
{3789}
It was then that his brilliant army, beyond a doubt the most
efficient of its age, was struck down by the hand of fate. A
plague broke out which ravaged the city as well as the army,
but which almost annihilated the latter. … He could no longer
strike an effective blow at the Lombards. But he did not on
that account lose his head. In Pavia he pronounced the bann
against the cities; they answered by now first strengthening
their bonds of union on a large scale. The cities which had
previously been allied with Venice, and all the others,
entered into a league which all were to swear to uphold; at
the head of it was Venice. They were to make common cause in
war and peace and to perform no services other than the
customary ones. … The emperor felt that he could not cope with
this new development and left Pavia. Only after great perils
did he escape. They strove quite openly to take his life. With
only a few companions he rescued himself. … In March 1172 the
emperor represented to the princes that the contagion of
faithlessness with which Italy had contaminated herself was
seeking to spread itself out over Greece and Sicily. The term
for the imperial campaign nevertheless was only set for two
years later. … In July 1174 the emperor with his army crossed
the Alps over the Mt Cenis. At this very time the Italians had
opposed to him a new bulwark—a new city which they called
Allessandria in honor of the pope. The emperor first attacked
this but met with an opposition similar to that which
Archbishop Christian experienced before Ancona. … Many
conferences took place between the imperial plenipotentiaries,
the delegates of the cities and the papal legates. But these
latter, standing as they did at the same time in league with
the Greek emperor and the king of Sicily, felt themselves to
be the stronger. … Everything depended on his [Frederick's]
procuring new help. … The great all-deciding question was
whether Frederick would have Henry the Lion on his side; not
indeed exclusively on account of the actual help that he would
render but because his name in itself would increase the
prestige of the emperor. … The power of an emperor in its full
development seemed unbearable to Henry the Lion, even as in
earlier times it had been unbearable to the German princes. …
Henry's defection gave courage to the Italian cities. … On May
29, 1176, a battle took place near Legnano. … Brave as the
emperor was he nevertheless suffered a complete defeat. … The
letter is extant which the Milanese wrote to the Bolognese
concerning the battle. Countless, so they exclaim, are the
slain, the drowned, the prisoners. We have the shield, the
standard, the lance and the cross of the emperor. Incalculable
is the booty. … It is the battle through which the freedom and
the progress of Italian nationality were founded. … Here [in
Venice] now, with the pope and the king of Sicily a peace,
with the Lombards a truce of six years was brought about. Then
took place that famous meeting of the pope and the emperor in
Venice, on the 24th of July 1177. … With the cities the
emperor closed the peace of Constance in the year 1183. He
acknowledged therein the extension of their jurisdiction over
the surrounding territory and sanctioned their league but
retained for himself three things:
1. his regalia, of which however an estimate was to be made
according to their value and which were to be compensated for
by payment of a fixed sum from each city;
2. the investiture of the consuls; …
3. the right that appeals should be made within Italy to
imperial representatives.
It does not appear that these reservations greatly interfered
with the liberty of the cities. … In a word, the two opponents
of the empire in Italy had achieved great victories. The
emperor had abandoned the idea of maintaining the old
supremacy of the empire over the church and of subjecting the
cities to his administration; he did not however on that
account break off his connection with them. In 1184 he again
came to Italy; for a yearly sum of 300 lire he abandoned all
the rights that he had hitherto claimed from the cities and
allied himself with them. … Meanwhile the emperor succeeded in
making the greatest possible acquisition in Lower Italy. For
that Norman kingdom which the Germans had so often attacked in
vain there was only an heiress left, Constance, aunt of the
ruling king. Bitterly as the pope opposed it the emperor was
nevertheless able to bring about a marriage between her and
his son Henry VI. and thus to secure for him the sure prospect
of succeeding to Naples and Sicily. … Without knowing it
Frederick thus tied a new knot which was to be decisive for
the fate of his house and, we might even say, of Germany
itself."
_L. von Ranke,
Weltgeschichte
(translated from the German).
volume 8. pages 171-209._
ALSO IN:
_K. Lamprecht,
Deutsche Geschichte._
See, also, ITALY: A. D. 1154-1162, to 1174-1183
(pages 1811-1813).
ITALY: A. D. 1644.
First publication of gazettes, or newspapers.
See PRINTING AND PRESS: A. D. 1612-1650 (page 2592).
ITALY: A. D. 1870.
Law of the Papal Guarantees.
See PAPACY: A. D. 1870 (page 2477).
ITALY: A. D. 1882-1895.
Acquisitions in Abyssinia.
See (in this Supplement) AFRICA:
1882, 1885, 1889, 1889-1890, 1890-1891, 1894-1895.
ITALY: Constitution.
For a translation of the text,
see (in this Supplement) CONSTITUTION OF ITALY.
ITALY: Libraries.
See LIBRARIES, RENAISSANCE, and MODERN (page 2012).
----------ITALY: End--------
J.
JAPAN: A. D. 1894-1895.
War with China.
See (in this Supplement) COREA.
JAPAN: Libraries.
See LIBRARIES, MODERN: JAPAN (page 2024).
JEANNE D'ARC, The family, the home and the circumstances of.
See (in this Supplement) FRANCE: A. D. 1423-1429;
also, page 1175.
JEANNETTE, Polar voyage of the.
See (in this Supplement) ARCTIC EXPLORATION: 1879-1882.
JEFFERSON'S GUNBOATS.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1804-1805 (page 3332).
JENNER, Dr. Edward, and the discovery of Vaccination.
See MEDICAL SCIENCE: 18TH CENTURY (page 2140).
{3790}
JEWS:
Ancient commerce.
Connection with the Phœnicians.
See (in this Supplement) COMMERCE, ANCIENT.
JEWS:
Ancient money.
See MONEY AND BANKING: JEWS (page 2203).
JEWS:
Medical Science.
See MEDICAL SCIENCE, JEWISH (page 2124).
JOAN OF ARC, The family, the home and the circumstances of.
See (in this Supplement) FRANCE: A. D. 1423-1429;
also, page 1175.
JOSEPH II., Emperor: His character and his reforms.
See (in this Supplement) AUSTRIA: A. D. 1780-1790.
JUDICATURE ACTS, The.
See LAW, COMMON: A. D. 1873 (page 1981).
JURY, Trial by.
See LAW, COMMON (page 1956, and after).
JUSTICES OF THE PEACE.
See LAW, CRIMINAL: A. D. 1344 (page 1983).
JUSTICIARY, Chief: Disappearance of the office.
See LAW, COMMON: A. D. 1265 (page 1962).
K.
KANE, Dr. Elisha Kent,
Polar expeditions and adventures of.
See (in this Supplement) ARCTIC EXPLORATION:
1850-1851, and 1853-1855.
KARNATIC, The.
"Bishop Caldwell says: 'When the Muhammadans arrived in
Southern India, they found that part of it with which they
first became acquainted-the country above the Gháts, including
Mysore and part of Telingána—called the Karnataka country. In
course of time, by a misapplication of terms, they applied the
same name Karnatak, or Carnatic, to designate the country
below the Gháts, as well as that which was above. The English
have carried the misapplication a step further, and restricted
the name to the country below the Gháts, which never had any
right to it whatever. Hence the Mysore country, which is
properly the true Karnatic, is no longer called by that name;
and what is now geographically termed "the Karnatic" is
exclusively the country below the Gháts, on the Coromandel
coast, including the whole of the Tamil country and the
Telugu-speaking District of Nellore.'"
_W. W. Hunter,
Imperial Gazetteer of India: Karnatic
(volume 5)._
KASHGAR.
See TURKESTAN (page 3130),
and YAKOOB BEG (page 3662).
KASSHITE, OR KASSITE, DYNASTY, The.
See SEMITES: THE FIRST BABYLONIAN EMPIRE (page 2890).
KENT, Chancellor, and American jurisprudence.
See LAW, EQUITY: A. D. 1814-1823 (page 19(3).
KILMAINHAM TREATY, The.
See IRELAND: A. D. 1881-1882 (page 1797).
KING'S LIBRARY, The.
See LIBRARIES, MODERN (page 2014).
KING'S PEACE, The.
See LAW, COMMON: A. D. 871-1066, 1100, 1135, and 1300
(pages 1956, 1958 and 1963).
KNIGHTS OF LABOR, The.
See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1869-1883 (page 2952).
KOCH, Dr. Robert, Bacteriological studies of.
See MEDICAL SCIENCE: 19TH CENTURY (page 2146).
KOLDEWY, Captain, Polar expedition of.
See (in this Supplement) ARCTIC EXPLORATION: 1869-1870.
KOREA.
See (in this Supplement) COREA.
KULTURKAMPF, The.
See (in this Supplement) GERMANY: A. D. 1870-1874.
L.
LAFAYETTE, General: Visit to the United States.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1824-1825 (page 3365).
LAND, Ultimate property in.
See LAW, COMMON: A. D. 1776 (page 1974).
LAND, Indian right of occupancy.
See LAW, COMMON: A. D. 1823 (page 1976).
LAND ACT OF 1881, The Irish.
See IRELAND: A. D. 1881-1882 (page 1797).
LAND REGISTRATION.
See LAW, COMMON: A. D. 1630-1641 (page 1969).
LAND-TRANSFER REFORM.
See LAW, COMMON: A. D. 1854-1882, and 1889
(pages 1980-1981).
LASSALLE, Ferdinand, and German Socialism.
See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1862-1864 (page 2949).
LATIN UNION, The.
See MONEY and BANKING: A. D. 1853-1874 (page 2218).
LAW, Roman.
See ROMAN LAW (page 2652).
LEE, Arthur, in France.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1776-1778
(pages 3242-3244).
LEGAL TENDER NOTES.
See MONEY AND BANKING: A. D. 1861-1878 (page 2219).
LEO THE GREAT, Pope.
See PAPACY: A. D. 42-461 (page 2421);
and HUNS: A. D. 452 (page 1689).
L'ESTRANGE, Roger, and the early newspaper press in England.
See PRINTING AND PRESS: A. D. 1654-1694 (page 2596).
LEVANT, The.
A term applied to the eastern coasts of the Mediterranean,
from the western part of Greece round to the western border of
Egypt—more specifically to the coasts and islands of Asia
Minor and Syria. The name—which signifies "rising" hence "the
East"—was given to this region by the Italians.
LIBEL, The Criminal Law of.
See LAW, CRIMINAL: A. D. 1770, and 1843
(pages 1984 and 1986).
LIBERTY, Religious.
See in this Supplement:
TOLERATION, RELIGIOUS. (page 3807)
LINCOLN, Abraham:
Debate with Douglas.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1858 (page 3401).
First Inaugural Address.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: (page 3417).
First Message.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: (pages 3421 and 3448).
First call for troops.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: (page 3423).
Proclamation of Blockade.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: (page 3427).
Suspensions of Habeas Corpus.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: (page 3447).
Message proposing compensated Emancipation.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: (page 3453).
{3791}
Letter to Horace Greeley.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: (page 3476).
Preliminary Proclamation of Emancipation.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: (page 3480).
Final Proclamation of Emancipation.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: (page 3487).
Letter to General Hooker.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: (page 3489).
Letters to New York and Ohio Democrats.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: (page 3407).
Address at Gettysburg.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: (page 3514).
Proclamation of Amnesty and Message.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: (page 3515).
Plan of Reconstruction.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: (page 3518).
Re-election.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: (page 3533).
Hampton Roads Peace Conference.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: (page 3546).
Second Inaugural Address.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: (page 3549).
Last Speech.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: (page 3551).
At Richmond.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: (page 3554).
Assassination.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: (page 3(55).
LINE-OF-BATTLE SHIP.
See SHIP OF THE LINE (page 2901).
LISTER, and Antiseptic Surgery.
See MEDICAL SCIENCE: 10TH CENTURY (page 2145).
LIVINGSTONE, David, Explorations of.
See (in this Supplement) AFRICA: 1840, 1840, and after.
LOBENGULA, War of the English with.
See SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1885-1893 (page 2965).
LOMBARD BANKERS AND MONEY-CHANGERS.
See MONEY AND BANKING (pages 2205 and 2206).
LORD KEEPER OF THE GREAT SEAL, The.
See LAW, EQUITY: A. D. 1538 (page 1000).
LOUIS IX., King of France (called St. Louis).
See (in this Supplement) FRANCE: A. D. 1226-1270.
_François Guizot,
Great Christians of France: Saint Louis and Calvin.
https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/62518_
LOUIS XV., King of France, Fatal foreign policy of the reign of.
See (in this Supplement) FRANCE: A. p. 1715-1770.
McCLINTOCK, Captain, Franklin search expeditions of.
See (in this Supplement) ARCTIC EXPLORATION:
1852-1854, and 1857-1859.
McCLURE, Captain, Franklin search expedition of.
See (in this Supplement) ARCTIC EXPLORATION: 1850-1854.
McKINLEY TARIFF ACT, The.
See TARIFF LEGISLATION: A. D. 1890 (page 3085).
MADAGASCAR.
See (in this Supplement) AFRICA.
MANCHUS.
MANCHURIA.
"The Manchus, from the earliest period of Chinese history,
have occupied the country bounded on the east by the Japanese
Sea, which is drained in its southern portion by the Tumun, by
the right affluents of the Ya-lu-kiang, and by the upper
portions of the left affluents of the Liau; and in its
northern portion by the right affluents of the Upper Soongari,
and the Lower Soongari, and Lower Amoor, with their affluents
on both sides. This extent of country may be fitly called
Manchuria Proper, to distinguish it from the present political
Manchuria. This latter embraces not only the real Manchuria,
but also a tract on the east side of the Liau, composed of the
lower valleys of its left affluents, and of the Liau
peninsula, and another on the west of the Liau, lying between
its right bank and the Great Wall. Now these two tracts, known
severally as Liau-tung or Liau East and Liau-se or Liau West,
have, from the earliest historical periods, been occupied by a
Chinese population, with the settled habits of their nation:
agriculturists, artisans, and traders, dwellers in villages
and cities. Hence, though situated beyond the Great Wall, it
has always been a part, though a very exposed and often
politically separated part, of China Proper. Manchuria Proper,
as above defined, is a mountainous, well-watered tract,
formerly altogether covered with forests, of which large
portions still remain. The principal mountain range is the
Chang-pih-shan, or Shan-a-lin, or Long White Mountains. … As
the great arid plateau, the Shamo, has given to the Mongols
their national characteristics, so the Long White Mountains,
with their northerly spurs, separating the Upper Soongari, the
Hurka, and the Usuri, have constituted the character-giving
home and stronghold of the Manchus. These, unlike the Mongols,
who have 'moved about after grass and water,' have always been
a settled people, who in ancient times dwelt during the cold
season in holes excavated in the sides of dry banks, or in
pits in the earth, and during summer in huts formed of young
trees and covered with bark or with long wild grass. They
have, unlike the Mongols, from the earliest periods been
somewhat of agriculturists; like them they have always reared
domestic animals. … It has hitherto been the custom among
Occidentals to speak of the Manchus as 'Tartars;' but if, as I
believe, this name generally conveys the idea of a people of
nomadic herdsmen, and usually large owners of camels, it will
be seen from the foregoing sketch that it is altogether a
misnomer as applied to the Manchus. … In the 11th century
before Christ this nation appeared at the court of the Chow
dynasty as Suh-chin, and presented tribute, a portion of which
consisted of stone-headed arrows. In the 3d century after
Christ they reappeared as Yih-low. … In the 5th, 6th, and 7th
centuries after Christ we find them under the names of
Wuh-keihs, and Mo-hos, still described as rude barbarians, but
politically organized as a confederation of seven large tribes
or seven groups of tribes. At length, in the beginning of the
8th century, a family named Ta, belonging to the Suhmo-Mo-hos,
that member of the confederation whose territory lay
immediately on the north of Corea and north-east of Liau East,
established themselves as rulers over the whole of Manchuria
Proper, over Liau East, and over a large portion of Corea. In
A. D. 712, the then Whang-ti, or Emperor of China, conferred
the title of Prince of Po-hae on the head of the family; but
the immediate successors of this prince shook off even the
form of vassalage, and by their conquest of Northern Corea and
Liau East, assumed a position of hostility to the Whang-ti.
Po-hac, the name adopted by the new rulers, became the name of
the Manchu Nation; which under it for the first time takes a
place in history, as constituting a civilized State with a
centralized administration. … It was overthrown by the Ketans.
About these the Chinese accounts conflict as to whether they
were a Manchu or a Mongol tribe: I consider them more of the
former than of the latter. They took their rise in the valleys
of the Hu-lan, a small northern branch of the Soongari, which
falls into the latter about 100 miles below its junction with
the Nonni.
{3792}
The Ketans had possessed themselves of Eastern Mongolia, and
been engaged in successful war on China before they, in A. D.
926, attacked the Po-hae state, which they speedily overthrew,
incorporating into their own dominions all Manchuria Proper
and the East of the Liau. Before the middle of the 10th
century, they had conquered nearly all Mongolia and Northern
China. … They assumed for their dynasty the name of Liau, that
of the river which flows past this port. Under the eighth of
the line, their power had sunk so much that it fell easily
before the attacks of A-kuh-ta, the chief of a purely Manchu
tribe or commune, the Neu-chins, whose original seat was the
country between the Upper Soongari and the Hurka. The
Neu-chins rebelled against the Ketans or Liaus in A. D. 1113.
Within 15 years, they had possessed themselves of the whole of
Manchuria, Mongolia, and Northern China, driving the Chinese
Whang-ti to the south of the Great River, and themselves
establishing a rival line under the name of Kin, or Golden;
adopted because their own country Manchuria 'was a
gold-producing one.' The Neu-chins or Kins were in their turn
overthrown by the Mongols, under Ghenghis Khan and his
immediate successors. Manchuria came under their power about
A. D. 1217, Northern China, about A. D. 1233, and Southern
China, about A. D. 1280, when they established—it was the
first time the thing had happened—a line of non-Chinese
Whang-tis in undisputed possession of that dignity. … The
Mongol dynasty maintained itself in China for about 90 years,
when (in A. D. 1368) the last Whang-ti of the line was driven
to the north of the Great Wall by the forces of a Chinese
rebel, who established himself at Nanking as the first
Whang-ti of the Ming dynasty."
_T. T. Meadows
(Quoted in A. Williamson's "Journeys in North China,"
volume 2, chapter 4)._
In 1644 the Ming dynasty was overthrown by a domestic
rebellion in China, and a Manchu prince, called in by one of
the generals of the fallen government, established himself on
the throne, where his descendants have reigned to this day.
See CHINA:A. D. 1294-1882 (page 420) and after.
MANSFIELD, Lord, and Commercial Law.
See LAW, COMMON: A. D. 1756-1788, and 1783 (page 1973).
MARSHALL, John, as Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court of the United States.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1801 (page 3326).
MARX, Karl, and the socialistic movements of his time.
See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1839-1894, 1843-1883, 1862-1872 (pages 2941, 2945, 2951).
MASAILAND, Exploration of.
See (in this Supplement) AFRICA: 1860-1861, 1871 and after.
MASHONALAND, English occupation of.
See SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1885-1893 (page 2965);
also (in this Supplement) AFRICA.
MASSACHUSETTS, Free Libraries in.
See LIBRARIES, MODERN (page 2021).
MASTER OF THE ROLLS.
See LAW, EQUITY: A. D. 1066 (page 1988).
MATABELELAND, English occupation of.
See SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1885-1893 (page 2965);
also (in this Supplement) AFRICA: 1888.
MEDICAL PROFESSION, Women in the.
See WOMAN'S RIGHTS: A. D. 1842-1892 (page 3658).
MENNONITES, The.
"The Mennonites take their name from Menno Simons, born in
Witmarsum, Holland, in 1492. He entered the priesthood of the
Roman Catholic Church, and in 1524 was appointed chaplain in
Pingium. Two years later he began to read the Scriptures,
which he had hitherto ignored. Becoming a close student of
them, his views on various doctrines soon changed, and he was
known as an evangelical preacher. … He renounced Catholicism
early in 1536, and was baptized at Leeuwarden. In the course
of the following year he was ordained a minister in what was
then known as the Old Evangelical or Waldensian Church. From
this time on to his death, in 1559, he was active in the cause
of evangelical truth, traveling through northern Germany, and
preaching everywhere. The churches which he organized as a
result of his labors rejected infant baptism and held to the
principle of non-resistance. A severe persecution began to
make itself felt against his followers, the Mennonites; and,
having heard accounts of the colony established in the New
World by William Penn, they began to emigrate to Pennsylvania
near the close of the 17th century. … Successive immigrations
from Holland, Switzerland, Germany, and, in the last
twenty-five years, from southern Russia, have resulted in
placing the great majority of Mennonites in the world on
American soil, in the United States and Canada."
_H. K. Carroll,
The Religious Forces of the United States,
chapter 28._
MICHIGAN WILD CAT BANKS.
See MONEY AND BANKING: A. D. 1837-1841 (page 2215).
MIDDLE AGES, Commerce of the.
See (in this Supplement) COMMERCE, MEDIÆVAL.
MILLS TARIFF BILL, The.
See TARIFF LEGISLATION: A. D. 1884-1888 (page 3085).
MINNESOTA, University of.
"Two years after the organization of the territory, the
Legislature petitioned Congress for a grant of 100,000 acres
of land to endow a university, and on the very day of this
petition two townships were set aside for that purpose. The
Legislature went on to enact that the University of Minnesota
should be established at or near the Falls of St. Anthony and
should have the income from all land thereafter granted by the
United States for University purposes. Under this grant the
regents selected a large portion of the lands and erected a
costly edifice, but they were soon obliged to mortgage both
building and lands in order to meet the obligations incurred.
Affairs were in this condition when Congress passed the act
admitting Minnesota to the Union, by which two townships of
land were granted for the use and support of a State
university. … Efforts were at once made to open the
university, but the financial crisis of 1857 and the Civil War
checked further action and encumbered the university with
debt. … The present organization of the university dates from
1868, when an act was passed 'to reorganize the University of
Minnesota and to establish an agricultural college therein.'
In the following year college classes were first organized.
The act of 1868 provided that the university should have the
income from the agricultural college grant. … From the
university lands that have been sold something over $800,000
has been received, from which there is an annual income of
about $37,000."
_F. W. Blackmar,
History of Federal and State Aid to Higher Education
in the United States
(Bureau of Education, Circular of Information, 1890, no. 1),
pages 295-297._
{3793}
MISSIONS, Christian, in Africa.
See (in this Supplement) AFRICA.
MISSISSIPPI RIVER: The question of navigation in dispute with Spain.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1784-1788 (page 3293).
MORMONS: Abandonment of Polygamy.
See UTAH: A. D. 1882-1893 (page 3591).
MORRISON TARIFF BILL, The.
See TARIFF LEGISLATION: A. D. 1884-1888 (page 3083).
MORSE, SAMUEL F. B., Telegraphic inventions of.
See ELECTRICAL DISCOVERY AND INVENTION:
A. D. 1825-1874 (page 773).
_T. O'Conor Sloane
The Standard Electrical Dictionary
https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/26535_
MORTON, Dr., and the discovery of Anæsthetics.
See MEDICAL SCIENCE: 19th CENTURY (page 2144).
MOSQUITO COUNTRY.
See (in this Supplement) NICARAGUA.
N.
NANSEN, Dr., Arctic expeditions of.
See (in this Supplement) ARCTIC EXPLORATION: 1888, and 1893.
NAPOLEON I., and Germany.
See (in this Supplement) GERMANY: A. D. 1796-1807.
NARES, Captain, Polar voyage of.
See (in this Supplement) ARCTIC EXPLORATION: 1875-1876.
NATIONALIST MOVEMENT, The.
See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1888-1893 (page 2956).
NETHERLANDS, Commerce of the.
See (in this Supplement) COMMERCE, MEDIÆVAL, AND MODERN.
NEUTRALITY, The Queen of England's Proclamation of.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1861 (page 3428).
NEW CHURCH, The.
See (in this Supplement) SWEDENBORG.
NEW HARMONY COMMUNITY. The.
See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1800-1824,
and 1805-1827 (pages 2936-2937).
NEW JERSEY, College of.
See (in this Supplement) PRINCETON COLLEGE.
NEW LANARK, Robert Owen's experiment at.
See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1800-1824 (page 2935).
NEWNHAM HALL.
See EDUCATION (page 746).
NICARAGUA, AND THE MOSQUITO INDIANS.
The question of the sovereignty of Nicaragua over the Mosquito
country was settled affirmatively by a convention concluded in
November, 1894. Great Britain at the same time gave assurances
to the United States that she asserts no rights of sovereignty
or protection over the country in question.
NIHILISM.
See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1860-1870 (page 2948).
NILE, Exploration of the sources of the.
See (in this Supplement) AFRICA.
NON-INTERCOURSE, The Jefferson policy of.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1804-1809.
and 1808-1810 (pages 3332 and 3338).
NORDENSKIÖLD, Professor (Baron),
Achievement of the Northeast Passage by.
See (in this Supplement) ARCTIC EXPLORATION: 1878-1879.
NORTH AMERICA, The Bank of.
See MONEY AND BANKING: A. D. 1780-1784 (page 2212).
NORTHEAST AND NORTHWEST PASSAGE, Search for.
See (in this Supplement) ARCTIC EXPLORATION.
NORWAY, Libraries of.
See LIBRARIES, MODERN (page 2013).
O.
OBERLIN COLLEGE.
"Oberlin is a development from the missionary and reform
movements of the early quarter of our century. Its direct
impulse was the new spirit of active benevolence which tested
old doctrines by experience and by their fitness for organized
philanthropy. Its foundations were laid 23 years after the
organization of the American Foreign Missionary Association, 7
years after the first American temperance society, 15 years
before the first public move to extend the rights of women,
and in the same year with the American Anti-Slavery Society.
All of these reform movements were more or less united in the
Oberlin movement. The founders were themselves home
missionaries in the West and among the Indians, and Oberlin
has ever since been vital with the missionary spirit. From the
first, alcoholic beverages have been excluded. Although not
adopting the extreme doctrine of woman's rights, yet Oberlin
was the first college in the world to admit young women to all
its privileges on equal terms with young men; and as for its
anti-slavery leanings, it had received colored students into
its classes 28 years before emancipation. Such bold disregard
of the old landmarks was not attractive to the power and
wealth of the country, and so for 50 years Oberlin owed its
life to the sacrifice and devotion of its founders and
instructors. … In 1831 John J. Shipherd, under commission from
the American Home Missionary Society, entered upon his work as
pastor of the church at Elyria, Ohio. … In the summer of 1832
he was visited by Philo P. Stewart, an old school friend in
the days when they both attended the academy at Pawlet,
Vermont. Stewart, on account of the failing health of his
wife, had returned from mission work among the Choctaws in
Mississippi, but his heart was still burning with zeal for
extending Christian work in the West. The two men, after long
consultations and prayer, finally concluded that the needs of
the new country could best be met by establishing a community
of Christian families with a Christian school, … the school to
be conducted on the manual labor system, and to be open to
both young men and young women.
{3794}
It was not proposed to establish a college, but simply an
academy for instruction in English and useful languages, and,
if Providence should favor it, in 'practical theology.' In
accordance with this plan the corporate name 'Oberlin
Collegiate Institute' was chosen. Not until 1851 was a new and
broader charter obtained, this time under the name of 'Oberlin
College.' The name 'Oberlin' was chosen to signify the hope
that the members of the new enterprise might be moved by the
spirit of the self-sacrificing Swiss colporteur and pastor,
John Friederich Oberlin."
_J. R Commons,
Oberlin College
(in Bureau of Education,
Circular of Information, 1801, no. 5),
pages 55-56._
OERSTED, and his discovery of the Electro-Magnet.
See ELECTRICAL DISCOVERY AND INVENTION:
A. D. 1820-1825 (page 772).
_T. O'Conor Sloane
The Standard Electrical Dictionary
https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/26535_
OHIO UNIVERSITY.
"Ohio University bears the double distinction of being the
first college in the United States founded upon a land
endowment from the national Government, and also of being the
oldest college in the Northwest Territory. … The university
owes its origin and endowment to the Ohio Company of
Associates, who in 1787 purchased a large tract of land from
the old board of treasury for the purpose of colonizing it
with pioneers from New England. … The honor of obtaining this
endowment belongs to Dr. [Manasseh] Cutler. … In 1795 the
lands to be devoted to the support of the university were
located. The townships selected were those now called Athens
and Alexander, in Athens County. General Rufus Putnam, who was
deeply interested in the proposed institution, used his
influence to secure settlers for the college lands. … December
18, 1799, the Territorial legislature appointed Rufus Putnam,
Benjamin Ives Gilman, and Jonathan Stone 'to lay off, in the
most suitable place within the townships, a town plat, which
should contain a square for the colleges; also lots suitable
for house lots and gardens for a president, professors,
tutors, etc., bordering on or encircled by spacious commons,
and such a number of town lots adjoining the said commons and
outlots as they shall think will be for the advantage of the
university.' … In 1802 the legislature of the Northwest
Territory passed an act establishing a university and giving
to it in trust the land grant."
_G. W. Knight and J. R. Commons,
History of Higher Education in Ohio
(Bureau of Education,
Circular of Information, 1891, number 5)._
ONEIDA COMMUNITY, The.
See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1848 (page 2946).
ONTARIO SCHOOL SYSTEM.
See EDUCATION, MODERN (page 733).
OTHO THE GREAT, and the restoration of the Empire.
See (in this Supplement) GERMANY: A. D. 962.
OWEN, Robert, and his social experiments.
See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1800-1824, 1805-1827,
and 1816-1886 (pages 2935, 2937, and 2938).
OYER AND TERMINER, Courts of.
See LAW, CRIMINAL: A. D. 1285 (page 1982).
P.
PAMIR, The.
The Pamir and Tibet, which converge north of India and east of
the Oxus, form jointly the culminating land of the continent.
Disposed at right angles, and parallel, the one to the
equator, the other to the meridian, they constitute the
so-called 'Roof,' or 'Crown of the World,' though this
expression is more usually restricted to the Pamir alone. With
its escarpments, rising above the Oxus and Tarim plains west
and east, the Pamir occupies, in the heart of the continent,
an estimated area of 30,000 square miles. With its
counterforts projecting some 300 miles, it forms the western
headland of all the plateaux and mountain systems skirting the
Chinese Empire; it completely separates the two halves of
Asia, and forms an almost impassable barrier to migration and
war-like incursions. Yet notwithstanding its mean elevation of
13,000 feet above arable land, it has been frequently crossed
by small caravans of traders or travellers, and by light
columns of troops. The attempt could not fail to be frequently
made to take the shortest route across the region separating
the Oxus from Kashgaria, and Europe from China. Hence the
Pamir has often been traversed by Greeks, Romans, Arabs,
Italians, Chinese, some as traders, some as explorers, some
inspired by religious zeal. But of these travellers very few
have left any record of their journey, and all took the lowest
routes across the plateau."
_E. Reclus,
The Earth and its Inhabitants: Asia,
volume 1, chapter 3, section 2._
PANIC OF 1873, The.
See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1873 (page 3574).
----------PAPACY: Start--------
PAPACY: 11th Century.
The Church and the first Crusading movement.
See (in this Supplement) CRUSADES.
PAPACY: 11-12th Centuries.
The Question of the Investitures.
"By investiture in mediaeval church law is meant the act of
bestowing a church office, with the use of symbols, on the
clergyman who has been appointed to fill it. It is especially
to signify the act by which secular princes conferred on the
chosen candidates the offices of bishop and abbot that the
word is used since the eleventh century. The struggle which
the papacy and the church carried on in the last half of the
11th and on into the 12th century for the purpose of doing
away with this same right of the princes to confer such
offices is called in consequence the war of the investitures.
That the nomination of the bishops was a right pertaining to
the sovereign was a view of the matter which had gained ground
already in the time of the Frankish monarchy. The German kings
up to the eleventh century insisted all the more on this right
from the fact that the bishoprics and imperial abbacies had in
course of time lost their original character of church
organizations. They had been appanaged with imperial and other
lands, with political and public rights, with immunities,
rights of coinage etc. … They had, in consequence, become
transformed into political districts, on a par with those of
the secular princes and obliged, like the latter, to bear the
public burdens, especially that of providing war-contingents
and supplies. It Is true that in the period in question,
although for the most part the king openly and freely filled
the bishoprics and abbacies of his own accord, some elections
had been carried through by the cathedral chapter, the other
secular canons, the nobles, vassals and ministeriales of the
bishopric. This was usually on the ground of royal privileges,
of special royal permission, or of a designation of the
candidate by the king.
{3795}
However the person might have been elected he could only enter
into possession of the bishopric or abbacy after the king had
formally conferred the office upon him. The death of a bishop
would be announced to the king by envoys from the episcopal
residence who at the same time, handing over the episcopal
crosier and ring, would beg that the king would see to the
refilling of the vacant office. It need hardly be said that
any new candidate who might in the meantime have been elected
presented himself likewise at court. The king discussed the
matter of the bestowal of the vacant bishopric or abbacy with
his secular and ecclesiastical nobles and councillors. His
next step was to confer the office on the candidate he had
chosen by means of investiture, that is by handing him the
episcopal crosier and ring. The candidate in return had to
take the oath of fealty and to perform the act of homage, the
so-called hominium. This is how an episcopal office, at that
time regarded as a conglomeration of ecclesiastical and
secular rights, was regularly filled. … After the middle of
the 11th century there began to show itself within the
reform-party, which at that time gave the tone at Rome, a
tendency, ever growing stronger, in favor of achieving the
complete liberation of the church from the secular influence.
The German kingdom and empire were to be subordinated to the
papacy as to the proper controlling power. Those who held
these views declared that the investiture of the bishops and
abbots by the king was simony because, as was the custom on
the part of those receiving other feudal grants, certain
presents were made in return. It was demanded that the
episcopal symbols, the ring and the crosier, should no longer
be disposed of at the hand of a layman. As a matter of fact
there had frequently been carried on an unworthy traffic with
the bishoprics in consequence of the manner of conferring
them. The ecclesiastical legislators, besides passing general
laws against simony, came forward at first cautiously enough
with the regulation that the clergy should accept no churches
from the hands of a layman. The direct clash with the German
court came later, in 1068, where the king had conferred the
bishopric of Milan as usual through investiture, while the
people, under the influence of the papal reform-party,
demanded a bishop elected canonically and with Rome's consent.
The king did not give way and Gregory VII, in the Roman synod
of 1074, increased the severity of the earlier laws against
simony, opening the struggle in a synod of the following year
by ordaining that the people should not be present at
ecclesiastical functions performed by those clergy who had
gained office through simony, the reference being to those
bishops who adhered to the king. Furthermore the royal right
of conferring bishoprics by investiture was now directly
denied. With this attack on an old and customary prerogative
of the German king, one to which in earlier times had even
been expressly acknowledged by the pope, an attempt was made
to thoroughly undermine the foundations of the German empire
and to rob the royal power of one of its chief supports. The
bishops and abbots were princes of the realm, possessing,
besides a number of privileges, the large feudal and allodial
holdings which went with their churches. They had, on behalf
of their bishoprics, to sustain the largest share of the
empire's burdens. The crown found in them the chief props and
supports of its power, for the ecclesiastical principalities
could be freely granted to devoted adherents without regard to
the hereditary dynastic claims of families. The only legal
bond by which these princes were bound to the crown was the
investiture with its oath of fealty and homage. The
prohibition of this, then, denoted the cessation of the
relationship which assured the dependence of the
ecclesiastical princes on the king and on the empire and the
performance of their duties to that empire. It delivered over
the considerable material wealth and power of the imperial
bishoprics and abbacies to a clergy that was loosed from all
connection with the crown. With regard to the manner in which
in future, according to the opinion of Gregory VII or the
church-reform party, the bishoprics were to be filled, the
above-mentioned synod does not express itself. The decrees of
the Roman synod of 1080, as well as Gregory's own further
attitude, however, make it appear unquestionable that, with
the formal restoration of the old so-called canonical election
by clergy and people in common with the metropolitan and his
suffragans, he purposed the actual subjection to the pope of
the episcopacy and of the resources which in consequence of
its political position stood at its command. From the election
of a secular clergy which should be freed from national and
state interests by the carrying out of the celibacy laws—an
election in which metropolitans who were to be kept in
dependence on the papal throne were to play their part—there
could result as a rule only bishops submissive to the papal
court. All the more so as the Roman synod of 1080, in a form
probably intentionally vague, gave the pope a right,
concurrent with that of the archbishop, of testing the
elections and of hindering any such as might be objectionable
to the court of Rome. That the bishops and abbots elected in
this way were to retain their former possessions and
privileges in the empire was taken by Gregory VII as a matter
of course. But were this the case their considerable resources
stood wholly at the disposition of the papal chair; on the
pope it depended what amount of services he would still allow
for the benefit of the empire. Nay, more, as regards the
ecclesiastical princes the pope would actually have taken the
place of the emperor and king and could command the movements
of the most insignificant vassal of a bishopric. … The dispute
was finally ended by the concordat agreed to at Lobweisen
(near Lorsch) and announced at Worms: … In the concordat the
emperor renounced wholly the former investing with the
bishop's and abbot's office by means of crosier and ring, and
granted that in all churches these offices should be filled by
canonical election and by the free consecration of the person
elected. On the other hand the pope granted that the election
of bishops and abbots belonging to the German kingdom might
take place in presence of the emperor but without simony or
violence, and that the emperor should have a right, employing
the sceptre as a symbol and causing homage to be rendered, to
perform the investiture—before the consecration, namely—with
regard to the regalia, i. e. the totality of the landed
possessions and rights which belonged to the individual
bishopric or abbacy. …
{3796}
With the Concordat of Worms the church and the papacy, after a
long struggle, had gained the victory over the empire. Even
though the papal party had not been able to put through all
its demands with regard to the question of investitures, yet
the empire was compelled to renounce rights which had been
exercised unassailed for centuries, and thereby to confirm the
emancipation of the papacy from the former imperial
overlordship, thus stamping its position as an independent
political power. This success was the more considerable for
the reason that the agreement of Worms had established the
ecclesiastical and imperial rights only in the most general
terms and in an equivocal form, but had left the further
development of the new manner of conferring the offices to be
decided by practice. … If already the Hohenstaufens of the
12th century had succeeded only with great efforts in
protecting themselves against such interpretation of the
Concordat as infringed on the imperial rights, there was,
naturally, in the 13th century,—in view of the condition of
the empire, the political situation of Germany, and the
predominating supremacy of the papacy,—no further question of
such an attitude. … In this form of interpretation, given to
it by usage and derogatory to the imperial rights, the
Concordat of Worms remained the basis of the German imperial
law regarding the collation of bishoprics and imperial
abbacies until the dissolution of the German empire in 1806."
_Hinschius,
Investiturstreit
(Herzog's Realencyklopaedie für protestantische
Theologie und Kirche, volume 6)._
See, also, PAPACY: A. D. 1056-1122 (pages 2427-2431).
PAPACY: A. D. 1162-1177.
The Pope and the Emperor.
"In this fullness of his power [after the destruction of
Milan, 1162] the emperor came anew into conflict with the
papacy. Reason enough for it was that the emperor intended to
treat Rome also as a city of the empire like the rest. …
Between the claims of the two powers there was an ineradicable
fundamental difference which showed itself at every moment.
What the papacy did, to continually bring forward and maintain
new rights, the empire could, after all, do also. Among other
ways the remarkable contradiction finds utterance thus, that
the emperor claims to be above the law, the pope above
tribunals; the one is the chief, unrestricted lawgiver, the
other the chief judge over all. The emperor rose up in injured
self-esteem when the pope used the word 'benefice' in speaking
of his relations with the empire. The pope was forced to
explain the word, which had two meanings, in its more harmless
sense. The Lombard cities always maintained that they had been
strengthened in their opposition by Adrian IV. It is probable
that already between the emperor and this pope a struggle
would have taken place; but Adrian died (at Anagni, September
1, 1159), and after his death there was a disputed papal
election. There was a powerful imperial faction among the
cardinals but a still more powerful anti-German one. At the
election it came to a hand to hand fight, as it were, between
the two candidates. The purple mantle was just about to be
laid on the shoulders of the anti-imperial cardinal Roland
when the imperial candidate Octavian rushed in and tore it
away from him. The latter was first proclaimed in Rome as
Victor IV, the former was consecrated in Ninfa as Alexander
III. The emperor saw here an opportunity of extending his
power, indirectly at least, over the papacy also. He ordered
both popes to appear at a council which he called. He took
occasion to recall to remembrance an old right of the empire,
the right of holding councils and passing judgment on the
papacy. He accordingly appointed a church assembly to be held
in Pavia and invited to it, as he says in his summons, all the
bishops of England, France, Hungary, Denmark and his own
kingdom. What a conception he had of his own dignity is shown
by the words: 'It is enough to have one God, one pope, one
emperor, and it is proper that there should be only one
church.' In venturing once more to pass judgment on
Frederick's actions and to inquire, solely from a historical
point of view, how far his ideas deviated from previous ones I
find that in this case he went to work exactly as he did
against the cities. From the oldest times church conflicts had
been settled by the emperor with the assistance of a council;
since the days of Otto I immense achievements had been made in
this way; but never yet had a German emperor called together
at the same time the bishops of all other kingdoms.
Frederick's deviation lay herein, that he appropriated to
himself this right. He did not stop at what was customary and
a matter of precedent but, on the basis of his own ideal
conception of the imperial rights, extended his claim until it
became altogether universal. It might have been possible to
maintain this claim; but, so much is certain, it could only
have happened after previous arrangement with the other
monarchs. The council was attended from all parts of the
empire on the one side or the other of the Alps. The emperor
left the deliberations in the hands of the clergy. They
declared in a body for Victor; the emperor spoke last and
accepted him. Thus did he understand the imperial power, thus
did he wish to exercise it. But it is evident that herewith
the whole conflict with the papacy came into an entirely new
stage. The emperor with his council wished to decide which
pope all Europe should obey. Naturally he met with opposition.
John of Salisbury expresses the point at issue very well;
'who,' he says, 'has made the Germans judges over the
nations?' One might almost say this had been their claim. In
so far as they appointed the emperor they wished also to have
the precedence over other nations. … Of the popes only one,
the favored one, Victor, submitted; the other, Alexander III,
declared the pope should summon and not be summoned, should
judge and not be judged. He was not willing to plunge the
church into a new slavery. For the time being Victor
maintained the supremacy in Italy. … The Romans dated their
legal documents according to the years of his pontificate.
Meanwhile Alexander III fled to France. He found support here
mainly from the fact that the western nations would not accord
to the emperor the supremacy over Europe which was implied in
his decision regarding the papacy. … For a moment the kingdom
of England seemed about to join in the church policy of the
German empire; they formed as it were a Germanic party. The
strict papistical idea was more the Romanic; but at the same
time it was that of the expanding freedom of the people.
{3797}
That is why Alexander III had also on his side the Lombard
cities which were opposing the emperor. Here too it was not a
mere faction but a grand idea. The cities, with their striving
for a constitution to a certain degree autonomic and resting
on a basis of free elections, sided with the idea of the
independence of the European kingdoms. From the depths of
European life arose mighty strivings which opposed the idea of
the emperor to renew the Roman empire and its prerogatives. …
In the year 1165 Alexander, coming from Salerno, was escorted
by William I [of Sicily] into Rome. This great opposition
against the German empire was joined also by the Greek
emperor, Manuel. He wished himself to attain the rule of the
Roman empire and in return the Greek and the Roman churches
were to be united. All at once Emperor Frederick found himself
involved in a most dangerous struggle, but he was determined
to fight it out. And he had the empire of the Germans on his
side in the matter. At a great diet in Wurzburg, at the
especial prompting of the imperial chancellor Raynald,
archbishop elect of Cologne, the emperor and the princes swore
never to acknowledge either Alexander III or any pope elected
by his party. Indeed no future emperor was to be elected who
would not promise to act accordingly. Stern obligations were
further attached to this oath. … In November 1166 the emperor
began his expedition for the purpose of driving out Pope
Alexander. But already under his very eyes the Lombard cities
were bestirring themselves against him."
_L. von Ranke,
Weltgeschichte
(translated from the German)
volume 8, pages 179-185._
"The battle of Legnano, fought on May 29th, 1176, ended in
disaster and defeat. Frederick himself, who was wounded and
thrown from his horse, finally reached Pavia after days of
adventurous flight, having meanwhile been mourned as dead by
the remnant of his army. All was not yet lost, indeed, … but
Frederick, although he at first made a pretense of continuing
the war, was soon forced by the representations of his nobles
to abandon the policy of twenty-four years, and to make peace
on the best terms obtainable with Alexander III, and through
him with the Lombard cities. The oath of Wurzburg was broken
and the two treaties of Anagni and Venice put an end to the
long war. … The terms of the treaty were finally assented to
by the emperor at Chioggia, July 21st, 1177. Alexander now
prepared to carry out his cherished project of holding a
mighty peace congress at Venice; and there, at the news of the
approaching reconciliation, nobles and bishops and their
retinues came together from all parts of Europe. Now that the
peace was to become an accomplished fact Venice outdid herself
in preparing to honor the emperor. The latter, too, was
determined to spare no expense that could add to the splendor
of the occasion. He had negotiated for a loan with the rich
Venetians, and he now imposed a tax of 1,000 marks of silver
on his nobles. Frederick's coming was announced for Sunday,
July 24th, and by that time the city had donned its most
festive attire. … A platform had been constructed at the door
of the church, and upon it was placed a raised throne for the
pope. … Having reached the shore Frederick, in the presence of
an immense crowd, approached the papal throne, and, throwing
off his purple mantle, prostrated himself before the pope and
kissed the latter's feet. Three red slabs of marble mark the
spot where he knelt. It was a moment of world-wide importance;
the empire and the papacy had measured themselves in mortal
combat, and the empire, in form at least, was now surrendering
at discretion. No wonder that later ages have fabled much
about this meeting. The pope is said, with his foot on the
neck of the prostrate king, to have exclaimed aloud, 'The lion
and the young dragon shalt thou trample under thy feet!'"
_E. F. Henderson,
History of Germany in the Middle Ages,
pages 277-279._
PAPACY: A. D. 1870-1874.
The "Kulturkampf" in its first stages.
See (in this Supplement) GERMANY: A. D. 1870-1874.
----------PAPACY: End--------
PARIS: A. D. 1788-1789.
The city during the Revolution.
See (in this Supplement) FRANCE: A. D. 1788-1789.
PARIS: Municipal Libraries.
See LIBRARIES, MODERN: (page 2011).
PARRY, Captain, Northern voyages of.
See (in this Supplement)
ARCTIC EXPLORATION: 1819-1820, and after.
PATENT-RIGHT.
See LAW, EQUITY: A. D. 1875 (page 1994).
PATRONS OF HUSBANDRY, The.
See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1866-1875 (page 2951).
PEARY ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS.
See (in this Supplement) ARCTIC EXPLORATION:
1886, 1891-1892, and 1893-1894.
PENNSYLVANIA: A. D. 1785.
The first Protective Tariff.
See TARIFF LEGISLATION: A. D. 1785 (page 3065).
PENNSYLVANIA BANK, The.
See MONEY AND BANKING: A, D. 1780-1784 (page 2212).
PENNSYLVANIA GERMANS.
"At the close of the Thirty Years' war there ran through
Protestant Germany a broad line; upon the one side of that
line stood the followers of Luther and Zwingli, of Melanchthon
and Calvin—these were the Church people; upon the other side
stood Menno Simon and 'The Separatists'—these were the Sect
people. It was a line which divided persecution by new
boundaries, and left the faggot and the stake in new hands,
for the Peace of Westphalia had thrown the guarantees of its
powerful protection only over the one side of this Protestant
division. … When 'the news spread through the Old World that
William Penn, the Quaker, had opened an asylum to the good and
the oppressed of every nation, and Humanity went through
Europe gathering up the children of misfortune,' our
forefathers came out from their hiding places in the forest
depths and the mountain valleys which the sun never
penetrated, clad in homespun, their feet shod with wood, their
dialects ofttimes unintelligible to each other. There was
scarcely a family among them which could not be traced to some
ancestor burned at the stake for conscience sake. Judge
Pennypacker says: 'Their whole literature smacks of fire.
Beside a record like theirs the sufferings of Pilgrim and
Quaker seem trivial.' … The thousands of Germans, Swiss and
Dutch who migrated here on the invitation of Penn, came
without ability to speak the English language, and without any
knowledge, except that derived from general report, of the
customs and habits of thought of the English people.
{3798}
They went vigorously to work to clear the wilderness and
establish homes. They were sober, religious, orderly,
industrious and thrifty. The reports the earlier settlers made
to their friends at home of the prosperity and liberty they
enjoyed in their new homes, induced from year to year many
others to come. Their numbers increased so much as to alarm
the proprietary officials. Logan wanted their immigration
prevented by Act of Parliament, 'for fear the colony would in
time be lost to the crown.' He wrote a letter in which he
says: 'The numbers from Germany at this rate will soon produce
a German colony here, and perhaps such a one as Britain
received from Saxony in the 5th Century.' As early as 1747,
one of the proprietary Governors attributed the prosperity of
the Pennsylvania colony to the thrift, sobriety and good
characters of the Germans. Numerous as they were, because this
was in its government a purely English colony, the part they
took in its public affairs was necessarily limited. The
Government officials and the vast majority of the members of
the Assembly were all English. During the long struggle in the
Colonies to adjust the strained relations with Great Britain,
the Germans were seemingly indifferent. They saw no practical
gain in surrendering the Penn Charter, and Proprietary
Government, under which they had obtained their homes, for the
direct rule of the British King. They could not understand the
distinction between King and Parliament. … When, therefore, in
1776, the issue was suddenly enlarged into a broad demand for
final separation from Great Britain, and the creation of a
Republic, all their traditional love of freedom was fully
aroused. Under the Proprietary rule, although constituting
nearly one-half the population of the colony, they were
practically without representation in the General Assembly,
and without voice in the Government. The right of 'electing or
being elected' to the Assembly was confined to natural born
subjects of England, or persons naturalized in England or in
the province, who were 21 years old, and freeholders of the
province owning fifty acres of seated land, and at least
twelve acres improved, or worth clear fifty pounds and a
resident for two years. Naturalization was not the simple
thing it now is. The conditions were exceptionally severe, and
comparatively few Germans qualified themselves to vote. The
delegates to the Colonial Congress were selected by the
General Assembly. In November, 1775, the Assembly instructed
the Pennsylvania delegates not to vote for separation from
Great Britain. The majority of the delegates were against
separation. … At the election for new members in May, 1776, in
Philadelphia, three out of four of those elected were opposed
to separation. The situation was most critical. Independence
and union were not possible without Pennsylvania.
Geographically, she was midway between the Colonies. She was
one of the wealthiest and strongest. Her government was in the
hands of those opposed to separation. One course only
remained. Peaceful efforts in the Assembly to enfranchise the
Germans, by repealing the naturalization laws and oath of
allegiance, had failed, and now this must be accomplished by
revolution, because their enfranchisement would give the
friends of liberty and union an overwhelming and aggressive
majority. This was the course resolved on. The Philadelphia
Committee called a conference of committees of the Counties.
On the 18th of June, 1776, this provincial conference,
numbering 104, met in Philadelphia. The German counties were
represented no longer by English tories. There were leading
Germans in the delegations from Philadelphia, Lancaster,
Northampton, York, Bucks and Berks. In Berks, the royalist
Biddle gives place to eight prominent Germans, headed by
Governor Heister, Colonels Hunter, Eckert and Lutz. The
proprietary government of Pennsylvania, with its Tory
Assembly, was overthrown—foundation, pillar and dome. This
conference called a Provincial Convention to frame a new
Government. On the petition of the Germans, the members of
that Convention were to be elected by persons qualified to
vote for Assembly, and by the military associators
(volunteers), being freemen 21 years of age, resident in the
province one year. This gave the Germans the right to vote.
Thus says Bancroft: 'The Germans were incorporated into the
people and made one with them.' The 19th of June, 1776,
enfranchised the Germans, and made the Declaration of
Independence possible. … It is absolutely true, that, as the
English people of the province were divided in 1776, the
Germans were the potential factors in securing the essential
vote of Pennsylvania for the Declaration of Independence. …
Throughout the Revolution, these Germans … were the steadfast
defenders of the new Republic. Dr. Stille, in his recent
admirable 'Life of Dickinson,' concedes that 'no portion of
the population was more ready to defend its homes, or took up
arms more willingly in support of the American cause.'
Washington, when in Philadelphia after the war, testified his
high appreciation of the hearty support the Germans gave him,
and the cause he represented, by worshiping with his family in
the old German church on Race street. The descendants of the
Pennsylvania-Germans have settled all over the West,
contributing to Ohio, Illinois and other Western States, the
same sturdy, honest population that characterizes
Pennsylvania. From Revolutionary times until now, they have
borne an honorable part In the Nation's history and progress."
_E. K. Martin and G. F. Baer,
Addresses
(Proceedings,
Pennsylvania-German Convention, April 15, 1891),
pages 14-24._
PENNY NEWSPAPERS, The beginning of.
See PRINTING AND PRESS: A. D. 1830-1888,
and 1853-1870 (page 2601).
PETER, ST., and the Church at Rome.
See PAPACY (page 2417).
PETER THE HERMIT, and the first Crusade.
See (in this Supplement) CRUSADES.
PHŒNICIAN COMMERCE.
See (In this Supplement) COMMERCE, ANCIENT;
also PHŒNICIANS (page 2530).
PINEL, and the treatment of the Insane.
See MEDICAL SCIENCE: 18-19TH CENTURIES (page 2142).
PITT, William.
See CHATHAM.
{3799}
PLYMOUTH BRETHREN, The.
"The rise of Plymouth Brotherism was almost contemporaneous
with that of Tractarianism, and, far apart as the two systems
appear to be, they were partly due to the action of similar
causes. In both cases there was a dissatisfaction with the
state of spiritual life, and a longing for something more
real, more elevated in tone, more practical in results. … The
society or 'assembly,' as the Brethren love to call it, was a
development. There was no purpose on the part of its founders
of establishing any new sect or party. A few men with
spiritual affinities, desiring a religious fellowship which
they could not find in the ordinary services of their Church,
grouped themselves in small companies and held periodical
meetings for the study of the Scriptures, for Christian
conference, and for prayer. From the very beginning the
movement had attractions for devout men of high social
position and some culture. Mr. Darby, who was one of the
leading spirits in Dublin, and who is said by those who have
had personal acquaintance with the inner life of the Brethren
to wield a power over his followers to which there is no
parallel among ecclesiastics, except in the case of the Pope
himself, was originally a curate of the Church of Ireland. Mr.
Benjamin W. Newton, who was one of the principal members of
the similar society in Plymouth, which has given its name to
the movement, was a fellow of Exeter College, Oxford. Dr.
Tregelles, another of the Plymouth company, was a
distinguished Biblical scholar. Mr. A. Groves, who, perhaps,
rather than Mr. Darby or Mr. Newton, may be regarded as the
promoter of these meetings, but who early withdrew from the
party when, on a return from a visit to the East, he found
that their social religious gatherings were rapidly developing
into a distinct sectarian organization, was a student for the
Anglican ministry at Trinity College, Dublin. The Brethren
despise culture, and yet apart from men of culture it is hard
to see how the movement could have had such success."
_J. G. Rogers,
The Church Systems of England in the 19th Century,
lecture 10._
POLAR EXPLORATION.
See (in this Supplement) ARCTIC EXPLORATION.
POLARIS, Voyage of the.
See (in this Supplement) ARCTIC EXPLORATION: 1871-1872.
PORTUGAL: Commerce.
See (in this Supplement) COMMERCE, MEDIÆVAL, AND MODERN.
PORTUGAL: Exploration, and colonization in Africa.
See (in this Supplement) AFRICA.
PRINCETON COLLEGE.
The College of New Jersey, more commonly called Princeton
College, "originated in the plan of Jonathan Dickinson, John
Pierson, Ebenezer Pemberton, Aaron Burr, with others, to found
an institution 'in which ample provision should be made for
the intellectual and religious culture of youth desirous to
obtain a liberal education, and more especially for the
thorough training of such as were candidates for the holy
ministry.' Its first charter was granted in 1746 by the
Honorable John Hamilton, President of His Majesty's Council,
and is noteworthy as the first college charter ever given in
this country by a Governor or acting Governor with simply the
consent of his Council. A second and more ample charter was
granted September 14th, 1748, by the 'trusty and well-beloved'
Jonathan Belcher, Esquire, Governor and Commander-in-chief of
the province of New Jersey. After the war of the Revolution,
the charter was confirmed and renewed by the Legislature of
New Jersey. The Corporation is styled in that instrument 'the
Trustees of the College of New Jersey.' … On April 27th, 1747,
the Trustees made a public announcement that they had
'appointed the Rev. Jonathan Dickinson, President,' and that
the college would be opened in the fourth week of May next at
Elizabethtown. President Dickinson having died on the 7th of
October following, the Rev. Aaron Burr assumed the duties of
the Presidency and the college was removed from Elizabethtown
to Newark. Soon after, it was removed from Newark to
Princeton, where in 1754-1755 the first college building was
erected. … The College of New Jersey, as now constituted,
includes the John C. Green School of Science. This
institution, which has its own professors and instructors, was
founded in 1873 upon an endowment of Mr. John C. Green. The
first college building, erected in 1754-5, was named Nassau
Hall, at the request of Governor Belcher."
_College of New Jersey,
Catalogue, 1893-4,
pages 8-9._
ALSO IN:
_J. F. Hageman,
History of Princeton and its Institutions._
PROFIT-SHARING EXPERIMENTS.
See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1842-1889,
and 1859-1887 (pages 2944 and 2947).
PROUDHON, and the doctrines of Anarchism.
See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1839-1894 (page 2941).
PROVISIONS OF OXFORD.
See LAW, COMMON: A. D. 1258 (page 1962).
PRUSSIA, The rise of.
See (in this Supplement) GERMANY: A. D. 1618-1700;
also, page 309.
PULLMAN STRIKE, The.
See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1894 (page 2957).
R.
RAE, Dr., Franklin search expeditions of.
See (in this Supplement) ARCTIC EXPLORATION:
1851, and 1853-1854.
RAILWAYS, in modern inland commerce.
See (in this Supplement) COMMERCE, MODERN.
RAPP, George, and the Rappites.
See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1805-1827 (page 2937).
REDWOOD LIBRARY.
See LIBRARIES, MODERN:
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: (page 2019).
REFORMATION, The Protestant: Outline sketch.
See EUROPE (pages 1053-1065).
REFORMATION, The Protestant:
The beginning in Germany.
See (in this Supplement) GERMANY: 16TH CENTURY;
also, page 1456.
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.
See below: TOLERATION, RELIGIOUS.
RENAISSANCE, Libraries of the.
See LIBRARIES, RENAISSANCE (page 2008).
ROCHDALE SOCIETY, The Co-operative.
See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1816-1886 (page 2938).
ROME:
Outline sketch of the history of the Republic and the Empire.
See EUROPE (pages 996-1013).
{3800}
ROME:
Charlemagne's restoration of the Empire in the West.
His imperial coronation and its significance.
"The Germans, who had destroyed the Western Empire, now, after
having been received into Roman civilisation and the bosom of
the Church, effected its restoration. And the Church, whose
laws controlled the West, created anew from within herself the
Roman Empire, as the political form of her cosmopolitan
principle, and that spiritual unity within which the Popes had
embraced so many nations. Her supremacy over all churches of
the West could, moreover, only attain complete recognition
through the Emperor and the Empire. The restoration of the
Empire was rendered necessary by the formidable power of
Islam, which not only harassed Byzantium, but, from the side
of Sicily and Spain, also threatened Rome. The Greek Emperors
could rule the West together with the East so long as the
Roman Church was weak, so long as Italy lay sunk in lethargy,
and the German West swarmed with lawless barbarians. It was no
longer possible to do so when the Church attained
independence, Italy consciousness of her nationality, and
Europe had become united in the powerful Frankish Empire, at
the head of which stood a great monarch. Thus the idea of
proclaiming Charles Emperor arose, and thus was carried out
the scheme with which the irate Italians had threatened Leo
the Isaurian at the beginning of the Iconoclastic controversy.
The West now demanded the occupation of the Imperial throne.
True, the Byzantine Empire had, in the course of time,
acquired a legal sanction. Byzantium, however, was but the
daughter of Rome. From Rome the Imperium had proceeded; here
the Cæsars had their seat. The illustrious mother of the
Empire now resumed her rights, when, as in ancient times, she
offered the Imperial crown to the most powerful ruler of the
West. … A transaction so momentous, and rendered necessary by
the ideas of the time and the demands of the West, but which,
nevertheless, bore the semblance of a revolt against the
rights of Byzantium, could scarcely have been the work of the
moment, but more probably was the result of a sequence of
historic causes and resolutions consequent upon them. Can we
doubt that the Imperial crown had been the goal of Charles's
ambition and the ideal of such of his friends as cherished
Roman aspirations? He himself came to Rome evidently to take
the crown, or, at least, to form some decisive resolution with
regard to it, and during his sojourn in France the Pope had
declared himself ready to help in the accomplishment of this
great revolution. … We may suppose that Charles's clerical
friends were the most zealous supporters of the scheme, which
perhaps was not received by the Pope with a like degree of
enthusiasm. Alcuin's letter proves that he, at least, had
already been initiated into the idea; and the Frankish envoys,
after a year spent in Rome, had doubtless come to an
understanding with the Romans, on whose vote the election
mainly depended. The Romans it was who, exercising the ancient
suffrages of the Senate and people, had elected Charles their
Patricius, and who now, in virtue of the same rights, elected
him Emperor. And only as Emperor of the Romans and of Rome did
he become Emperor of the entire State. A decree of the Roman
nobility and people had undoubtedly preceded the coronation;
and Charles's nomination as Roman Emperor (in strict
accordance with the plan of a papal election) was effected by
the three traditional elective bodies. The great revolution
which extinguished the ancient rights of the Byzantines was
not to appear the arbitrary deed of either King or Pope, but
the act of God Himself, and therefore the legal transaction of
Christendom, as expressed by the voice of the Roman people, of
the parliament of the united clergy, optimates, and citizens
assembled in Rome, Germans as well as Latins. The Frankish
chroniclers themselves say that Charles was made Emperor by
the election of the Roman people, quote the united parliament
of the two nations, and enumerate the list of the members who
took part in the parliament: the Pope, the entire assembly of
bishops, clergy, and abbots, the Frankish senate, the Roman
optimates, and the rest of the Christian people. The
resolution of the Romans and Franks was announced to Charles
in the form of a request. Are we to believe that, like
Augustus in former days, he made a feint of reluctance to
accept the supreme dignity, until it was forced upon him as an
accomplished fact? Are we to receive as hypocritical the
assurance of a man so pious and heroic, when he asserts that
the Imperial crown came upon him wholly as a surprise, and
adds that he would not have entered S. Peter's had he known of
Leo's intention? Had not Charles's son, Pipin, been purposely
recalled from the war against Benevento, in order to witness
the Imperial coronation? An explanation of these conflicting
statements has been sought in the statement of Eginhard, who
maintains that Charles's hesitation was dictated by respect
for Byzantium; that he had not yet assented to the scheme, and
had sought by negotiations to gain the recognition of the
Greeks to the election; that, therefore, the coronation really
did take him by surprise, and, with regard to the time chosen,
seemed inopportune. This view is supported by reasons of
probability, which, however, solely concern the occasion
chosen for the coronation, since to his elevation to the
Imperial throne Charles had already long given his consent. …
When, in later times, the German Empire came into conflict
with the Papacy, doctors of canon law advanced the theory that
the Emperor received the crown solely by favour of the Pope,
and traced the investiture to Charles's coronation at the
hands of Leo the Third. The Emperors, on the other hand,
appealed to the shout of the people: 'Life and victory to the
Emperor of the Romans, crowned by God,' and asserted that they
derived the crown, the inalienable heritage of the Cæsars,
from God alone. The Romans, on their side, maintained that
Charles owed the crown entirely to the majesty of the Roman
Senate and people. The dispute as to the actual source of
Empire continued throughout the entire Middle Ages, and, while
exercising no actual change in the world's history, revealed
an indwelling need of mankind; the necessity, namely, of
referring the world of facts back to a rudimentary right by
which power becomes legalised. Pope Leo the Third as little
possessed the right to bestow the crown of Empire, which was
not his, as Charles did to claim it.
{3801}
The Pope, however, regarded himself as the representative of
the Empire and of Romanism; and undoubtedly, as the head of
Latin nationality, and still more as the recognised spiritual
overseer of the Christian republic, he possessed the power of
accomplishing that revolution which, without the aid of the
Church, would have been impossible. Mankind at large regarded
him as the sacred intercessor between the world and the
Divinity; and it was only through his coronation and unction
at the papal hands that the Empire of Charles received divine
sanction in the eyes of men. The elective right of the Romans,
on the other hand, in whatever form it may appear, was
uncontested, and in no later Imperial election could it have
been of so decisive legal significance."
_F. Gregorovius,
History of the City of Rome in the Middle Ages,
book 4, chapter 7, section 3 (volume 2)._
ROME: Ancient commerce.
See (in this Supplement) COMMERCE, ANCIENT.
ROME: Money and banking.
See MONEY AND BANKING: ROME (page 2203).
RONALDS, Sir Francis, The telegraphic experiments of.
See ELECTRICAL DISCOVERY AND INVENTION: A. D. 1753-1820
(page 771).
ROSS, Captain, Polar Expeditions of.
See (in this Supplement)
ARCTIC EXPLORATION: 1829-1833 and 1848-1849.
RUSSIA, Libraries of.
See LIBRARIES, MODERN (page 2013).
RUTGERS COLLEGE.
"Rutgers College, located at New Brunswick, was chartered by
George III. in 1770, and was called Queen's College, in honour
of his consort. The present name was substituted by the
legislature of the State, in 1825, at request of the trustees,
in honour of Colonel Henry Rutgers, of New York, to whom the
institution is indebted for liberal pecuniary benefactions.
The charter was originally granted to such Protestants as had
adopted the constitution of the reformed churches in the
Netherlands, as revised by the national synod of Dordrecht, in
the years 1618 and 1619. … The Theological College of the
Reformed Dutch Church is established here and intimately
blended with the literary institution."
_T. F. Gordon,
Gazetteer of the State of New Jersey.
(bound with "History of New Jersey"),
page 86._
S.
SAINT SIMON, and Saint-Simonism.
See SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: A. D. 1817-1825 (page 2939).
SALVATION ARMY, The.
"Some people of to-day seem to have the idea that the Rev.
William Booth was Jove, and that the Salvation Army sprang
from his brain full-grown and fully armed. Far from it; a boy
trained in the Church of England is converted among Wesleyan
Methodists, and, believing thoroughly in what he professes, is
constrained to feel interested in the salvation of others. He
is much moved by some revival services that he hears conducted
by the Rev. James Caughey, an American evangelist, and the
effect of the straightforward, conversational style of
preaching, makes an impression upon him that is never
forgotten. Through all the years that follow, among all the
scenes of his labors as a Methodist minister, he never forgets
that simple, open-air preaching, that pushing home of the
truth, with its wonderful results, and year after year only
increases the conviction that the masses can only be reached
by going to them, and never, never saved by waiting until they
come to us. Years passed away before William Booth and his
wife came to the point where they could step out, shake off
traditional methods and means, and begin to carry out
evangelistic work on lines forbidden by the churches. …
'Nothing succeeds like success,' and when the first results
were between three and four thousand souls in four little
towns of Cornwall, there was a decided leaning toward them,
overpowered, though, at a meeting of the Wesleyan Conference,
which promulgated the strange formula that 'evangelistic
movements are unfavorable to Church order.' However, the work
was carried on steadily, until that memorable Sunday [July
5th, 1865] on Mile End Waste, East London, from which William
Booth consecrated himself to the salvation of the ignorant,
and from which he dates all statistics referring to his work
as an independent movement in the religious world. From this
time forward, without interrupting in the least the open-air
work, one shelter after another was secured and appropriated
for mission work, here a tent or an old stable, there a
carpenter's shop, until the movement was strong enough to
warrant the lease of 'The Eastern Star,' a notorious
beer-house, which was used as book-store, hall, and classroom.
From this place, with its name of good hope, hundreds of souls
went forth to make the wilderness blossom like the rose, so
far as their humble homes were concerned. Sheds, lofts,
alleys, tumble-down theatres, well-known places of resort or
of refuge were preferred as being familiar to the class of men
who were to be reached. Such was the Salvation Army in its
early years, merely a 'mission.' with no more idea of
development into an 'army,' with military rule and
nomenclature, than we at the present time have of what may
come to us in the next twenty years."
_M. B. Booth,
Beneath Two Flags,
chapter 2._
"In 1873 Mrs. Booth, overcoming her own intense reluctance,
began to preach. In 1874 and the two following years the work
spread to Portsmouth, Chatham, Wellingborough, Hammersmith,
Hackney, Leeds, Leicester, Stockton, Middlesborough, Cardiff,
Hartlepool, and other towns, where recent converts of the
humblest rank—tinkers, railway guards, navvies—took charge of
new stations. In 1876, shaking itself more and more free from
the trammels of custom and routine, the Army deliberately
utilized the services of women. In 1877 it spread still
further. In 1878 it 'attacked' no less than fifty towns,
and—more by what we should call 'accident' than by
design—assumed the title of the Salvation Army. It also
adopted, for good or for evil, the whole vocabulary of
military organization, which has caused it to be covered with
ridicule, but which may undoubtedly have aided its discipline
and helped its progress. In 1879 advance was marked by the
imprisonment of three Salvationists—who refused, as always, to
pay the alternative fine—for the offence of praying in a
country road near a public-house, which was regarded as
'obstructing the thoroughfare.'
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In this year began also the establishment of training homes
for the instruction and equipment of the young officers; the
printing of the 'War Cry'; the use of uniforms and badges; and
the extension of the work to Philadelphia and the United
States. In 1880 the United Kingdom was mapped into divisions.
In 1881 the work was extended to Australia and the colonies,
and so stupendous had become the religious energy of the
soldiers that they began to dream of the religious rescue of
Europe as well as of Great Britain and its empire-colonies.
Since that year its spread, in spite of all opposition, has
been steady and continuous, until, in 1890, it excited the
attention of the civilized world by that immense scheme of
social amelioration into which we shall not here enter
particularly. At the present moment [1891] the Army has no
less than 9,349 regular officers, 13,000 voluntary officers,
30 training homes; with 400 cadets, and 2,864 corps scattered
over 32 different countries. In England alone it has 1,377
corps, and has held some 160,000 open-air meetings. This
represents a part of its religious work. Besides this it has
in social work 30 rescue homes, 5 shelters, 3 food depots, and
many other agencies for good."
_F. W. Farrar,
The Salvation Army
(Harper's Magazine, May, 1891)._