LITERARY COTERIES IN PARIS IN THE LAST CENTURY.

The revolutions of society are almost as sure if not as regular as

those of the planets. The inventions of a generation weary after

a while, but they are very likely to be revived if they have once

ministered successfully to pleasure or ambition. The famous coteries

in which learning was inter-blended with fashion in the golden age

of French intelligence, are being revived under the new Republic,

and women are again quietly playing with institutions and liberties,

perhaps as dangerously as when Mesdames de Tencin, Pompadour,

Geoffrin, Deffant, Poplinière and L'Espinasse assembled the destinies

nightly in their drawing rooms.

The tendency to such associations is displayed also in most of our

own cities. The Town and Country Club of Boston, the Wistar Parties

in Philadelphia, the Literary Club in Charleston, the recent

_converzaziones_ at the houses of President Charles King of Columbia

College, and others, and the well-known Saturday Evenings at Miss

Lynch's, where literature and art and general speculation have for

some seasons had a common center, all illustrate the disposition of an

active and cultivated society, not engrossed by special or spasmodic

excitements, to cluster by rules of feeling and capacity: and clusters

of passion and mind are rarely for a long period inert. When they

become common they are apt to assume the direction of private custom

and public opinion and affairs.

In view of these things, we are sure that the readers of the

_International_ will be interested in the following translation of

Professor Schlosser's brilliant survey of those _bureaux d'esprit_

which so much distinguished society and influenced its history

in Europe, from the beginning to the middle of the last century.

Schlosser is a Privy Councillor and Professor of History in the

University of Heidelberg. He is chiefly known in continental Europe

by his great work, the History of the Eighteenth Century, and of

the Nineteenth till the overthrow of the French Empire, a work which

derives its value not merely from the profound and minute acquaintance

of the author with the subject, from the new views which are presented

and the hitherto unexamined sources from which much has been derived,

but from his well-known independence of character--from the general

conclusions which he draws from the comparative views of the

resources, conduct, manners, institutions and literature of the great

European nations, during a period unparalleled in the history of

the world for the development of the physical and mental powers of

mankind, for the greatness of the events which occurred, for the

progress of knowledge, for the cultivation of the arts and sciences,

for all that contributes to the greatness and prosperity of nations.

* * * * *

If we venture to bring the Parisian evening, dinner and supper parties

into connection with the general history of Europe, and the ladies

also at whose houses these parties took place, we can neither be

blamed for scrupulous severity, nor for paradoxical frivolity. It

belongs to the character of the eighteenth century, that the historian

who wishes to bring the true springs of conduct and sources of action

to light, must condescend even so far. It must also be borne in mind,

when the clever women and societies of Paris are spoken of, that

the demands of the age and progressive improvement and culture were

altogether unattended to at the court of Louis XV., as well before as

after the death of Cardinal Fleury, and that all which was neglected

at Versailles was cultivated in Paris. The court and the city had been

hitherto united in their wants and in their judgment; the court ruled

education, fashion and the general tone, as it ruled the state; now,

however, they completely separated. Afterward the voice of the city

was raised in opposition, and the voice of this opposition became the

organ of the age and of the country; but it was felt and recognized

in Versailles only when it was too late. How easy it would have

been then, as Marmontel had shown very clearly in his memoirs, to

fetter Voltaire, who was offensive to the people, and how important

this would have been for the state, will appear in the following

paragraphs, in which we shall show that even the Parisian theatre,

whose boards were regarded as a model by all Europe, freed itself

from the influence of the court, became dependent on the tone-giving

circles of Paris, and assumed a decidedly democratic direction.

As early as the time of Louis XIV., the court had separated itself

from the learned men of the age; and at the end of the seventeenth

century the houses and societies could be historically pointed out,

in which judgments were pronounced upon questions of literature in

the same manner as the pit became the tribunal to which plays and

play-actors must appeal; we shall not, however, go back so far, but

keep the later times always in our view. In those associations in

which the Abbé de Chaulieu and other friends of Vendome and Conti led

the conversation, literature was brought wholly under the dominion of

audacious pretension and immorality, in the time of the Regency and

during the minority of Louis XV. In reference to the leaders there

needs no proof. What could a Philip of Orleans or his Dubois take

under his protection, except what corresponded with his ideas and mode

of life?

The time of the minority of Louis XV. and that of the administration

of Cardinal Fleury was for several reasons highly favorable to the

formation of private societies, which entertained themselves with

wit and satire, and carried on a quiet but continual contest with the

persons and systems which were protected by the government and the

clergy. Fleury regarded everything as sinful which had the appearance

of worldly knowledge, or partook of the character of jests, novels,

or plays; Louis, as he grew up, showed himself quite indifferent to

everything which had no connection with religious ceremonies, hunting,

or handsome women. Fleury spoke and wrote in that ecclesiastical

phraseology which was laughed at in the world: he favored the clergy,

school learning, the tone of the times of Louis XIV.; but the spirit

of the age demanded something different from this. All that was

regarded with disfavor by Fleury assembled around those celebrated

men, who held their reunions in Paris, and this court soon became more

important to the vain than the royal one itself, and it was proved by

experience that reputation and glory might be gained without the

aid or protection of the court at Versailles. This no one could have

previously believed, but the public soon learnt to do homage to the

tone-giving scholars, to the ladies and gentlemen who fostered them,

as it had formerly paid its homage to the ministers of the court.

This gave to the ladies, who collected around them the celebrated men

of the time (for reputation was much more the question than merit,)

and who protected and entertained them, a degree of weight in the

political and literary world, which made them as important in

the eighteenth century as Richelieu and Colbert had been in the

seventeenth.

The queen, on her part, might have been able to exercise a beneficial

influence, however little power she had in other respects, when

compared with the mistresses of the king; but the daughter of

Stanislaus Leckzinski was a gentle, admirable woman, although somewhat

narrow-minded, and wholly given up to irrational devotional exercises

and bigotry. Like her father, she was altogether in the hands of the

Jesuits, blindly and unconditionally their servant; such an attachment

to a religious order, and such blind devotedness as hers would be

quite incredible, if we did not possess her own and her father's

autograph letters, as proofs of the fact. We shall present our readers

with some extracts from these letters, which are preserved in the

archives of the French empire, when we come to speak of the abolition

of the order of Jesuits.

As to the enlightened mistresses who had much more power and influence

than the queen, Pompadour seemed, as we learn from Marmontel, desirous

of participating in the literature of the age and of doing something

for its promotion, when she saw how important writers and the

influence of the press had become; but partly because both she and

the king were altogether destitute of any sense for the beautiful

in literature or art, and partly because the better portion of the

learned men at the time neither could nor would be pleased with what

a Bernis, Düclos and Marmontel were disposed to be, who undoubtedly

received some marks of favor from her. Voltaire is therefore quite

right when he lays upon the court the blame of allowing the influence

which literature then exercised upon the people, to be withdrawn

altogether from king and his ministers, and to be transferred to the

hands of the Parisian ladies and farmers-general, &c. Voltaire, in his

well-known verses,[1] admits, with great openness and simplicity, that

he attached much importance to the applause of a court, although it

neither possessed judgment nor feeling for the merits of a writer,

nor for poetical beauties; and he complains at the same time that this

court had neither duly estimated his tragedies nor his epic poems. It

is characteristic both of the court and of Voltaire that he eagerly

pressed himself forward for admission to its favor, and sought to

attract attention by a work which be himself called a piece of trash,

and that the court extended its approbation and applause to this

miserable and altogether inappropriate piece, ('La Princesse de

Navarre,') which he composed on the occasion of the Dauphin's

marriage with the Infanta of Spain, whilst it entirely neglected his

masterpieces.

The Paris societies had got full possession of the field of

literature, and erected their tribunals before the middle of the

century, whilst at Versailles nothing was spoken or thought of except

amusements and hunting, Jesuits and processions, and the grossest

sensuality prevailed. The members of the Parisian societies were not a

whit more moral or decent in their behavior than those about the court

at Versailles, but they carried on open war against hypocrisy, and all

that was praised and approved of by the court.

We shall now proceed to mention three or four of the most

distinguished of those societies, which have obtained an historical

importance, not merely for the French literature and mental and moral

culture of the eighteenth century, but for Europe in general, without

however restraining ourselves precisely within the limits of the half

century. The minute accounts which Grimm has given, for the most part

affect only the later periods; we turn our attention therefore the

rather to what the weak, vain, talkative Marmontel has related to us

on the subject in his 'Autobiography,' because Rousseau was by far

too one-sided in his notices, and drew public attention to the most

demoralized and degraded members of the circle only.

The first lady who must be mentioned, is Madame de Tencin. She

belonged to the period within which we must confine ourselves, and she

gained for herself such a name, not only in Paris, but in all Europe,

that she was almost regarded as the creator of that new literature

which stood in direct and bold opposition to the prevailing taste,

inasmuch as she received at her house, entertained and cherished,

those who were really its originators and supporters. This lady could

not boast of the morality of her early years, nor of her respect even

for common propriety. She is not only notorious for having exposed,

when a child, the celebrated D'Alembert, who was her natural son, and

for regarding with indifference his being brought up by the wife of a

common glazier as her own son; but stories still worse than even these

are told of her. She enriched herself, as many others did, in the time

of Law's scheme, by no very creditable means; and fell under such a

serious suspicion of having been privy to the death of one of those

who had carried on an intrigue with her, that she was imprisoned

and involved in a criminal prosecution, from which she escaped, not

through her own innocence, but by means of the powerful influence of

her distinguished relations and friends.

All this did not prevent Pope Benedict XIV., who, as Cardinal

Lambertini, had been often at her house, as a member of the society of

men of talents who met there, from carrying on a continual intercourse

with her by letter; he also sent her his picture as a testimony of

kind remembrance. This lady succeeded in procuring for her brother the

dignity of a cardinal, and through him had great weight with Fleury,

with the court, and with the city in general; she is also known as

an authoress. As we are not writing a history of literature properly

speaking, we pass by her novels in silence, with this remark only,

that people are accustomed to place the 'Comte de Comminges,' written

by Madame de Tencin, on the same footing with the 'Princess de Clêve,'

by Madame de Lafayette.

The society in the house of Madame de Tencin consisted of well-known

men of learning, and some younger men of distinguished name and

family; she united, in later years, a certain amiability with her

care for the entertainment and recreation of those whom she had once

received into her house. This society, after the death of De Tencin,

assembled in the house of Geoffrin. It appears, however, that Madame

de Tencin, as well as the whole fashionable world to which she

belonged, could never altogether disavow their contempt for science,

if indeed it be true, that she was accustomed to call her society

by the indecent by-name of her ménagerie. Fontenelle, Montesquieu,

Mairan, Helvetius who was then quite young and present rather as a

hearer than a speaker, Marivaux and Astruc, formed the nucleus of this

clever society and led the conversation. Marmontel, who was not well

suited to this society, in which more real knowledge and a deeper

train of thought was called for than he possessed, informs us what

the tone of this society was, and speaks of their hunting after lively

conceits and brilliant flashes of wit, in a somewhat contemptuous

manner. Marmontel, however, himself admits, that he was only once in

the society, and that in order to read his 'Aristomenes,' and that

greater simplicity and good humor prevailed there than in the house of

Madame Geoffrin, in which he was properly at home.

Madame de Tencin's influence upon the new literature of the opposition

party, or rather upon the spirit of the age, may be best judged of

from the fact, that she largely contributed to the first preparation

and favorable reception of Montesquieu's "Spirit of Laws." It is

certain, at least, that she bought a large number of copies and

distributed them amongst her friends. Madame Geoffrin went further;

the society which had previously met at Madame de Tencin's, no sooner

held their reunions in her house, than she drew together the whole

literary and the fashionable world, foreign ministers, noblemen and

princes who were on their travels, etc. Marmontel also says, that the

aged Madame de Tencin had guessed quite correctly the intentions of

Madame Geoffrin, when she said, that she merely came to her house so

often in order to see what part of her inventory she could afterward

make useful.

Madame Geoffrin became celebrated all over Europe, merely by devoting

a portion of her income and of her time to the reception of clever

society. She had neither the knowledge, the mind, nor the humility of

Madame de Tencin, which the latter at least affected toward the close

of her life; she was cold, egotistical, calculating, and brought

into her circle nothing more than order, tact and female delicacy.

Geoffrin also assumed the tone of high life, which always treats men

of learning, poets and artists, as if they were mantua-makers or

hair-dressers; and which must ever value social tact and the tone

which is only to be acquired in good society, higher than all studies

and arts upon which any one possessed of these properties is in a

condition to pass judgment without having spent any time in their

investigation. Marmontel is therefore honest enough to admit that he

and his friends, as well as Madame Geoffrin herself, were accustomed

to make a full parade when foreign princes, ministers, and celebrated

men or women dined at the house. On such occasions especially, Madame

Geoffrin displayed all the charms of her mind, and called to us, "now

let us be agreeable."

Geoffrin's house was the first school of _bon ton_ in Europe:

Stanislaus Poniatowsky, even after he became King of Poland, addressed

her by the tender name of mother, invited her to Warsaw, and received

her as a personage of high distinction. All the German courts

which followed the fashion, paid correspondents in order to be made

acquainted with the trifles which occupied that circle. Catherine II.

had no sooner mounted the throne than she began to pay a commissioner

at this literary court, and even Maria Theresa distinguished Madame

Geoffrin in a remarkable manner, on her return from Poland. Besides,

we are made acquainted by Marmontel, who ranked his hostess among the

gods of this earth, with the anxiety and cautiousness of this lady of

the world, who afterward broke altogether with the chiefs of the new

literature, and most humbly did homage to the old faith, because she

had never wholly forsaken her old prejudices.

The able writers of the time were used by Geoffrin only as means to

promote her objects, to gain a reputation for splendor, and to glorify

France. The King of Prussia sought her society, in order to refresh

and cheer his mind when he was worn out with the cares and toils of

government.

Madame Geoffrin opened her house regularly on Mondays for artists,

and on Wednesdays for men of learning; but as she neither understood

the arts nor sciences, she took part in the conversation only so far

as she could do so without exposing her weak side. She understood

admirably how to attract the great men to her house, to whose houses

she herself very seldom went; and as long as the appearance of

fashionable infidelity and of scoffing, which was then the mode in the

higher circles, was necessary to this object, she carefully concealed

her real religious opinions.

The weak Marmontel, who, according to his own description, was

only fitted for superficial conversation and writing, boasts of the

prudence, foresight and skill of his protectress, and shows how she

understood the way to gain the confidence of others without ever

yielding her own. This distinguished art made the house of Madame

Geoffrin invaluable to the great world, and to those learned men

who wished to shine in this kind of society, and to cultivate and

avail themselves of it, for such people must learn above all things

neither to say too much nor too little. This society, indeed, was not

calculated for any length of time for a Rousseau or a Diderot. Even

the great admirers of Geoffrin admit that _savoir vivre_ was her

highest knowledge, she had very few ideas with respect to anything

besides; but in the knowledge of all that pertained to the manners and

usage of good society, in the knowledge of men, and particularly of

women, she was deeply learned, and was able to give some very useful

instructions.

It would lead us too far into the history of the following period, to

enumerate and characterize the members of these regular societies.

It may suffice to mention, that in addition to all the guests who

frequented Madame de Tencin's, all the friends of Voltaire's school,

and at first also Rousseau, made a part of the society at the house of

Madame Geoffrin. We have already remarked that no prince, minister, or

distinguished man of all Europe came to Paris who did not visit Madame

Geoffrin, and think it an honor to be invited to her house, because he

there found united all that was exclusively called talent in Europe.

Kaunitz also, who was then only a courtier in Versailles, came

to Madame Geoffrin's parties. He was a man who combined in a most

surprising manner true philosophy and a deep knowledge of political

economy, with the outward appearance of a fop and a trifler. Among the

other distinguished men who lived in Paris, Marmontel names with high

praise the Abbé Galliani, Caraccioli, who was afterward Neapolitan

ambassador, and the Swedish ambassador, Count Creutz.

Marmontel was so much delighted with this society, even at a very

advanced age, that he gives us also accounts of their evening parties:

"As I was in the habit of dining with the learned and with the artists

at Madame Geoffrin's, so was I also of supping with her in her more

limited and select circle. At these _petits soupers_ there was no

carousing or luxuries,--a fowl, spinach and pancakes constituted the

usual fare. The society was not numerous: there met together only five

or six of her particular friends, or even persons of the highest rank,

who were suited to each other, and therefore enjoyed themselves." It

appears distinctly from the passage already quoted from Marmontel,

how the high nobility on these occasions treated the learned, and

how the learned demeaned themselves toward the nobility. It appears,

therefore, that Rousseau was not in error when he alleged that

emptiness and wantonness only were cherished in these societies, and

that the literature which was then current was only a slow poison.

Madame du Deffant appeared on the stage of the great world

contemporaneously with Geoffrin, and attained so high a degree of

celebrity, that the Emperor Joseph paid her a visit in her advanced

period of life, and thus afforded her the opportunity of paying him

that celebrated compliment which is found related in every history

of France. With respect to Deffant, however, we must not listen to

Marmontel; she stood above his rhymes, his love tales, his sentimental

wanton stories, and besides, he knew her only when she had become

old. What we Germans name feminine and good morals formed no part of

the distinction of Deffant, but talents only. Like Tencin, she was

ill-reputed in her youth on account of her amours, and reckoned the

Regent among her fortunate wooers; at a later period she turned her

attention to literature.

Deffant brought together at her house all those persons whom Voltaire

visited when he was in Paris; among these the President Hénault,

and, at a later period of which we now speak, D'Alembert attracted

to this circle distinguished foreigners and Frenchmen, who made

any pretensions to culture and education. Deffant assumed quite a

different tone among the learned from that of Geoffrin. She set up

for a judge in questions of philosophy and taste, and carried on a

constant correspondence with Voltaire. Among celebrated foreigners,

the Englishman Horace Walpole played the same character in this house

which the Swede Creutz had assumed in that of Geoffrin. Deffant and

her Walpole became celebrated throughout Europe by their printed

correspondence, which, on account of its smoothness and emptiness,

like all books written for the great world, found very numerous

readers.

Deffant, moreover, like Geoffrin. was faithless to her friends; she

wished indeed to enjoy the most perfect freedom in their society, but

she was unwilling that they should publish abroad this freedom. And

she strongly disapproved of the vehemence with which her friends

assailed the existing order of things.

When she afterward lost a considerable part of her property, and

became blind, she occupied a small dwelling in an ecclesiastical

foundation in Paris, but continued to receive philosophers, poets

and artists in her house; and in order to give a little more life to

the conversation, she invited a young lady whose circumstances were

straitened to be her companion. This was Mademoiselle l'Espinasse.

L'Espinasse was not beautiful, but she was young, amiable, lively, and

more susceptible than we in Germany are accustomed either to allow or

to pardon. Deffant, on the other hand, was witty and intelligent, but

old, bitter, and withal egotistically insensible. The boldest scoffers

assembled around L'Espinasse, and there was afterward formed around

her a circle of her own. Deffant turned day into night, and night into

day. She and the Duchess of Luxembourg, who was inseparable from her,

received learned distinguished personages and foreigners, from six

o'clock in the evening during the greater part of the night.

The importance in which such ladies and such societies were held, not

merely in France but in all Europe, may be judged of from the fact,

that the breach between Deffant and her young companion was treated

in some measure as a public European event. The French minister and

foreign ambassadors took part in it, and the whole literary world felt

its effect. After this breach there were two tone-giving tribunals for

the guidance of public opinion in matters of literature and taste,

and their decisions were circulated by letter over all Europe. Horace

Walpole, Hénault, Montesquieu. Voltaire, whose correspondence with

Deffant has been published in the present century, remained true to

her cause. D'Alembert, whose correspondence with Deffant, as well as

that of the Duchess of Maine, have also been published in our century,

went over to L'Espinasse. This academician, whose name and influence

was next in importance to that of Voltaire, formed the nucleus of a

new society in the house of L'Espinasse, and was grievously tormented

by his _inamorata_, who pursued one plan of conquest after another

when she saw one scheme of marriage after another fail of success. It

appears from the whole of the transactions and consequences connected

with this breach, however surprising it may be, that this formation

of a new circle in Paris for evening entertainment may be with truth

compared to the institution of a new academy for the promotion of

European culture and refinement. The Duchess of Luxembourg, who

continued to be a firm friend of Deffant, took upon herself to provide

suitable apartments for the society, whilst the minister of the day

(the Duc de Choiseul) prevailed upon the king to grant a pension of no

inconsiderable amount to L'Espinasse.

This new circle was the point of union for all the philosophical

reformers. Here D'Alembert and Diderot led the conversation; and the

renowned head of the political economists, Türgot, who was afterward

minister of state, was a member of this bolder circle of men who

became celebrated and ill-renowned under the name of Encyclopædists.

We shall enter upon a fuller consideration of the tone and taste which

reigned in this assembly, as well as in the society which met in

the house of Holbach, and of the history of the Encyclopædia, in the

following period, and shall only now mention at the conclusion of the

present, and that very slightly, some of the other clever societies

of Parisians who were all in their day celebrated in Europe. It is

scarcely possible for us to judge of the charm which these societies

possessed in the great world. This may be best learned from their

own writings and conversation, a specimen of which may be found

in Marmontel's 'Memoirs,' and formed the subject of a conversation

between him and the Duke of Brunswick (who fell at Jena in 1806) and

his duchess.

The society of _beaux esprits_ which met at the house of Madame de

Poplinière, in the time of Madame de Tencin, was only short-lived,

like the good fortune of the lady herself. In her house there

assembled members of the great world who were addicted to carousing

and debauchery, and learned men who sought to obtain their favor

and approbation. The same sort of society was afterward kept up in

the house of Holbach. A smaller society, which frequented the house

of the farmer-general Pelletier, consisted of unmarried people,

who were known as persons who indulged in malicious and licentious

conversation. Collé, the younger Crébillon and Bernard, who,

notwithstanding his helplessness, was called _le gentil_, played the

chief characters in this reunion, and the Gascon nature of Marmontel,

which was always forward and intrusive, helped him into this society

also. Baron Holbach, who was a native of the Palatinate, and the

able Helvetius who was wanton merely from vanity, brought together

expressly and intentionally at a later period, around their

well-spread table, all those who declared open war against religion

and morality. We must, however, return to these men in the following

period.

Holbach for a whole quarter of a century had regular dinner-parties

on Sundays, which are celebrated in the history of atheism. All those

were invited, who were too bold and too out-spoken for Geoffrin; and

even D'Alembert also at a later period withdrew from their society.

Grimm, whose copious correspondence has also been published in the

nineteenth century, gives minutes and notices of all the memorable

sayings and doings that served to entertain and occupy the

polite world in Europe. Grimm also entertained and feasted these

distinguished gentlemen. He was not at that time consul for Gotha, or

employed and paid by that court or the Empress Catherine to collect

Parisian anecdotes, neither had he then been made a baron, but was

merely civil secretary of Count von Friese. Both J.J. Rousseau and

Buffon belonged at first to these societies; but the former, in great

alarm, broke off all intercourse with the people who then played the

first parts in Paris, and the other quietly retired.

[Footnote 1:

Mon Henri quatre et ma Zaïre,

Et mon Americaine Alzire,

Ne m'ont valu jamais un seul regard du roi;

J'eus beaucoup d'ennemis avec très-peu de gloire.

Les honneurs et les biens pleuvent enfin sur moi

Pour une farce de la foire.--_La Princesse de Navarro_.]

* * * * *

International Weekly Miscellany of Literature, Art, and Science — Volume 1, No. 4, July 22, 1850 · 第 2 / 23 题