CHAPTER IV

M. COURTIN, CHIEF OF DACCA

Jacques Ignace, son of François Courtin, Chevalier, Seigneur de

Nanteuil, and of Catherine Colin, is, I believe, the correct

designation of the gentleman who appears in all the records of the

French and English East India Companies as M. Courtin, Chief of the

French Factory at Dacca.

In June 1756, when Siraj-ud-daula marched on Calcutta, he sent word

to his representative, the Nawab Jusserat Khan at Dacca, to seize

the English Factory, and make prisoners of the Company's servants

and soldiers. The English Factory on the site of the present

Government College, was--

"little better than a common house, surrounded with a thin

brick wall, one half of it not above nine foot high." The

garrison consisted "of a lieutenant" (Lieutenant John Cudmore),

"4 serjeants, 3 corporals, and 19 European soldiers,

besides 34 black Christians[122] and 60 _Buxerries_."[123]

[Illustration: DACCA, OR JEHANGIR NAGAR. (_After Rennell_.)]

On the 27th of June Jusserat Khan sent on the Nawab's order by the

English _wakil_, or agent, to Mr. Becher, the English Chief, and

informed him of the capture of Fort William and the flight of Mr.

Drake. Thinking this was merely a trick to frighten them into

surrender, the Dacca Council requested Mr. Scrafton, third in

Council, to write to M. Courtin, chief of the French Factory, for

information. In reply M. Courtin sent them a number of letters which

he had received from Chandernagore, confirming the bad news from

Calcutta. Taking into consideration the unfortified condition of the

Factory, and that Dacca was only four days by river from Murshidabad

whilst it was fourteen from Calcutta, it seemed idle to hope to

defend it even when assistance could be expected from the latter

place, and, now that it was certain that Calcutta itself had fallen,

any attempt at defence appeared rather "an act of rashness than of

bravery." It was therefore resolved to obtain the best terms they

could through the French.

The next day M. Fleurin, second of the French Factory--M.

Courtin[124] was not well acquainted with the English language--came

to inform them that the Nawab of Dacca agreed that the ladies and

gentlemen should be allowed to retire to the French Factory on M.

Courtin giving his word that they would there await the orders of

Siraj-ud-daula as to their future fate. The soldiers were to lay

down their arms, and be prisoners to the Nawab. This amicable

arrangement was entirely due to M. Courtin's good offices, and he

was much congratulated on the tact he had shown in preventing the

Nawab from using violent measures, as he seemed inclined to do at

first. As the Nawab would not allow the English to take away any of

their property, except the clothes they were wearing, they were

entirely dependent upon the French for everything, and were treated

with the greatest kindness. The Council wrote:--

"The French have behaved with the greatest humanity

to such as have taken refuge at their Factory, and the tenour

of their conduct everywhere to us on this melancholy occasion

has been such as to merit the grateful acknowledgment of

our nation."

For some two months the English remained in the French Factory, M.

Law, at Cossimbazar, warmly soliciting their release from

Siraj-ud-daula. This he obtained with difficulty, and at last Mr.

Becher and his companions sailed in a sloop provided by M. Courtin

for Fulta, where they arrived safely on the 26th of August. When

Calcutta had been recaptured by the English, M. Courtin, like a good

business man, sent in a bill for the costs of the sloop to the

Council at Calcutta, and the Consultations of the 16th of May, 1757,

duly notify its payment.

The English did not regain possession of the Factory at Dacca till

the 8th of March, by which time the declaration of War between

France and England was known, and the likelihood of troubles in

Bengal was very apparent. As we have seen, the English were

successful in their attack on Chandernagore, but the whole country

was aware that the Nawab was only the more enraged with them, and

his local officers might at any moment be instructed to take

vengeance on Englishmen found defenceless up country. On the 23rd of

March, Messrs. Sumner and Waller wrote from Dacca that Jusserat Khan

had refused to restore the Factory cannon, and to pass their goods

without a new _parwana_[125] from Murshidabad. It was therefore

still very doubtful whether he would assist the English or the

French at Dacca, and though the English obtained the _parwana_ they

wanted early in May, on the 9th the Council at Calcutta sent them

orders to do the best they could for their own security, and

informed them they had sent an armed sloop to Luckipore to cover

their retreat. They immediately sent down all the goods they could,

but as matters became quieter again they soon resumed business, and

appear to have had no further trouble.

It may be imagined that M. Courtin and his friends, knowing that the

English had demanded the surrender of the French Factories, had a

very uncomfortable experience all this time.[126] Unfortunately no

Records of the French Factories in Bengal are now to be found, and I

had despaired of obtaining any information about the expulsion from

Dacca, when, in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, I came on a MS.

entitled, "_Copy of a letter from M. Courtin from India, written to

his wife, in which are given in detail the different affairs which

he had with the Moors from the 22nd of June, 1757, the day of his

evacuation of Dacca, to the 9th of March, 1758_."[127]

M. Courtin had married a Madame Direy, widow of a French Company's

servant, and the letter shows she was fortunately in France at the

time of her husband's troubles. As was natural, but inconveniently

enough for us, Courtin does not think it necessary to trouble her

with unintelligible and unpronounceable Indian names. Where

possible, I shall fill them in from the English Records, otherwise I

shall interrupt the course of the letter as little as possible. It

runs as follows:--

"Calcapur,[128] April 20, 1758.

"Word must have reached thee in France of the loss of

Chandernagore, which was taken from us by the English on

the 23rd of March, 1757, after eleven days' siege. I was

then at Dacca, and expecting every day to see M.

Chevalier return from his journey to the King of Assam.

Judge, my dear wife, of the chagrin and embarrassment into

which I was thrown by this deplorable event. The English

had had no idea of attacking Chandernagore until they had

recovered Calcutta from the Moors, taken the Moorish village

at Hugli, and forced the Moors to agree to a most shameful

peace. This was not, as thou wilt see, sufficient for them,

for Siraj-ud-daula had offended them too deeply for them to

stop when once they found themselves on a good road; but

unfortunately we were an obstacle in the way of their

vengeance, otherwise I believe they would have observed

the neutrality which had been always so carefully maintained

by the European nations in the country of the Ganges, in

spite of all the wars which took place in Europe. Many of

the French from Chandernagore--officers, Company's servants,

and others--had taken refuge at Cossimbazar with M. Law,

who formed there a party which opposed the English in

various ways. The English, however, forced Siraj-ud-daula,

against his true interest and in spite of his promise to

protect us, to abandon us, and to make M. Law leave his

Factory and go to Patna. This imprudent act was the ruin

of the Prince and put the final touch to our misfortunes,

whilst it has made the English masters of Bengal, and has

filled their coffers with wealth.

"I held on at Dacca till the 22nd of June. I was troubled

as little as was possible in such circumstances, owing, I

think, to the gratitude which the English felt for the services

I had rendered them in Dacca the year before. I had all

the more reason to think this was so because, after the

misfortune which befell Chandernagore, they had often

offered to secure to me all my effects and merchandise in

Murshidabad [?]--they were worth a million--provided I

made over to them the French Factory and all that belonged

to the Company, and would myself leave for Pondicherry

in the following October. They said I should not be considered

a prisoner of war, and should not require to be

exchanged.

"These were, no doubt, very good terms, and most

advantageous to me; but should I not have been dishonoured

for ever if I had had a soul so servile and base as to accept

them? I would have been covered with ignominy in my

own eyes, and without doubt in those of all the world. I

therefore thought it my duty to reject them.

"Things were on this footing when, at the beginning

of June, I learned that the English, having got rid of M.

Law, were marching upon Murshidabad with all their forces

to achieve the destruction of a Prince who was already half

ruined by his own timidity and cowardice, and still further

weakened by the factions formed against him by the chief

members of his own family--a Prince detested by every one

for his pride and tyranny, and for a thousand dreadful crimes

with which he had already soiled his reputation though he

was barely twenty-five years old.

"I knew only too well what was preparing against him,

and I was also most eager to find some honourable means of

escape for myself. M. Chevalier's absence troubled me

greatly, and I did not like to leave him behind me. At last

he arrived on the 16th or 17th. I had taken the precaution

to provide myself with a _parwana_, or passport, signed by

Siraj-ud-daula, allowing me to go where I pleased. That

Prince had recalled M. Law to him, but too late, for I felt

certain he could not rejoin him in time to save him or to

check the progress of his enemies. I was in a hurry therefore

to go and help to save him if that were possible, taking

care, however, to choose a route by which I could escape if,

as I thought probable, he should have succumbed beforehand

to the efforts of the English, and the treason of his subjects.

"It was then the 22nd of June when I started with

about 35 boats,[129] MM. Chevalier, Brayer [possibly a relation

of the M. Brayer who commanded at Patna], Gourlade, the

surgeon, and an Augustine Father, Chaplain of the Factory,

8 European soldiers, of whom several were old and past

service, 17 topass gunners, 4 or 5 of the Company's servants,

and about 25 or 30 peons.[130] There, my dear wife, is the

troop with which thou seest me start upon my adventures.[131]

To these, however, should be added my Christian clerks, my

domestics, and even my cook, all of whom I dressed and

armed as soldiers to assist me in what I expected to be a

losing game, and which, in fact, had results the most disastrous

in the world for my personal interests.

"It was not till seven or eight days after I had set out

with this fine troop that I learned there had been a battle at

Plassey between the English and the Nawab, in which the

latter had been defeated and forced to flee, and that Jafar

Ali Khan, his maternal uncle,[132] had been enthroned in his

place. This report, though likely enough as far as I could

judge, did not come from a source so trustworthy that I could

rely on it with entire faith. Accordingly I did not yet

abandon the route which I had proposed to myself; in fact,

I followed it for some days more, and almost as far as the

mouth of the Patna River.[133] There I learned, beyond possibility

of doubt, that Siraj-ud-daula had been captured, conducted

to Murshidabad, and there massacred; that he had

just missed being rejoined by M. Law, who was coming to

meet him, and could easily have done so if he had followed

the instructions given him and had been willing to march

only three hours longer; and that the English had sent a

body of troops towards Patna to capture or destroy M. Law

if possible."

We have seen in a previous chapter the real reasons why Law was

unable to rejoin Siraj-ud-daula in time for the battle.

"I now saw that a junction with him had become impossible,

unless I determined to run the most evident risk of

losing my liberty and all I had."

It appears that Courtin had the Company's effects, as well as his

own private property and that of his companions, on board his little

fleet.

"This made me change my route immediately. The

mountains of Tibet[134] appeared to me a safe and eminently

suitable asylum until the arrival in the Ganges of the forces

which we flattered ourselves were coming. I therefore directed

my route in this direction, but found myself suddenly and

unexpectedly so close to Murshidabad that for two days

together we heard the sound of the guns fired in honour of

the revolution which had taken place. It is easy to judge

into what alarm this unexpected and disagreeable proximity

threw me. However, we arrived safely, on the 10th of July,

at the capital of the Raja of Dinajpur, who wished to oppose

our passage."

This was the Raja Ram Nath, whom Orme describes as "a Raja, who with

much timidity, was a good man."

"We made it in spite of him, threatening to attack him

if he showed any further intention of opposing us. I do not

know what would have happened if he had had a little firmness,

for we learned afterwards that he had always in his

service a body of 5000 infantry and cavalry. The persons

whom he sent to us had at first suggested that I should pretend

I was English, assuring me that by that means all difficulties

would be removed; but I thought this trick too much

beneath a man of honour for me to make use of it, and, in

fact, I objected to pass for anything but what I really was.

"I found here a French soldier, who had been at the

battle of Plassey, where the brave Sinfray,[135] at the head of

38 Frenchmen, had fought like a hero for a long time, and

had retreated only at the order of Siraj-ud-daula, who, seeing

himself betrayed and the battle lost, sent him word to cease

fighting. This worthy gentleman afterwards took refuge in

Birbhum, the Raja of which country betrayed him, and disgracefully

handed him over to the English in October last."

Courtin is somewhat unfair to the Raja (apparently a Muhammadan, as

he was called Assaduzama Muhammad),[136] for this Prince was an ally

of the English, and had offered Clive the assistance of his forces

before the battle of Plassey. It could be no treachery on his part

to pick up fugitives from the battle, like Sinfray, and hand them

over to his allies. I may as well quote one of the Raja's letters to

Clive, received 28th October, 1757:--

"Before your letter arrived the French were going

through, some woods in my country. I knew they were your

enemies, therefore I ordered my people to surround them. The

French being afraid, some said they were English, and some

Dutch. In the meantime I received your letter that if I

could apprehend them I should send them to you, therefore

I have sent them. Surajah Dowlat has plundered my

country so much, that there is hardly anything left in it."[137]

Courtin continues:--

"To return to my journey and my adventures. I now

found myself outside of Bengal and in sight of the mountains

of Tibet, a month having elapsed since my departure from

Dacca. I was only two or three days distant from these

mountains, and my intention, as thou hast seen above, was to

go there; but I was prevented by the murmurs of my people,

especially the boatmen, who already began to desert in small

parties. Accordingly I accepted an offer made me on the

part of the Raja of Sahibgunj, to give me a site for a fort,

and to aid me with everything I might want. I descended

the river again for a little, and near this site, which was on

the river bank, I commenced a fort, but the thickness of the

forest forced me to abandon it, and I entered a little river

close by, which conducted me to a marsh, on the borders of

which I found an elevated site admirably situated and in a

very agreeable neighbourhood.[138] This belonged to the same

Raja, and with his consent I again set to work, and that

with such promptitude that in less than a month my fortress

commenced to take form, and visibly progressed owing to

the extraordinary efforts I made to complete it. It was

triangular, with a bastion at each angle. At two of the

angles I had found superb trees with very heavy foliage, and

on the third I erected the mast of my boat and hoisted our

flag. All three bastions had four embrasures, a fine entrance

gate opening on the marsh, and a little open turret above,

A small entrance gate led to the open country. The curtains

were carefully pierced for musketry, and strengthened outside

with a trellis work of bamboo, and finished off with banquettes

on the ramparts. An excellent powder magazine

was built in the same way, and, being situated in the interior

of the fort, was quite safe from any accident.

"As I had brought workmen of all kinds with me, the

work went on well, especially as the care of our health made

us all industrious. I was not without cannon, and I mounted

on our ramparts two Swedish guns, which afterwards proved

our safety and preservation.[139] Also being provided with the

requisites for making gunpowder, I very soon had nearly

3000 lbs. weight of very good quality.

"Hardly anything remained to complete my fortress,

which I had named 'Bourgogne,' except to provide it with

a glaçis. It was already furnished with a market which was

sufficiently flourishing, when to my misfortune I received

the false information that our forces, which were said to be

considerable, were ready to enter the Ganges, and that there

was certain news of the arrival of a very strong squadron at

Pondicherry.[140] On the 8th September there broke out at

Purneah, and in the province of that name, a Evolution

headed by a person named Hazir Ali Khan,[141] who, having

seized the capital, at once wrote to me to join him, and assist

him against the English and Jafar Ali Khan.[142]

"These two events made me stop everything else and

devote myself entirely to getting my boats out of the little

river by which I had entered the marsh, and which was now

almost quite dried up. I succeeded in doing so after some

time, by means of ditches which I cut from the marsh, but

this took me more than a month and considerable labour, as

I was about two leagues from the great river. To complete

my misfortunes, my troop was attacked by sickness, which

raged with a violence such as I had scarcely ever seen. It

cost me nine soldiers, of whom three were Europeans. The

latter were luckily replaced some days after by the same

number who joined me.[143] Poor M. Brayer and M. Gourlade

had been during almost the whole campaign in the most

pitiable condition, especially the former, who I thought a

thousand times must have died. As for me, the powders

_d'Aillot_ preserved me from the pestilential air, and cured

me from the effects of a fall in my _bajarow_,[144] caused by the

clumsiness of my boatmen. I narrowly escaped breaking

my ribs and back.

"Before quitting Fort Bourgogne I must tell thee, my

dear wife, that I often played there a very grand rôle. I

was called the 'Fringuey Raja,' or 'King of the Christians.'

I was often chosen as arbiter amongst the little princes in

my neighbourhood, who sent me ambassadors. My reputation

spread so wide, and the respect that I gained was so

great, that the King of Tibet did not disdain to honour me

with an embassy of nearly eight hundred persons, whom I

entertained for nine whole days, and whose chiefs I dismissed

with presents suitable to their rank, their king, our

nation, and the idea which I wished to leave behind me in

this country of the European name. The presents which

were made me consisted of five horses, some bags of scent,

three or four pieces of china, pieces of gilt paper, and a sabre

like those used by the Bhutiyas, or people of Tibet, who are

men as strong and robust as those of Bengal are feeble.

Though pagans like the latter, they eat all kinds of things,

and live almost like the Tartars, from whom they are descended.

They have no beards, and are clothed in a fashion

which is good enough, but which looks singular. They are

very dirty. The complexion of those whom I saw was very

dark, but I know it is not the same in the interior of the

country and in the mountains, where all are as fair as the

Chinese, who are said to be their neighbours. I took some

trouble to form an alliance and to make a party amongst

them. They appeared very willing, but I soon had occasion

to convince myself that not only were they not fitting persons

for my designs, but also that they were playing with me.

It is not that they do not make raids upon the lower country,

but they make these only in the cold weather, always withdrawing

at the commencement of the hot, without trying to

make any permanent conquests.

"There, then, my reign is finished, or nearly so, for the

good news that I continued to receive (though always without

foundation, as I learned afterwards), joined to the entreaties

of Hazir All Khan and to the unhealthy air which continued

to decimate my poor little troop, induced me at last to

abandon my fort, to embark again upon my boats, and to

reapproach Bengal, from which I had hitherto been travelling

away. The second day after my departure was marked by

a very annoying accident, namely the loss of one of my

largest boats, on which was my library and a quantity of my

effects. These were quickly drawn out of the water, but

were none the less ruined for the Company and for me.

From that moment commence my misfortunes. The sixth

day--I had passed three in the salvage of the effects on my

boat--I received a _pattamar_ (messenger), who informed me

that the English and the troops of Jafar Ali Khan were at

Purneah, from which they had chased Hazir Ali Khan and

wholly destroyed his faction."

From Broome we see that this was in the middle of December, 1757. It

was now that Clive first heard what Courtin was attempting. He

immediately sent orders direct, and also through the Nawab, to Kasim

Ali Khan, Faujdar of Rungpore, and to Raja Ram Nath of Dinajpur, to

seize the French.

"It was almost impossible for me to reascend the river

because of the dry banks and the strong currents which

would have put my boats in danger. However, I found

myself in the country of Rungpore, which was a dependency

of Bengal. I determined nevertheless to remain where I

was, flattering myself the English would not come to look

for me, nor the Nawab or the ruler of the province think of

disturbing themselves about me, as I was doing no harm in

the country, and as I was very strict in observing proper

order and discipline. I was so confident on this latter head

that I did not think of throwing up now entrenchments, and

occupied myself only with hunting and walking whilst I

awaited the arrival of the French forces. However, one day,

towards the middle of January, a secret rumour came to me

that Kasim Ali Khan, Faujdar of Rungpore, was coming to

attack me. I sent out scouts, who reported that all was

tranquil in his town, and that, far from wishing to come and

look for a quarrel, he was in fear lest I should march against

his town, which was three days' journey from where I was.

Doubtless my men deceived me or did not take the trouble

to go to Rungpore, for on the 15th of the same month, at

3 p.m., on the opposite side of the river to that on which

we were, there appeared a body of soldiers, cavalry and

infantry, about 600 in number, who approached so near my

fleet that I no longer doubted the correctness of the first

advice which had been given me. I ordered a discharge

of three guns on this troop, which was so well directed that

the enemy were forced to take themselves off and to encamp

a little further from me. Next day the commander sent me

a present of some fruit, and an intimation that he only

wished to see me quit his country. He knew I could not

do this without risk, and, according to the custom of the

infidels, he gave me the strongest possible assurances of my

safety and tranquillity. I took care not to trust to them;

I was then, as I said above, without entrenchments and

without defence, so in the evening I set to work at surrounding

myself with a ditch, the mud taken out of which would

serve me for embrasures. I was short of provisions, which

made me very anxious, and I was still more so when

I learned that the enemy were trying to cut me off from

provisions on all sides, and that their intention was to

capture me by famine or treachery. Their number quickly

increased to 3000 men, of whom a part came over to my

side of the river, and harassed my people whenever they

went out for provisions. This forced me to detach. MM.

Chevalier and Gourlade, with about 10 men, some peons

and boatmen, against one of their little camps, where there

were about 150 men, foot and horse. Our men received

their fire, stormed the camp, and destroyed it after having

put every one to flight. There was not a single person

wounded on our side. This little advantage gave me time to

make a good provision of rice and other things in the villages

near my entrenchments. I cleared out these villages and

drove out the inhabitants, but I was still in need of a

quantity of things necessary to life. To procure these, I

tried to frighten the enemy by cannonading their chief camp

on the other side of the river. This only resulted in making

them withdraw altogether beyond the reach of my guns, not

with the idea of going away, but of starving me out, and, as

I learned later, to give time for a reinforcement of artillery

which they were expecting to arrive. They had already 4

or 5 guns, but their calibre was small compared with mine,

as I was able to see from the balls which fell in my camp

when it was entrenched only on the land side.

"The 19th of January, early in the morning, I sent across

the river a number of workmen, supported by a little detachment

under M. Gourlade, to cut down a grove of bamboos

which masked my guns, and to burn down some houses which

were also in their way. I forbade them to engage the enemy,

and all went well until some topasses and peons advanced

too far towards the enemy's camp, and I heard discharges

so loud and frequent on both sides, that I ordered a retreat

to be beaten in my entrenchments, to make my people recross

the river. I fired my guns continually to facilitate this and to

cover the movement. In this skirmish I had only one soldier

wounded, and I do not know whether the enemy had any

losses. This day more than 1500 shots were fired on both

sides. Some of the guns which the enemy brought up

troubled us greatly, as we were not entrenched on the water

side. Several balls fell at my side or passed over my head.

This determined me to set all my people at work the next

night with torches, to put us under cover on this side

also."

[It was apparently this fight which Kasim Ali reported to Clive on

the 24th of January:--

"I wrote expressly to my people to go and take them"

(the French) "and they went immediately and found them

ready to fight. On both sides there were cannon and

_jenjalls_.[145] A _nulla_[146] was between them, which the French

crost, and advancing upon my people, fought with great

intrepidity: but luckily, three or four of them being killed,

they retired into their fort."[147]]

"The Moors saw, from my manoeuvre, how important it

was for them to seize the ground which I had intended to

clear, and, contrary to my expectation, established themselves

on it the same evening without my being able to hinder

them, keeping themselves always well hidden behind the

bamboos, where they had nothing to fear from my artillery,

and still less from my musketry. Like me they worked at

night, and, having as many prisoners or other workmen at

their command as they wanted, I saw, with regret, next

morning the progress which they had made opposite me. I

could not dislodge them without risking everything. Weak

as I was, I thought it wiser not to hazard anything more in

sorties, but to hold myself always on the defensive.

"Sheikh Faiz Ulla (that was the name of the Moorish

general) sent me one of his men next day with a present and

proposals of peace, the first condition of which was, of course,

that I should quit his country, and as, since the dry weather

had set in, a very large and dangerous bank had formed in

the river seven or eight leagues below me, he offered me one

or two thousand workmen to assist in making a passage for

my boats. The shocking treachery used by the Moors being

well known to me, I refused to accept his offers except on

his furnishing me with hostages for his good faith. He first

proposed himself, but with such a strong escort that it was

not difficult to see that it was a trap which he was setting

for me, so as to seize and massacre us. After many debates

between our emissaries, he consented to come to my _bajarow_,

he and his servants, and that all of them should serve as

hostages until I was quite out of the domains of his master.

"I loyally agreed to this arrangement and made preparations

in consequence, but at 7 in the morning on the

23rd of January, the day I expected the hostages, I was

awakened by a cannon-shot quickly followed by a second, the

ball of which pierced the _rezai_[148] at the foot of my bed from

side to side, and made a great noise. For a long time I had

been accustomed to sleep fully dressed, so I was able to go out

quickly and give orders in the entrenchments. The treachery

and perfidy of the enemy were too manifest; nevertheless, I

forbade a single shot to be fired with musket or cannon, and

simply recommended my people to be on their guard on

the land side. The enemy kept up a continuous and very

lively fire until 4 o'clock in the evening. I considered that

it would be useless for me to reply, and wished to see how far

they would push their insolence. That day we picked up 40

cannon-balls, and our whole loss was one boatman slightly

wounded in the leg. From 4 o'clock till night the enemy's

fire was continued, but at long intervals. It began again

the next morning. I suffered this as on the previous day

for a couple of hours, at the end of which. I fired several

shots and silenced it. My firing seemed to trouble the

enemy more than I expected it would. One of my boats was

sunk by a cannon-ball, several were pierced through, and

my _rezai_, which used to serve me as a coat, was much

damaged.

"The succeeding days passed much in the same manner

until the 3rd of February, when, on the same bank and to

the north above my fleet, I saw a new entrenchment, which

had been thrown up during the preceding night. Its batteries

enfiladed mine along their whole length. It was necessary

either to risk everything by making a sortie in order to

destroy it, or to arrange terms. I determined on the latter,

which appeared to me all the more necessary, as I was

beginning to be in want of everything, and as I had just

received letters which deprived me of all hope of the arrival

of our forces in Bengal until April or May. I therefore

informed Sheikh Faiz Ulla that I was ready to enter upon

negotiations, and the same day he sent me some of his people,

with whom I agreed to leave my entrenchments and go

down the river. I consented to do this without hostages,

but, that it might be done in security, I promised them a

sum of money for themselves as well as for their general.

This arrangement being agreed to by Sheikh Faiz Ulla, he

sent me word that, in order that he might not appear to

betray his master, it would be necessary for me next morning

to open the fiercest fire possible on his camp; that he would

reply; that on both sides it should be with the intention of

doing as little hurt as possible; that I should pretend it was

to force him to give me a passport, which he would send me

in the evening; and that I should then send him the

money I had promised. All these precautions were only

to assist his rascality, and they appeared to me all the more

surprising, as he had already repeatedly informed me that

he had his master's permission to give me a passport, and to

let me go where I pleased. But of what are these Moors not

capable? Without being blind to the continuance of his perfidy,

I flattered myself that it might happen that he would not

trouble me on my march when he had received my money.

"However this might be, my cannon fired from 10 in

the morning till 3 in the evening. Our people, perceiving

that the enemy were firing in earnest, did not spare them

any more than they spared us, and that which was at first,

on our side, only a pretence, finally became serious. At 4

o'clock I received an envoy, who brought me the passport,

and to whom I paid the money. He assured me that I

might embark my artillery the next morning, and set out the

day after without the slightest apprehension of being interfered

with, I took my precautions, and, in fear of treachery, kept

on shore my two Swedish guns. At last, at seven in the

morning, my boats started, having on board only the sick

and helpless, and I set out by land with my two guns and

the rest of my troop, at the head of which I put myself."

This triumph of time and treachery was reported by Sheikh Faiz

Ulla's master, Kasim Ali, to Clive, on the 14th of February:[149]--

"I before wrote you that I had sent forces to fight the

French, that they had a fort and strong intrenchments, and

that we had a battle with them.... ever since I wrote

you last we have been fighting, my people have behaved well,

and I make no doubt but you have heard it from other people.

God knows what pains and trouble I have taken in this

affair. The French being shut up in their fort and undergoing

much fatigue by always fighting, and likewise being

in want of provisions were obliged to run away in their

boats by night, and went towards the Dinajpur country.

My people being always ready to fight followed them....

They can go no other way but through the Dinajpur country.

I have therefore wrote expressly to the Rajah to stop the

passage."

About this time, though Courtin does not mention it till later, he

began to see what the inevitable end must be. He could not cut his

way through to join Law, and with the whole country in arms against

him he was too weak to hold out for any length of time. Accordingly

he sent messengers secretly to Mr. Luke Scrafton, at Murshidabad. It

was Scrafton, as I have said above, who wrote to Courtin for

assistance when the Nawab of Dacca wanted to take their Factory and

imprison the English. Courtin now wrote to him to save him from

falling into the hands of the natives, and, on the 18th of February,

Scrafton wrote to the Select Committee at Calcutta for the necessary

permission.[150]

We now rejoin Courtin:--

"What was my surprise, at the end of an hour and a

half, to see that we were followed by a body of four or five

hundred men, with two guns drawn by oxen. I pretended

not to notice, and continued my march, but at 3 o'clock

in the afternoon, seeing this troop approach, within range of

my pieces, I pointed them at the Moors, and put my force

in a position of defence. Their rascality followed its usual

course, and they sent me word that I had nothing to fear,

that they would not march so close to me any more, and

that they followed me only to preserve the peace and to

hinder my people, especially the stragglers, from committing

any disorder. I received this excuse for what it was worth,

and pretended to be content with, it, seeing clearly that they

were looking for an opportunity to surprise and destroy us.

"Several accidents happening to the boats of the rearguard

prevented my troop and myself from rejoining the

main body of the fleet till far on in the night. I found it

anchored in the most disadvantageous position possible, and

in the morning I saw at a distance of one-eighth of a league

the same body of troops, that had followed me the day before,

establishing and settling itself. A moment later I learned

that Sheikh Faiz Ulla was on the opposite bank with his

army and his artillery, that he intended to wait for me in a

narrow place called Choquova,[151] at the foot of which my boats

must pass, and that he was diligently making entrenchments

there. My embarrassment was then extreme. I found

myself surrounded on all sides; I was without any provisions,

destitute of the most necessary articles of life. In

this perplexity I saw only the most cruel alternatives, either

to surrender or to fight to the death so as to perish with our

arms in our hands. The latter appeared to be less dreadful

than the former.

"After repeated consultations, we determined it would

be best to risk the passage of the fleet by Choquova. We

thought that possibly we should find provisions there, and

that certainly the position could not be worse (for defence)

than that in which we then found ourselves. The passage

was carried out in three hours' time without confusion or

disorder, by means of my Swedish guns on the boat which

led the van. What was our delight to find, not only a better

position than that which we had quitted, but one that was

almost completely entrenched by nature, and had villages

full of rice to the right and left of it.

"Next day I collected provisions in abundance, cleared

the country round for a quarter of a league, and did my best

to ameliorate my condition. The enemy were disconcerted by

my boldness. They pretended as usual, in order to deceive

me the more easily, that they were not surprised at my march.

They feared rightly that if I commenced new entrenchments

all their trouble would begin again. Besides, I had completely

protected myself from the possibility of surprise. _Pourparlers_

for an accommodation were renewed and lasted three

days, at the end of which it was agreed that I should

continue my march, that two hostages should be given me

for my safety, and that the army with its guns should retire

from Choquova, and should be sent a long way ahead across

country, and as, at half a league from this place, the river

was no longer navigable because of the bank which had

formed in it, I should be supplied with people to facilitate

my passage. Thou wilt notice, my dear wife, that in all the

negotiations I had for various reasons and on several occasions

proposed to suspend all hostilities until an answer

could be received from Jafar All Khan and the English, to

whom I said I would write to come to some accommodation

with them, offering to send my letter open. This was repeatedly

refused, but the refusal did not prevent my asking

for the honours of war. My letters were despatched secretly

by my own messengers.

"At last, on the 23rd, I quitted, though with regret

(always expecting treachery), my new position, and approached

the shallow or bank mentioned. It was night when I

arrived. In spite of this I could understand, from the

dreadful noise made by the waters, that I should have

difficulty in traversing this dangerous passage even with the

assistance promised me. I was only too well convinced of

the truth of this when day broke, and I saw that I had

again been betrayed. There was nothing to be seen of the

work which the Moors had engaged to do to lessen the

difficulty of the passage. However, I did not hesitate to

put out with my lighter boats, firmly resolved, if they arrived

safely, to sacrifice the larger, with all that was upon them,

to my safety, and thus to effect my retreat during the night.

With the exception of two, which were lost, they all arrived

safely. During this piece of work, which took up the whole

day, I dissimulated my intentions in the presence of my hostages,

merely letting them see I was somewhat surprised to

find that, contrary to the promise given, there were no workmen,

but that the army, which ought to have been withdrawn,

was still close to us. Their excuses were vague and unsatisfactory.

One of them, who, no doubt, knew the enemy's plans,

asked permission to go to their camp, promising to come

back the next day. Though his demand accorded with my

designs, I agreed to it only after much persuasion, warning

him not to break his _parole_ to return the next morning very

early. This he swore to do. As a rule these people think

nothing of an oath. I did not intend to wait for him, which

his comrade clearly perceived, for, seeing that he himself

had been sacrificed by his master's perfidy, he approved of

the resolution I had taken to set out by night, and swore

that he had acted in good faith, and was ignorant of the

treachery that had been concocted. 'You can,' he said to me,

'have my throat cut. You would be justified in doing so;

but I will not quit you, even if you give me permission.

If I went to my own people, they would say that I had

disclosed to you the trick which you have yourself discovered,

and would certainly show me less mercy than I

have experienced from you.' After this I contented myself

with having him closely watched.

"Orders being given to the remaining boats to start by

night, I mounted on horseback to carry certain necessaries

to my detachment on land, which was already a little in

advance and had crossed a small river with the guns. I

had only three blacks with me, and none of us knew the

way. The night was dark, and we wandered from it. I

narrowly escaped being drowned with my horse, and at last

we lost ourselves entirely. If we had been met by any

horsemen, nothing would have been easier than for them to

capture me, our arms and cartridges being all soaked with

water. Luckily I heard our drums beating, and this told us

in what direction we could safely go.

"My intention was to march by land with my troops and

guns. They objected to this, as I was wet to the skin and

had a cold on the chest, which hardly allowed me to speak;

so I went back to the boats, though with much regret, and

resolved to manage so as not to lose sight of my detachment.

I was in constant anxiety about the latter till 8 o'clock the

next day, when we all came together, except one soldier

topass, who, by his own fault, had remained on a big boat

which we had abandoned, and a _manjhi_,[152] who was drowned

in one of the two little ones which had sunk.

"Finding myself in the territory of the Raja of Dinajpur,

I imagined I had nothing to do with any one except him, and

that Sheikh Faiz Ulla and his army would not think of

following me through a country which, though tributary to

the Nawab of Bengal, still in no way belonged to Faiz Ulla's

master. The hostage who remained with me, and to whom

I spoke about the matter,[153] did not altogether dissuade me

from this idea, but counselled me to continue my march

and to get farther away, which I did till 6 o'clock in the

evening. What was my surprise when, at 9 o'clock, my

scouts reported that the enemy were pursuing me, and were

not more than a league away at the most. I could not

advance during the night for fear of running on the banks

or shallows with which the river was filled, and which might

cause the loss of my boats and of my people. Accordingly,

I did not set out till the morning, and always remained

myself in the rear (of the fleet). I had stopped to wait for

my land detachment and the guns, and was at some distance

from the rest of my little fleet, when, about half-past nine,

I heard several musket shots fired. In an instant I was

surrounded by the enemy. M. Chevalier, who conducted the

land detachment, fortunately perceived my situation, and,

seeing my danger, brought up the two guns and fired about

20 shots, which disengaged me, and gave me time to regain

my boats by swift rowing. I had with me only Pedro and

the Moorish hostage mentioned before. Then I landed with

MM. Brayer, Gourlade, and in general every one who was

strong enough to defend himself. At the same time I ordered

the boats to go on. In this skirmish our loss was only one

man slightly wounded in the ear by a musket-ball.

"My little fleet _en route_, we marched by land on the

bank opposite to that on which was, the main body of the

enemy, who had only cavalry, which we did not trouble

ourselves about It was not the same, however, with the

boats. At the end of an hour the boatmen abandoned them

in a sudden panic, and hurried tumultuously to join me.

When my people were collected, I would have tried to go

and recapture my boats, which the enemy had not delayed

to seize; but not only would this have been a rash undertaking

with so small a force against 3000 men, but also

there was a little river which formed an island between my

boats and me, and so prevented the passage of my guns

This determined me to abandon the boats, and to retreat to

Dinajpur, where I hoped to find an asylum with the Raja

whilst I waited for a reply to my letters to Jafar All Khan

and the English. We marched till 1 o'clock in the afternoon

without being harassed or disquieted--no doubt because

during this time Sheikh Faiz Ulla and his people were

occupied in plundering the boats. We were now not very

far from Dinajpur, when we met a body of the Raja's cavalry,

the commander of which begged me to take another road so

as not to pass through his town. Accordingly he gave me

a guide, with whom we marched till half-past five, when we

arrived at a great _gunge_ (market place) at the extremity of

Dinajpur. There they lodged us in a great thatched building.

The want of provisions had caused us to suffer very much in

this retreat."

This was the battle of Cantanagar. Kasim Ali described it as follows

to Clive:--

"My people and the French had a battle, and the latter

finding themselves much, beat, they run away, and left their

boats. They went to Oppoor" "and begged protection of

the Kajah's people.... Bahadur Sing came and told my

people to go a little further off, and they would deliver

them up, but they put us off from day to day."[154]

About the time he was writing this, Clive was writing to say that he

had received Courtin's offer of surrender, and that Kasim Ali was to

cease hostilities and allow the French to come to him with their

boats and necessaries. Kasim Ali had received orders to the same

effect from Mr. Scrafton, who informed him he was sending an officer

to accept their surrender. This did not however prevent Kasim Ali

from trying to get hold of them, which accounts for the following

letter from Raja Ram Nath to Clive:[155]--

"The French are now coming from another country by

boats to go towards Muxadavad, and Kasim Ali Khan's

people have followed them, out of his own country into

mine. They have left their boats among Kasim Ali Khan's

people and are now travelling to Jangepors" (? Tangepur).

"When I heard this I sent people with all expedition to look

after them, and I now hear that they have surrounded them.

The French want the Nawab's and your orders and _call for justice_[156]

from you. They have hoisted the Nawab's[157] and

your colours, have put on your cloaths (?) and want to go

to Muxadavad. Kasim Ali Khan's people want to carry

them to Rungpore but they refuse to go, and say that if one

of us is taken they will destroy themselves.[158] I am a poor

Zemindar who pays revenues[159] and ready to obey your

orders. If the Rungpore people should take them by force,

and they should kill themselves, it would be a troublesome

affair."

To return to Courtin's letter.

"The Raja of Dinajpur did not fail to be embarrassed by

the favour which he had shown to us. Fear was the only

motive which influenced him. He sent word to me to

depart by night under an escort of 200 of his people, who

would conduct me to Murshidabad. I was very nearly

accepting his suggestion, but the hunger and thirst, from

which we suffered greatly, prevented me. So I postponed

giving him a final answer till the next morning, and

then, after full reflection, decided not to move from the

place to which. I had been conducted until I received an

answer to the letters sent to Murshidabad. I thought this

all the wiser, as I was informed that nothing would induce

my enemies to approach or attack me in my asylum.[160] The

place was so retired and so well provided with storehouses,

that I found there a greater appearance of security than in

the open country or the escort offered by the Raja, as his

men were subordinate to the same Prince as the people who

composed the army of Sheikh Faiz Ulla, and were likely

enough to abandon me or to join my enemies in overwhelming

me. My conjectures were well founded, as, several days

after, this same Raja, prompted by Sheikh Faiz Ulla, sent

me word that he could not answer for what might happen to

me if I were attacked; that his troops, being subject to

Murshidabad like those of Kasim All Khan, could not

support me, nor fire on the latter. Finally he sent a certain

priest of his faith, a grave man, who came to suggest to us

that our best course was to leave Dinajpur and gain the

open country, otherwise we were lost. He said that he

knew for certain that if I were so obstinate as to persist in

wishing to remain there, orders had been given to attack us,

cut our throats, and send our heads to Murshidabad. This

person wished to terrify us so as to rid the Raja of us, as he

was dying with fright lest war should be made in the very

heart of his town. I replied that I was resolved to defend

myself against any one who attacked me, to set fire to

everything I found within my reach, to kill as many people

as I could, and to die on my guns when I had used up all

my ammunition; that this was also the intention of my companions,

who preferred to die thus, like brave men, rather than

to be exposed to the ignominies and indignities that we should

undergo if we allowed ourselves to be made prisoners by the

people of Kasim All Khan. The timid Raja, threatened by

both parties, found himself in the utmost embarrassment, for

Sheikh Faiz Ulla, at the gates of his town, put, as it were,

his country under contribution, and demanded from him,

with all imaginable insolence, that he should deliver us up

to him, a thing which the Raja found difficult to do.

"Some days passed in this way, during which we had

frequent alarms, but the letters I received from Murshidabad

filled every one with perplexity. The English sent me

people on their own account. One of my private friends,[161]

whom I had been so fortunate as to oblige on a similar

occasion, wrote me not to trouble myself about my boats or

my effects, but to come at once to him, and he would see

that they restored or paid for my property, and that they

gave me all that I might need. The orders received by

Sheikh Faiz Ulla and the Raja at the same time, ordered the

one to leave me in peace and the other to furnish me with

everything I wanted. This put my mind in a condition of

serenity to which it had long been a stranger, and threw my

enemies into much confusion. They proposed that I should

resume possession of my boats. I knew, with absolute

certainty, that they had been half looted, still I accepted

them on condition they were brought to Dinajpur. They

did not wish, to do this; but next morning after reflection

they consented, when, in my turn, I declined, and asked only

for provisions and other things necessary for my journey.

This they had the harshness to refuse, doubtless because they

thought that I, being destitute of everything, would have to

go down by whatever route they pleased. I would not

trust them in anything, fearing treachery.

"At last, without linen, without clothes, except what we

had on our bodies, on the 1st of March, the seventeenth day

after our retreat[162] we set out with our arms and our two

Swedish guns to go to Murshidabad to the English, from

whom I had demanded the honours of war."

We learn from the correspondence between

Mr. Scrafton and Clive, that Drake, the cowardly

Governor of Calcutta, very naturally could not

understand what was meant by this claim to the

honours of war.[163]

"My guns were conducted by land by a small detachment, the command

of which I gave to M. Chevalier, and we embarked on some small

boats belonging to the Raja, in which we had hardly room to move.

"I was not yet at the end of my troubles, for on the 3rd of March,

after dinner, as I was getting back into my boat, one of the

boatmen, wishing to put down a gun, managed to let it off, and sent

a bullet through my left shoulder. It passed through the clavicle

between the sinew and the bone. Luckily the blow was broken by a

button which the bullet first struck; still it passed almost

completely through the shoulder and lodged under the skin, which had

to be opened behind the shoulder to extract it and also the wad.

However unfortunate this wound was, I ought to be very thankful to

God that it was so safely directed, and for the further good fortune

of finding with one of my people sufficient ointment for the

surgeon, who was quite destitute of all necessaries, to dress

my shoulder until the ninth day after, when we arrived at

Murshidabad.[164] This wound caused me much suffering for the first

few days, but, thanks to the Lord, in thirty-two or thirty-three

days it was quite healed and without any bad effects.

"We rested ourselves from our fatigue till the 20th at my friend's

house, when, with his concurrence and in response to their offers, I

went to the Dutch gentlemen at Cossimbazar, where M. Vernet, their

chief and an old friend of mine, received us with the greatest

kindness. It is from their Settlement that I write to thee, my dear

wife. Until the ships sail for England I shall continue to write

daily, and tell thee everything that is of interest.[165]

"August 10, 1758.

"My dear wife, I resume my narrative to tell thee that my boats have

been restored by the English, as well as all the goods that had not

been plundered by Sheikh Faiz Ulla and his people, except the

munitions of war. Still, so much of the merchandise, goods and

silver, has disappeared that I am ruined for ever, unless the

English, who have promised to cause everything to be restored, are

able to make the Moors give them up. The English have at length

decided on our fate in a way altogether honourable to us. We are not

prisoners of war, and so we are not subject to exchange; but we are

bound by certain conditions, which they think necessary to their

security, and which only do me honour. What has flattered me even

more is that the two Swedish guns which I had with me on my campaign

have actually been given to me as a present by the commander of the

English troops, who is also Governor of Calcutta, with the most

complimentary expressions."

Courtin had written to Clive, asking permission to go down to

Pondicherry. Clive replied on the 15th of July, 1758, granting

permission. His letter concludes:--

"I am at this moment sending an order to the Captain

Commandant of our troops to restore to you your two guns.

I am charmed at this opportunity of showing you my

appreciation of the way in which you have always behaved

to the English, and my own regard for your merit."[166]

Courtin continues:--

"Saved from so many perils and sufficiently fortunate

to have won such sensible marks of distinction from our

enemies, ought not this, my dear wife, to make me hope that

the gentlemen of the French Company will do their utmost

to procure me some military honour, in order to prove to the

English that my nation is as ready as theirs to recognize my

services?[167]

"Now, my dear wife, I must end this letter so that it

may be ready for despatch. For fear of its being lost I will

send in the packet another letter for thee.

"Do not disquiet thyself regarding my health. Thanks

to God I am now actually pretty well. I dare not talk to

thee of the possibility of our meeting. Circumstances are

not favourable for thee to make another voyage to the Indies.

That must depend upon events, thy health, peace, and

wishes, which, in spite of my tender longing for thee, will

always be my guide.

"If the event of war has not been doubly disastrous to

me, thou shouldst have received some small remittances,

which I have sent, and of which I have advised thee in

duplicate and triplicate. If the decrees of the Lord, after

my having endured so many misfortunes and sufferings, have

also ordained my death before I am in a position to provide

what concerns thee, have I not a right to hope that all my

friends will use their influence to induce the Company not

to abandon one who will be the widow of two men who have

served it well, and with all imaginable disinterestedness?

"For the rest I repeat that, thanks to God, I am fairly well.

"I kiss thee, etc., etc."

One would be glad to be assured that Courtin re-established his

fortune. If he is, as I suppose, the Jacques Ignace Courtin, who was

afterwards _Conseiller au Conseil des Indes_, we may be satisfied he

did so; but French East India Company Records are a hopeless chaos

at the present moment, and all that one can extract from the English

Records is evidence of still further suffering.

From Murshidabad or Cossimbazar, Courtin went down to Chandernagore,

whence the majority of the French inhabitants had already been sent

to the Madras Coast. The Fort had been blown up, and the private

houses were under sentence of destruction, for the English had

determined to destroy the town, partly in revenge for the behaviour

of Lally, who, acting under instructions from the French East India

Company, had shown great severity to the English in Southern India,

partly because they did not think themselves strong enough to

garrison Chandernagore as well as Calcutta, and feared the Moors

would occupy it if they did not place troops there, and partly

because they dreaded its restoration to France--which actually

happened--when peace was made. At any rate Courtin found the

remnants of his countrymen in despair, and in 1759 he wrote a

letter[168] to Clive and the Council of Calcutta, from which I

quote one or two paragraphs:--

"With the most bitter grief I have received advice of

the sentence you have passed on the French Settlement

at Chandernagore, by which all the buildings, as well of

the Company as of private persons, are to be utterly

demolished.

"Humane and compassionate as you are, Sirs, you would

be sensibly affected--were your eyes witnesses to it as mine

have been--by the distress to which this order has reduced

the hearts of those unhappy inhabitants who remain in that

unfortunate place, particularly if you knew that there is

nothing left to the majority of them beyond these houses, on

whose destruction you have resolved. If I may believe

what I hear, the motive which incites you is that of reprisal

for what has happened at Cuddalore and Madras: it does

not become me to criticize either the conduct of M. Lally,

our general, who, by all accounts, is a man very much to be

respected by me, or your reasons, which you suppose sufficient.

Granting the latter to be so, permit me, Sirs, to

address myself to your generosity and humanity, and those

admirable qualities, so universally esteemed by mankind,

will encourage me to take the liberty to make certain representations.

"All upbraidings are odious, and nothing is more just

than the French proverb which says, to remind a person of

favours done him cancels the obligation. God forbid, Sirs,

I should be guilty of this to you or your nation by reminding

you for a moment, that these houses, now condemned by

you, served you as an asylum in 1756, and that the owners,

whom you are now reducing to the greatest distress and are

plunging into despair, assisted you to the utmost of their

power, and alleviated your misfortunes as much as they were

able. But what am I saying? Your nation is too polished to

need reminding of what is just. Therefore excuse my saying

that this reason alone is sufficient to cancel the law of

retaliation which you have resolved to execute, and to make

you revoke an order which, I am sure, you could not have

given without much uneasiness of mind. I cast myself at

your feet, imploring, with the most ardent prayers, that

compassion, which I flatter myself I perceive in your hearts,

for these poor creatures, whom you cannot without remorse

render miserable. If you really, Sirs, think I too have had

the happiness to be of some use to you and your nation,

whilst Chief at Dacca, and that I have rendered you some

services, I only beg that you would recollect them for one

moment, and let them induce you to grant the favour I

request for my poor countrymen. I shall then regard it as

the most happy incident in my life, and shall think myself

ten thousand times more indebted to you.

"If, Sirs, you have absolutely imperative reasons for

reprisal, change, if you please, the object of them. I offer

myself a willing victim, if there must be one, and, if blood

were necessary, I should think myself too happy to offer

mine a sacrifice. But as these barbarous methods are not

made use of in nations so civilized as ours, I have one last

offer to make, which is to ransom and buy all the private

houses at Chandernagore, for which I will enter into whatever

engagements you please, and will give you the best

security in my power."

The last words seem to imply that Courtin had recovered his

property, at least to a great extent; but his pathetic appeal was

useless in face of national necessities, and so far was

Chandernagore desolated that, in November of the same year, we read

that the English army, under Colonel Forde, was ambushed by the

Dutch garrison of Chinsurah "amongst the buildings and ruins of

Chandernagore."

From Chandernagore Courtin went to Pondicherry, where he became a

member of the Superior Council. He was one of the chiefs of the

faction opposed to Lally, who contemptuously mentions a printed

"Memorial" of his adventures which Courtin prepared, probably for

presentation to the Directors of the French East India Company.[169]

When, in January, 1761, Lally determined to capitulate, Courtin was

sent to the English commander on the part of the Council. Still

later we find his name attached to a petition, dated August 3, 1762,

presented to the King against Lally.[170] This shows that Courtin

had arrived in France, so that his elevation to the Council of the

Company is by no means improbable.

To any one who has lived long in India it seems unnatural that in

old days the small colonies of Europeans settled there should have

been incited to mutual conflict and mutual ruin, owing to quarrels

which originated in far-off Europe, and _which were decided without

any reference to the wishes or interests of Europeans living in the

colonies_. The British Settlements alone have successfully survived

the struggle. The least we can do is to acknowledge the merits,

whilst we commiserate the sufferings, of those other gallant men who

strove their best to win the great prize for their own countrymen.

Of the French especially it would appear that their writers have

noticed only those like Dupleix, Bussy, and Lally, who commanded

armies in glorious campaigns that somehow always ended to the

advantage of the British, and have utterly forgotten the civilians

who really kept the game going, and who would have been twice as

formidable to their enemies if the military had been subordinate to

them. The curse of the French East India Company was Militarism,

whilst fortunately for the English our greatest military hero in

India, Lord Clive, was so clear-minded that he could write:--

"I have the liberty of an Englishman so strongly implanted

in my nature, that I would have the Civil all in all,

in all times and in all places, cases of immediate danger

excepted."

How much might have been achieved by men like Renault, Law, and

Courtin, if they had had an adequate military force at their

disposal! They saw, as clearly as did the English, that Bengal was

the heart of India, and they saw the English denude Madras of troops

to defend Bengal, whilst they themselves were left by the French

commanders in a state of hopeless impotence. On the other hand,

owing to the English Company's insistence that military domination

should be the exception and not the rule, British civilians and

British soldiers have, almost always, worked together harmoniously.

It was this union of force which gave us Bengal in the time of which

I have been writing, and to the same source of power we owe the

gradual building up of the great Empire which now dominates the

whole of India.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 122: Probably Portuguese half-castes.]

[Footnote 123: Matchlock men. Consultations of the Dacca Council,

27th June, 1756. Madras Select Committee Proceedings, 9th November,

1756.]

[Footnote 124: When Courtin was sent by Count Lally with the

proposals for the surrender of Pondicherry he had to take an

interpreter with him. _Memoirs of Lally_, p. 105.]

[Footnote 125: I.e. official order.]

[Footnote 126: I cannot ascertain where M. Fleurin was at this

moment. If at Dacca, then Courtin must have left him behind.]

[Footnote 127: MSS. Français, Nouvelles Acquisitions, No. 9361. This

is unfortunately only a copy, and the dates are somewhat confused.

Where possible I have corrected them.]

[Footnote 128: Calcapur, the site of the Dutch Factory. See note, p.

64.]

[Footnote 129: From a map by Rennell of the neighbourhood of Dacca

it appears that the French Factory was on the River Bourigunga.

There are still several plots of ground in Dacca town belonging to

the French. One of them, popularly known as Frashdanga, is situated

at the mouth of the old bed of the river which forms an island of

the southern portion of the town; but I do not think this is the

site of the French Factory, as the latter appears to have been

situated to the west of the present Nawab's palace.]

[Footnote 130: Now used in the sense of messengers or office

attendants.]

[Footnote 131: Orme says (bk. viii. p. 285) that Courtin started

with 30 Europeans and 100 sepoys. From Law's "Memoir" we see that M.

de Carryon took 20 men to Cossimbazar before Law himself left. This

accounts for the smallness of Courtin's force.]

[Footnote 132: Jafar Ali Khan married the sister of Aliverdi Khan,

Siraj-ud-daula's grandfather.]

[Footnote 133: I think he must mean the mouth of the Murshidabad

River.]

[Footnote 134: Courtin means the lower ranges of the Himalayas,

inhabited by the Nepaulese, Bhutiyas, etc. His wanderings therefore

were in the districts of Rungpore and Dinajpur.]

[Footnote 135: Sinfray, Secretary to the Council at Chandernagore,

was one of the fugitives who, as mentioned above, joined Law at

Cossimbazar.]

[Footnote 136: Assaduzama Muhammad was nephew to Kamgar Khan, the

general of Shah Alam. _Holwell. Memorial to the Select Committee_,

1760.]

[Footnote 137: Orme MSS. India XI., p. 2859, No. 246.]

[Footnote 138: Orme says the Fort was on the River Teesta, but

Rennell marks it more correctly a little away from the river and

about fifteen miles south of Jalpaiguri.]

[Footnote 139: These guns Courtin calls "pièces à la minute." The

proper name should be "canon à la suédoise" or "canon à la minute."

They were invented by the Swedes, who used 3-pounders with improved

methods for loading and firing, so as to be able to fire as many as

ten shots in a minute. The French adopted a 4-pounder gun of this

kind in 1743. The above information was given me by Lieut.-Colonel

Ottley Perry, on the authority of Colonel Colin, an artillery

officer on the French Headquarters Staff.]

[Footnote 140: This squadron, under the command of Mons. Bouvet,

actually did arrive.]

[Footnote 141: This rebellion was really conducted by Ukil Singh,

the Hindoo _Diwan_ of Hazir Ali.]

[Footnote 142: Mir Jafar, Jafar Ali, Mir Jafar Ali Khan, are all

variations of the name of the Nawab whom the English placed on the

throne after the death of Siraj-ud-daula.]

[Footnote 143: Law says that the French soldiers who wandered the

country in this way were accustomed to disguise themselves as

natives and even as Brahmins, when they wished to avoid notice.]

[Footnote 144: A kind of native house-boat.]

[Footnote 145: A heavy gun fired from a rest or stand.]

[Footnote 146: A ditch or ravine.]

[Footnote 147: Orme MSS. India XI., p. 2901, No. 374.]

[Footnote 148: A thick quilt used as a covering when in bed, or

sometimes like a blanket to wrap oneself in.]

[Footnote 149: Orme MSS. India XL, p. 2915, No. 417.]

[Footnote 150: Bengal Select Com. Consultations, 22nd February,

1758.]

[Footnote 151: I have not been able to identify this place.]

[Footnote 152: A boatman.]

[Footnote 153: See note, p. 88.]

[Footnote 154: Orme MSS. India XI., p. 2923, No. 432.]

[Footnote 155: Orme MSS. India XL, p. 2926, No. 438.]

[Footnote 156: This expression is characteristically Indian, and is

used when any one, finding himself oppressed, appeals to some great

personage for protection.]

[Footnote 157: The Nawab's flag was the usual Turkish crescent.]

[Footnote 158: Another Indian expression. The last resource against

oppression or injustice in India is to commit suicide by starvation

or some violent means, and to lay the blame on the oppressor. This

is supposed to bring the curse of murder upon him.]

[Footnote 159: This means simply that the Raja was not an

independent ruler. The sovereign owning all land, _land revenue_ and

_rent_ meant the same thing.]

[Footnote 160: This seems to want explanation. Probably Courtin had

got into some sort of house used for religious ceremonies, such as

are often found in or close to the market-places of great

landowners.]

[Footnote 161: He probably refers to Mr. Luke Scrafton.]

[Footnote 162: I.e. from his entrenchments.]

[Footnote 163: "Courtin and his party arrived here the 10th. They

are 6 soldiers, Dutch, German and Swede, such as took service with

the French when our Factory at Dacca fell into the hands of Surajeh

Dowleit, 4 gentlemen, some Chitagon (_sic_) fellows and about 20

peons. Courtin, on his way hither, has, by mischance, received a

ball through his shoulder. They demanded _honneurs de la guerre_,

which Drake has not understood" (_Scrafton to Clive, March_ 12,

1758).]

[Footnote 164: According to Orme, Courtin's force was reduct from 30

to 11 Europeans, and from 100 to 30 sepoys.]

[Footnote 165: The manuscript I translate from contains only the

postscript of the 10th of August.]

[Footnote 166: A translation. Clive generally wrote to French

officers in their own language.]

[Footnote 167: Such honours were not uncommonly granted. Law was

made a Colonel, so was another French partisan named Madec. On the

other hand, when a French gentleman had the choice, he often put his

elder son in the Company's service and the younger in the army.

Law's younger brother was in the army. Renault's elder son was in

the Company and the younger in the army.]

[Footnote 168: Appended to "Bengal Public Proceedings," May 31,

1759.]

[Footnote 169: I do not know whether this "Memorial" still exists,

but see "Memoirs of Count Lally," p. 53.]

[Footnote 170: "Memoirs of Count Lally," p. 367.]

INDEX

Abdulla Khan

Admiralty, the English

Aeneas

Afghan General, the

_See_ Abdulla Khan

Agra

Ahmed Khan Koreishi

Alamgir II., Emperor, assassinated November 29, 1759

Ali Gauhar

_See_ Shah Alam

Aliverdi Khan

his opinion of Europeans

sister of

Allahabad

Amina Begum, mother of Siraj-ud-daula

Anquetil du Perron, M.

Anti-Renaultions

"Arabian Nights"

Archives, French

_Areca-nut_

Armenian officers

Armenians

_Arz-begi_ (Gholam Ali Khan)

_Arzi_

_Asiatic Annual Register_

Assaduzama Muhammad, Raja of Birbhum

Assam, King of

Audience Hall, the

Augustine Father

Aurengzebe

Bahadur Singh

Bahar

_See_ Bihar

_Bajarow_

Balasore

Bandel

Bankers, influence of Indian

Banowra River

Barber, a native

Battle of the 5th of February

Becher, Mr. Richard

Beinges, M.

Benares

Bengal

Nawabs of

records

revolution in

rivers of

Bengali merchant

Berhampur

_Betel_

Bettiah, Raja of

Bhagulpur

Bhutiyas

Bibi Lass

_See_ Mrs. Law

Bibliothèque Nationale

Biderra, battle of

Bihar, Hindu Rajas of

map of south

province of

town of

Birbhum

Raja of _See_ Assaduzama Muhammad

Bisdom, Adrian, Director of the Dutch in Bengal

Black Hole, the

Bloomer, Lieut.

Boissemont, M.

Bombay

Bourigunga River

Bouvet, M.

Brahmins

Brayer, Ensign

M., one of Courtin's companions

Brereton, Lieut. William

_Bridgewater_, H.M.S. (Captain Smith)

British. _See_ English

civilians

Museum, MS. Department

Broome, Captain A., Author of the "Rise and Progress of the

Bengal Army" (Calcutta, 1850)

Budge Budge, battle of

Bugros, M.

_Bukshi_

Bulwant Singh, Raja of Benares

Bundelkand or Bundelcund

Bussy, M.

_Buxerries_

Caillot, or Caillaud

Calcapur

Calcutta

English Council at

Calvé, M.

Cannon balls of clay

Cantanagar, battle of

Capitulation of Chandernagore, dispute as to terms of

Capucins, church of

Carnac, Major John

Carryon, M. le Comte de

Carvalho, Jeanne. _See_ Mrs. Law

Cause of Siraj-ud-daula's attack on the English

Chambon, M

Chandernagore

booty taken at

cemetery at

council at

deserters from

garrison of

possibility of its capture by English land forces alone

terms of capitulation of

Chatrapur

_Chauth_

Chevalier, M.

Chinese

Chinsurah

Chittagong

Choquova

Christian clerks

Christians

Chunargarh

_Chunam_

Chupra or Chapra.

Cicero

Civil Power, the

Clive, Lieut.-Colonel Robert (Lord Clive)

Coja Wajid

Colbert, M.

Colin, Catherine

Colonel

Coote, Captain (Sir) Eyre

Coromandel, Coast of, _See_ Madras Coast

Cossimbazar

Cossimbazar River

Courtin, François,

Jacques Ignace

Courtin, Mrs.

_See_ Madame Direy

Courtin's Memorial

Cuddalore

Cudmore, Lieut. John

Cuttack

Dacca;

Council at;

Government College at;

Nawab of;

Palace of present Nawab

_D'Aillot_, powders

D'Albert, M. le Chevalier

Dana Shah

Danes

Dangereux, M.

Davis, Mr.

Debellême, M. le Capitaine

De Carryon, M. le Comte

Deccan

De Kalli, M.

Delabar, M.

De la Bretesche, M.

Delamotte, Mr. John

De la Vigne Buisson;

M. le Capitaine;

jun.

De Leyrit, M.

Delhi

De Montorcin, M.

Desbrosses, M.

Deserters, English;

French

Desjoux, M.

De Terraneau, Ann.;

Lieut. Charles Cossard;

senior

De Tury;

M., Commandant of Chandernagore

D'Hurvilliers, M.

Dido

Dinajpur;

Raja of

Dinapur

Direy, Madame, _See_ Mrs. Courtin

_Diwan_

Doctor, French

Doidge, Mr.

Drake, Roger, jun.;

President of the Council at Calcutta

Droguet, M.

Dubois;

M., French Company's servant;

M., Sturgeon Major

Du Cap, M.

Dupleix, Marquis

Du Pré, M.

Durbar, The

_Dustuck_

Dutch;

Director. _See_ M. Bisdom;

Octagon, the

East India Company, English;

Forces

East India Company, French

Elephants, gentleness of

Engineers, want of

England

English;

_See_ British;

agent of;

ladies at Dacca;

Records;

trade privileges of

Eunuchs

Europe

Europeans

Europeans, generosity and courage of,

Fakir, _See_ Dana Shah

Farmers of estates,

Farukhabad,

_Faujdar_,

Fazl-kuli-khan,

Feringhees,

_Firman_,

Fleurin, M.,

Forde, Colonel,

Fort Bourgogne,

d'Orleans,

William,

Fournier, M.,

France,

King of,

Frashdanga,

French,

civilians,

ladies,

mistaken for Muhammadans,

proverb,

soldiers,

up-country factories,

Fringuey Raja,

Fullerton, Dr. William,

Fulta,

Ganges river, _See_ Hugli River

Gaya,

Gentiles, or Gentoos,

Germans,

Ghazipur,

Gholam Husain Khan,

Gourbin, M.

Gourlade, M.,

Grand Monarque, the,

Great Britain,

King of,

_Gunge_,

_Gunny_,

_Hackerys_,

Haillet, M.,

Hardwicke, Lord,

Hazir Ali Khan,

Hey, Lieut.,

Himalayas,

Hindu advisers of the Nawab,

Hindu Rajas,

women, ill-treatment of--by Siraj-ud-daula,

Hindus, the,

Hindustan,

Holkar,

Holwell, John Zephaniah, Governor,

Honours of war,

Hugli, Faujdar of, _See_ Nand Kumar

fort,

River,

town,

Imad-al-Muluk, Ghazi-ud-din Khan,

India,

Southern,

Indian expressions, characteristic,

minds, motives of,

ways of business,

Indies, The,

Indrapat, Raja of Bundelkand,

_Inhabitants_,

Innocent, or Innocent Jesus,

Ironside, Colonel Gilbert,

Ives, Surgeon Edward, author of "A

Voyage from England to India in

1754, with, a narrative of the operations

of the squadron and army in

India, under Watson and Clive,

1755-1757; Also a Journey from Persia to England," (London, 1799)

Jafar Ali Khan.

_See_ Mir Jafar Ali Khan

Jagat Seth, family of

_See_ Seths

Jalpaiguri

Jats, the

_Jemadars_

Jesuit Church, the

Fathers, the

Jobard, M.

Jugdea

_See_ Luckipore

Jusserat Khan, Nawab of Dacca

Kaffirs

Kamgar Khan

Karical

Kasim Ali Khan, Nawab of Bengal

_See_ Mir Kasim

Kasim Ali Khan, Faujdar of Rungpore

_Kent_, H.M.S.

Kerdizien, M.

Khodadad Khan Latty

Kilpatrick, Major James

King

_See_ Mogul

_Kingfisher_, H.M.S.

Kissendas, son of Raj Balav

Knox, Captain Ranfurlie

Kooti Ghat

Koran, the

La Haye, M.

Lal Dighi

Lally, Count

Memoirs of

Laporterie, M.

La Rue, M.

Latham, Captain

Launay, M.

La Ville Martère, M.

Law, Jacques François

Jean, of Lauriston

Madame Jeanne

John, of Lauriston, the Financier

William

Law's Memoir

Le Conte Dompierre

Lee, Corporal

Le Noir, M.

Le Page, M., Second Surgeon

Locusts

Luckipore

_See_ Jugdea

Lucknow

Lynn, Captain

McGwire, Mr. William

Madec, Colonel

Madras

Coast

_See_ Coromandel

Malleson, Colonel G.B., Author of "History of the French in India

from the Founding of Pondicherry in 1674 to the Capture of that

Place in 1761" (London, 1868)

Manik Chand, Raja

_Manjhi_

Maratha Commander

Law's altercation with

General, the

Marathas

Martin, Captain

Martin de la Case, Ensign

Matel, M.

Midnapur

Militarism

Minchin, Captain George, Captain-Commandant of Calcutta

Mir Abdulla

Miran, son of Mir Jafar

Mir Daood, brother of Mir Jafar, and Faujdar of Rajmehal

Mir Jafar Ali Khan, made Nawab by the English after Plassey

Mir Kasim, or Kasim Ali Khan, son-in-law and successor of Mir Jafar

army of

Mir Madan

Mogul

_See_ King

Mohan Lal, favourite of the Nawab

Monsoon

Moor hostages

nobles

Moorish colours

forts

soldiers

treachery

Moors

Muhammadhans

Murshidabad

_See_ Muxadabad

or Cossimbazar River

Murshid Kuli Khan

Mustapha Ali Khan

Mutinies

Muxadabad

_See_ Murshidabad

_Naib_

Nand Kumar, Faujdar of Hugli

Native indifference to the quarrels of the Europeans

_Nautch_

Naval officer, an English

Nawab, the

_See_ Siraj-ud-daula

Hindu advisers and servants of

Nawajis Muhammad Khan, uncle of Siraj-ud-daula

Nawajis Muhammad Khan's widow

Nazir Dalal, the

Negroes

Nepaulese

Neutrality in the Ganges

News from Bengal

Nicolas, M.F.

Nover, Sergeant

Nullah

Omichand

Onofre, Reverend Father

Oppoor

Orissa

Orme Papers or MSS.

Orme, Robert, historian

Oudh

Nawab of. _See_ Suja-ud-daula

Pagodas or Hindu Temples

Paris

_Parwana_

Pathans

Patna

Naib of

River

_Pattamar_

Pavilion, Bastion du

Pearkes, Mr. Paul Richard

Pedro

_Peons_

Perry, Lieut.-Colonel Ottley

Phulbari

Picques, M.

Pilots, French

Plassey, battle of

Pocock, Admiral (Sir) George

Pondicherry

Superior Council of

Porte Royale, the

Portuguese half-castes

Predestination

Priest, Hindu

Probate Records (Mayor's Court, Calcutta)

Prussian Gardens

Purneah

Nawab of. _See_ Saukat Jang

Raj Durlabh Ram, Raja

Rains, the

Raj Balav, Raja

Rajas, Hindu

Rajmehal

Faujdar of.

_See_ Mir Daood

Ramnarain, Raja, Naib or Deputy Governor of Patua

Ram Nath, Raja of Dinajpur

Ranjit Rai, agent of the Seths

Raymond, M.

Renault, Pierre, Director of Chandernagore (Malleson calls him

Renault de St. Germain, but he never signs himself as such)

Renault, de St. Germain, eldest son of Pierre Renault

Renault, Lieut., second son of Pierre Renault

Renault, de la Fuye, M.

Renaultions, the

Rennell, Major James, geographer

_Rezai_,

Royal Music, the

Rungpore

Raja of. _See_ Kasizn All Khan

Sahibgunj, Raja of

Saidabad.

_Saint Contest_, the

St. Didier, M.

St. Louis, Order of

Parish Church of

Salabat Jang

_Salisbury_, H.M.S.

Sarfaraz Khan, Nawab of Bengal, defeated and killed in battle

by Aliverdi Khan in 1742

Saukat Jang, Nawab of Purneah and cousin of Siraj-ud-daula

Scrafton, Mr. Luke, Author of "Reflections on the Government

of Indostan" (London, 1770)

Scrafton's "Reflections"

Select Committee at Calcutta

at Madras

Sepoys, 10. _See_ Telingas

French

Law's opinion of

Serampore, Danish Settlement

Seth Mahtab Rai, grandson of Jagat Seth

Seth Sarup Chand, grandson of Jagat Seth

Seths, agent of

_See_ Ranjit Rai

Seths: the family of Jagat Seth

Shah, Alam

_See_ Ali Gauhar

Shahzada or Crown Prince

_See_ Shah Alam

Sheikh Faiz Ulla

Sinfray, M.

Siraj-ud-daula

_See_ Nawab

cause of his attack on the English

his aunt, widow of Nawajia Khan

his mother

_See_ Amina Begum

his younger brother

_See_ Fazl-kuli-khan

Slippers, a pair of

Sooty

Soupy, fort of

Speke, Captain

Spies employed by the English,

by the Nawab

Suan, battle of

Subah

Suja-ud-daula, Nawabof Oudh

Summer, Mr. William Brightwell

Surgeons, French

Swedes

Swedish guns

Swiss

Tangepur, or Tanjipur,

Tanks used for military purposes

Tartars

Teesta River

Telingas or Tellingees

Tibet

king of,

Toby, Captain--of the _Kingfisher_

Tooke, Mr. William

Topasses

Treaty between the English and Mir Jafar

between the English and Siraj-ud-daula

between the French and Siraj-ud-daula

Turkish Crescent, the

_Tyger_, H.M.S.

Ukil Singh

Vansittart, Governor Henry

Vernet, M. George, Lodewjk

Villequain, M.

Vizir, The

Volunteers, English

French

_Wakils_

Walcot, Clive Correspondence at

Waller, Mr. Samuel

War, Declaration of, between England and France

Water Gate, the

Watson, Admiral Charles

Watts, Mrs. Amelia

the Worshipful Mr. William

Zemindar, collector of revenue

THE END