CHAPTER 8

=Ajīt Singh produced to the Rāthors, A.D. 1686.=—“In the year 1743, the

Champawats, Kumpawats, Udawats, Mertias, Jodhas, Karamsots, and all the

assembled clans of Maru, became impatient to see their sovereign. They

sent for the Khichi Mukund, and prayed that they might but [73] behold

him; but the faithful to his trust replied: ‘He,[5.8.1] who confided him

to me, is yet in the Deccan.’—‘Without the sight of our Lord, bread and

water have no flavour.’ Mukund could not withstand their suit. The Hara

prince Durjan Sal, having come to their aid with one thousand horse from

Kotah,[5.8.2] they repaired to the hill of Abu, when on the last day of

Chait 1743 they saw their prince. As the lotus expands at the sunbeam,

so did the heart of each Rathor at the sight of their infant sovereign;

they drank his looks, even as the papiha in the month Asoj sips drops of

amrita (ambrosia) from the Champa.[5.8.3] There were present, Udai

Singh, Sangram Singh, Bijaipal, Tej Singh, Mukund Singh, and Nahar son

of Hari, all Champawats; Raj Singh, Jagat Singh, Jeth Singh, Samant

Singh, of the Udawats; Ram Singh, Fateh Singh, and Kesari, Kumpawats.

There was also the Uhar chief of pure descent,[5.8.4] besides the Khichi

Mukund, the Purohit, the Parihar, and the Jain priest, Yati Gyan, Bijai.

In a fortunate hour, Ajit became known to the world. The Hara Rao first

made his salutation; he was followed by all Marwar with offerings of

gold, pearls, and horses.

“Inayat conveyed the tidings to Aurang Shah; the Asur chief said to the

king, ‘If without a head so long they had combated him, what could now

be expected?’ He demanded reinforcements.

=Ajīt Singh installed.=—“In triumph they conveyed the young Raja to Awa,

whose chief made the _badhava_[5.8.5] with pearls, and presented him

with horses; here he was entertained, and here they prepared the _tika

daur_.[5.8.6] Thence, taking Raepur, Bilara, and Barunda in his way, and

receiving the homage and nazars of their chiefs, he repaired to Asop,

where he was entertained by the head of the Kumpawats. From Asop he went

to the Bhatti fief of Lawera; thence to Rian, the chief abode of the

Mertias; thence to Khinwasar, of the Karamsots. Each chief entertained

their young lord, around whom all the clans gathered. Then he repaired

to Kalu, the abode of Pabhu Rao Dhandal,[5.8.7] who came forth with all

his bands; and at length [74] he reached Pokaran, where he was joined by

Durgadas from the Deccan, the 10th of Bhadon 1744.

“Inayat Khan was alarmed. He assembled a numerous array to quell this

fresh tumult, but death pounced upon him. The king was afflicted

thereat. He tried another stratagem, and set up a pretended son of

Jaswant, styled Muhammad Shah, and offered Ajit the mansab of five

thousand to submit to his authority.[5.8.8] The pretender also died as

he set out for Jodhpur, and Shujaat Khan[5.8.9] was made the governor of

Marwar in place of Inayat. Now the Rathors and Haras united, having

cleared Maru of their foes, attacked them in a foreign land. The

garrisons of Malpura and Pur Mandal were put to the sword, and here the

Hara prince was killed by a cannon shot in leading the storm. Here they

levied eight thousand mohurs in contribution and returned to Marwar,

while the civil officers and Purohits made collections in his country;

and thus passed 1744.

“The year 1745 commenced with proposals from Shujaat Khan to hold Marwar

in farm; he promised one-fourth of all transit duties if the Rathors

would respect foreign commerce: to this they agreed. The son of Inayat

left Jodhpur for Delhi; he had reached Renwal, but was overtaken by the

Jodha Harnath, who released him both of wives and wealth. The Khan fled

to the Kachhwahas for shelter. Suja Beg, who left Ajmer to release him,

fared no better: he was attacked, defeated, and plundered by Mukunddas

Champawat.

=War with the Mughals.=—“In 1747, Safi Khan was Hakim of Ajmer: Durga

determined to attack him. The Hakim took post in the pass which defends

the road; there Durga assailed him, and made him fly to Ajmer. The

tidings reached the king; he wrote to the Khan, if he discomfited

Durgadas, he would raise him over all the Khans of the empire; if he

failed, he should send him bracelets,[5.8.10] and order Shujaat from

Jodhpur to supersede him. Safi, before abandoning his trust, tried to

retain his honours by the circumvention of Ajit. He addressed a letter

to him, saying he held the imperial sanad for the restoration of his

paternal domains, but that, as the king’s representative, he must come

and receive it. Ajit marched at the head of twenty thousand Rathors,

sending in advance Mukund Champawat to observe whether any treachery was

contemplated. The snare was discovered and reported to Ajit, as he

arrived at the foot of the pass beyond the mountains. ‘Let us, however,

have [75] a sight of Ajaidurg as we are so near,’ said the young prince,

‘and receive the compliments of the Khan.’ They moved on towards the

city, and Safi Khan had no alternative but to pay his obeisance to Ajit.

To enjoy his distress, one said, ‘Let us fire the city.’ The Hakim sat

trembling for its safety and his own; he brought forth jewels and horses

which he presented to Ajit.

“In 1748, the troubles recommenced in Mewar. Prince Amra rebelled

against his father, Rana Jai Singh, and was joined by all his chiefs.

The Rana fled to Godwar, and at Ghanerao collected a force, which Amra

prepared to attack. The Rana demanded succour of the Rathors, and all

the Mertias hastened to relieve him; and soon after Ajit sent Durgadas

and Bhagwan, with Ranmall Jodha, and ‘the eight ranks of Rathors,’ to

espouse the father’s cause. But the Chondawats and Saktawats, the Jhalas

and Chauhans, rather than admit foreign interference in their quarrel,

thought it better to effect a reconciliation between father and son; and

thus the Rana was indebted to Marwar for the support of his throne.

=Aurangzeb negotiates about Akbar’s Daughter.=—“The year 1749 passed in

negotiation to obtain the daughter of prince Akbar, left in charge of

Durgadas, for whose honour Aurangzeb was alarmed, as Ajit was reaching

manhood; Narayandas Kulumbi was the medium of negotiation, and Safi Khan

caused all hostilities to cease while it lasted.

“In 1750, the Muslim governors of Jodhpur, Jalor, and Siwana combined

their forces against Ajit, who was again compelled to retreat to the

mountains. Akha, the Bala, received their attack, but was defeated in

the month of Magh. Another combat was hastened by the wanton slaughter

of a _sand_,[5.8.11] when the Hakim of Chank, with all his train, were

made prisoners at Mokalsar by the Champawat Mukanddas.

“To such straits were the Muslims put in 1751, that many districts paid

chauth, others tribute, and many, tired of this incessant warfare, and

unable to conquer their bread, took service with the Rathors. This year,

Kasim Khan and Lashkar Khan marched against Ajit, who took post at

Bijaipur. Durga’s son led the onset, and the Khan was defeated. With

each year of Ajit grew the hopes of the Rathors; while Aurangzeb was

afflicted at each month’s growth of his granddaughter. He wrote to

Shujaat, the Hakim of Jodhpur, to secure his honour at whatever cost;

his applications for Akbar’s daughter were unwearied [76].

=Ajīt Singh marries a Princess of Mewar.=—“This year the coco-nut

studded with gems,[5.8.12] two elephants and ten steeds, all richly

caparisoned, were sent by the Rana to affiance the daughter of his

younger brother, Gaj Singh, to Ajit. The present was accepted, and in

the month of Jeth, the prince of the Rathors repaired to Udaipur, where

the nuptials were solemnized. In Asarh he again married at

Deolia.[5.8.13]

“In 1753, negotiations were renewed through Durgadas, and the protracted

restoration of the Sultani obtained the seat of his ancestors for the

Jodhani. Durga was offered for himself the mansab of five thousand,

which he refused; he preferred that Jalor, Siwanchi, Sanchor, and

Tharad[5.8.14] should revert to his country. Even Aurang admired the

honourable and distinguished treatment of his granddaughter.

“In Pus 1757,[5.8.15] Ajit regained possession of his ancestral abode:

on his reaching Jodhpur he slew a buffalo at each of its five

gates.[5.8.16] The Shahzada Sultan led the way, Shujaat being

dead.[5.8.17]

“In 1759, Azam Shah again seized on Jodhpur, and Ajit made Jalor his

abode. Some of his chiefs now served the foe, some the Rana whose hopes

were on Eklinga alone; while the lord of Amber served the king in the

Deccan. The enormities of the Asurs had reached their height; the sacred

kine were sacrificed even at Mathura, Prayag, and Okhamandal; the Jogis

and Bairagis invoked heaven for protection, but iniquity prevailed as

the Hindu strength decayed. Prayers were everywhere offered up to heaven

to cleanse the land from the iniquities of the barbarians.[5.8.18] In

this year, the month of Magh 1759, the Mithun Lagan (the ‘sun in

Gemini’), a son was born of the Chauhani, who was called Abhai Singh.

(See end of this chapter, p. 1019, for the Horoscope of Abhai Singh.)

“In 1761, Yusuf was superseded by Murshid Kuli as Hakim of Jodhpur. On

his arrival he presented the royal sanad for the restoration of Merta to

Ajit. Kusal Singh, the Mertia Sarmor, with the Dhandhal Govinddas, were

ordered to [77] take the charge, which incensed the son of Indar (Mohkam

Singh), who deemed his faithful service during his minority overlooked

by this preference. He wrote to the king to nominate him to the command

of Marwar, and that he would fulfil his charge to the satisfaction both

of Hindu and Muslim.

“In 1761 the star of the foe began to decline. Murshid Kuli, the Mogul,

was relieved by Jaafar Khan. Mohkam’s letter was intercepted. He had

turned traitor to his prince, and joined the king’s troops. Ajit marched

against them; he fought them at Dunara; the king’s troops were defeated,

and the rebel Indhawat was slain. This was in 1762.

=Death of Aurangzeb, March 3, 1707.=—“In 1763, Ibrahim Khan, the king’s

lieutenant[5.8.19] at Lahore, passed through Marwar to relieve Azam in

the vice-royalty of Gujarat. On the second day of Chait, the obscure

half of the moon, the joyful tidings arrived of the death of the

king.[5.8.20] On the fifth, Ajit took to horse; he reached the town of

Jodha, and sacrificed to the gates, but the Asurs feared to face him.

Some hid their faces in fear, while others fled. The Mirza came down,

and Ajit ascended to the halls of his ancestors. The wretched Yavans,

now abandoned to the infuriated Rajputs smarting under twenty-six years

of misery, found no mercy. In hopeless despair they fled, and the wealth

which they had amassed by extortion and oppression returned to enrich

the proprietor. The barbarians, in turn, were made captive; they fought,

were slaughtered and dispersed. Some sought _saran_ (sanctuary), and

found it; even the barbarian leader himself threw fear to the winds in

the unconcealed sanctuary of the Kumpawat. But the triumph of the Hindu

was complete, when, to escape from perdition, their flying foes invoked

Sitaram and Hargovind, begging their bread in the day, and taking to

their heels at night. The chaplet of the Mulla served to count the name

of Rama, and a handful of gold was given to have their beards

removed.[5.8.21] Nothing but the despair and flight of the Mlechchha was

heard throughout Murdhar. Merta was evacuated, and the wounded Mohkam

fled to Nagor. Sojat and Pali were regained, and the land returned to

the Jodhani. Jodhgarh was purified from the contaminations of the

barbarian with the water of the Ganges and the sacred Tulasi, and Ajit

received the tilak of sovereignty.

“Then Azam marched from the south and Muazzam from the north. At Agra a

[78] mighty battle for empire took place between the two Asurs, but

Alam[5.8.22] prevailed and got the throne. The tidings soon reached the

king, that Ajit had plundered his armies in Maru and taken possession of

the ‘cushion’ of his fathers.

=Campaign of Bahādur Shāh.=—“The rainy season of 1764 had vanished, the

king had no repose; he formed an army and came to Ajmer. Then Haridas,

the son of Bhagwan, with the Uhar and Mangalia chiefs,[5.8.23] and Ratna

the leader of the Udawats, with eight hundred of their clan, entered the

castle and swore to Ajit, that whatever might be his intentions, they

were resolved to maintain the castle to the death. The royal army

encamped at Bhavi Bilara, and Ajit prepared for the storm; but the king

was advised to try peaceful arts, and an overture was made, and the

messenger was sent back to the king accompanied by Nahar Khan. The

embassy returned bearing the royal farman to Ajit; but before he would

accept it, he said he would view the royal army, and on the first day of

Phalgun he left the hill of Jodha and reached Bisalpur. Here he was

received by a deputation from the king, headed by Shujaat Khan, son of

the Khankhanan accompanied by the Raja of the Bhadaurias and Rao Budh

Singh of Bundi—the place of meeting was Pipar. That night passed in

adjusting the terms of the treaty.[5.8.24] The ensuing morn he marched

forward at the head of all the men of Maru; and at Anandpur the eyes of

the king of the barbarians (Mlechchha) fell on those of the lord of the

earth. He gave him the title of Tegh Bahadur.[5.8.25] But fate decreed

that the city of Jodha was coveted by the king; by stealth he sent

Mahrab Khan to take possession, accompanied by the traitor Mohkam. Ajit

burned with rage when he heard of this treachery, but he was compelled

to dissimulate and accompany Alam to the Deccan, and to serve under

Kambakhsh. Jai Singh of Amber[5.8.26] was also with the king, and had a

like cause for discontent, a royal garrison being placed in Amber, and

the _gaddi_ of the Raja bestowed on his younger brother, Bijai Singh.

Now the army rolled on like a sea overflowing its bounds. As soon as the

king crossed the Nerbudda,[5.8.27] the Rajas executed their designs,

and, without saying a word, at the head of their vassals retrograded to

Rajwara. They repaired to Udaipur, and were received by Rana Amra with

rejoicing and distinction [79], who advanced to conduct them to his

capital. Seated together, the _chaunri_ waving over their heads, they

appeared like the Trianga,[5.8.28] Brahma, Vishnu and Mahesa. From this

hour the fortunes of the Asurs sunk, and virtue again began to show

herself.[5.8.29] From Udaipur the two Rajas passed to Marwar. They

reached Awa, and here the Champawat Sangram, son of Udaibhan, spread the

foot-carpet (_pagmanda_) for his lord.

“The month of Sawan 1765 set in, and the hopes of the Asur expired.

Mahrab was in consternation when he heard that Ajit had returned to his

native land. On the 7th the hall of Jodha was surrounded by thirty

thousand Rathors. On the 12th the gate of honour was thrown open to

Mahrab; he had to thank the son of Askaran[5.8.30] for his life. He was

allowed an honourable retreat, and Ajit once more entered the capital of

Maru.

“Jai Singh encamped upon the banks of the Sur Sagar; but a prince

without a country, he was unhappy. But as soon as the rains were passed,

Ajmall, the sanctuary of the Kachhwaha, proposed to reinstate him in

Amber. When conjoined they had reached Merta, Agra and Delhi trembled.

When they arrived at Ajmer its governor sought _saran_ with the

saint,[5.8.31] and paid the contributions demanded. Then, like the

falcon, Ajit darted upon Sambhar; and here the vassals of Amber repaired

from all quarters to the standard of their lord. With twelve thousand

men, the Sayyid advanced along the edge of the salt lake, to encounter

Ajmall. The Kumpawat led the charge; a desperate battle ensued; Husain,

with six thousand men, lay on the field, while the rest took to flight

and sought refuge in the castle.[5.8.32] His lieutenant, the Parihar,

chief Pandu,[5.8.33] here fell into the hands of Ajit; he then felt he

had recovered Mandor. On intelligence of this history, the Asurs

abandoned Amber, and having placed a garrison in Sambhar, in the month

of Margsir, Ajit restored Jai Singh to Amber, and prepared to attack

Bikaner. Ajit committed the administration of all civil affairs to the

faithful Raghunath Bhandari, with the [80] title of Diwan. He was well

qualified, both from his experience in civil affairs and from his valour

as a soldier.

=Death of Prince Kāmbakhsh.=—“In Bhadon of the year 1766, Aurangzeb put

to death Kambakhsh,[5.8.34] and Jai Singh entered into negotiations with

the king. Ajit now went against Nagor; but Indar Singh being without

resource, came forth and embraced Ajit’s feet, who bestowed Ladnun upon

him as a heritage. But this satisfied not him who had been the lord of

Nagor, and Indar carried his complaints to Delhi.[5.8.35] The king was

enraged—his threats reached the Rajas, who deemed it safe again to

reunite. They met at Kolia near Didwana, and the king soon after reached

Ajmer. Thence he sent his firmans and the panja as terms of friendship

to the Rajas: Nahar Khan, Chela of the king, was the bearer. They were

accepted, and on the 1st Asarh both the Rajas repaired to Ajmer. Here

the king received them graciously, in the face of the world; to Ajit he

presented the sanad of the Nine Castles of Maru, and to Jai Singh that

of Amber. Having taken leave of the king, the two Rajas went on the

_parab_[5.8.36] to the sacred lake of Pushkar. Here they separated for

their respective domains, and Ajit reached Jodhpur in Sawan 1767. In

this year he married a Gaur Rani, and thus quenched the feud caused by

Arjun, who slew Amra Singh in the Ammkhass.[5.8.37] Then he went on a

pilgrimage to Kurukshetra, the field of battle of the Mahabharata, and

made his ablutions in the fountain of Bhishma.[5.8.38] Thus 1767 passed

away” [81].

=Eulogy of Durgadās.=—Here let us, for a while, suspend the narrative of

the chronicler, and take a retrospective glance at the transactions of

the Rathors, from the year 1737 [A.D. 1680], the period of Raja

Jaswant’s death at Kabul, to the restoration of Ajit, presenting a

continuous conflict of thirty years’ duration. In vain might we search

the annals of any other nation for such inflexible devotion as marked

the Rathor character through this period of strife, during which, to use

their own phrase, “hardly a chieftain died on his pallet.” Let those who

deem the Hindu warrior void of patriotism read the rude chronicle of

this thirty years’ war; let them compare it with that of any other

country, and do justice to the magnanimous Rajput. This narrative, the

simplicity of which is the best voucher for its authenticity, presents

an uninterrupted record of patriotism and disinterested loyalty. It was

a period when the sacrifice of these principles was rewarded by the

tyrant king with the highest honours of the state; nor are we without

instances of the temptation being too strong to be withstood; but they

are rare, and serve only to exhibit, in more pleasing colours, the

virtues of the tribe which spurned the attempts at seduction. What a

splendid example is the heroic Durgadas of all that constitutes the

glory of the Rajput! Valour, loyalty, integrity, combined with prudence

in all the difficulties which surrounded him, are qualities which

entitle him to the admiration which his memory continues to enjoy. The

temptations held out to him were almost irresistible: not merely the

gold, which he and thousands of his brethren would alike have spurned,

but the splendid offer of power in the proffered mansab of five

thousand, which would at once have lifted him from his vassal condition

to an equality with the [82] princes and chief nobles of the land. Durga

had, indeed, but to name his reward; but, as the bard justly says, he

was _amol_, beyond all price, _anokha_, unique. Not even revenge, so

dear to the Rajput, turned him aside from the dictates of true honour.

The foul assassination of his brother, the brave Soning, effected

through his enemies, made no alteration in his humanity whenever the

chance of war placed his foe in his power; and in this, his policy

seconded his virtue. His chivalrous conduct, in the extrication of

prince Akbar from inevitable destruction had he fallen into his father’s

hands, was only surpassed by his generous and delicate behaviour towards

the prince’s family, which was left in his care, forming a marked

contrast to that of the enemies of his faith on similar occasions. The

virtue of the granddaughter of Aurangzeb, in the sanctuary (_saran_) of

Dunara,[5.8.39] was in far better keeping than in the trebly-walled

harem of Agra. Of his energetic mind, and the control he exerted over

those of his confiding brethren, what a proof is given, in his

preserving the secret of the abode of his prince throughout the six

first years of his infancy! But, to conclude our eulogy in the words of

their bard: he has reaped the immortality destined for good deeds; his

memory is cherished, his actions are the theme of constant praise, and

his picture on his white horse, old, yet in vigour, is familiar amongst

the collections of portraits of Rajputana.[5.8.40]

But there was not a clan, or family, that did not produce men of worth

in this protracted warfare, which incited constant emulation; and the

bards of each had abundant materials to emblazon the pages of their

chronicles. To the recollection of these, their expatriated descendants

allude in the memorial[5.8.41] of their hardships from the cruel policy

of the reigning chief, the last lineal descendant of the prince, whose

history has just been narrated. We now resume the narrative in the

language of the chronicle [83].

HOROSCOPE OF RAJA ABHAI SINGH

In the Janampatri, or horoscope of Abhai Singh (referred to in p. 1011),

the 4th, 7th, 8th, 10th, 11th, and 12th houses denote the destinies of

the heir of Ajit. In the 4th we have the monster Rahu, the author of

eclipses. Of the 7th, or house of heirs, the Moon and Venus have taken

possession; of the 8th, or house of strife, the Sun and Mercury. In the

10th is Ketu, brother of Rahu, both signs of evil portent. Mars rides in

the house of fate, while Saturn and Jupiter are together in the abode of

sovereignty. Like that of every man living, the horoscope of the heir of

Maru is filled with good and evil: could the Jotishi or astrological

seer have put the parricidal sign in the house of destiny, he might have

claimed some merit for superior intelligence. Those who have ever

consulted any works on this foolish pursuit will observe that the

diagrams of the European astrologers are exact copies of the Hindu, in

proof of which I have inserted this; to trace darkness as well as light

from the East!

┌──────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────┐

│╲ ╱╲ ╱│

│ ╲ 4 ╱ ╲ 2 ╱ │

│ ╲ RĀHU. ╱ ╲ ╱ │

│ ╲ (ascending node) ╱ ╲ ╱ │

│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │

│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │

│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │

│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │

│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │

│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │

│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │

│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │

│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │

│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │

│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │

│ 5 ╳ 3 ╳ 1 │

│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │

│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │

│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │

│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │

│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │

│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │

│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │

│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │

│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │

│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │

│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │

│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │

│ ╱ ╲ ╱ 12 ╲ │

│ ╱ ╲ ╱ RĀJ-BHAWAN ╲ │

│╱ ╲╱ Abode of Sovereignty. ╲│

│╲ 6 ╱╲ ╱│

│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │

│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │

│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │

│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ♃ ╱ │

│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │

│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │

│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │

│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ♄ ╱ │

│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │

│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │

│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │

│ ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ │

│ 7 ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ 11 │

│ House of ╲ ╱ ╲ ╱ House of │

│ Heirs ╳ ╳ Destiny │

│ ╱ ╲ 9 ╱ ╲ │

│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │

│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │

│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │

│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │

│ ☿ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │

│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │

│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ ♂ │

│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │

│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │

│ ╱ ╲ ╱ ╲ │

│☽ ╱ 8 ╲ ╱ 10 ╲ │

│ ╱ House of Enmity. ╲ ╱ KETU. ╲ │

│ ╱ ╲ ╱ (descending node) ╲ │

│╱ ☉ ȣ ╲╱ \│

└──────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────┘

[84].

-----

Footnote 5.8.1:

Meaning Durgadas.

Footnote 5.8.2:

His principal object was to marry the daughter of Shujāwan Singh

Champawat, the sister of the brave Mukund Singh, often mentioned in

the chronicle. The Kotah prince dared not, according to every Rajput

maxim of gallantry, refuse his aid on such occasion; but the natural

bravery and high mind of Durjan Sal required no stimulus.

Footnote 5.8.3:

The Hindu poet says the Papiha bird [the cuckoo] becomes intoxicated

with the flowers [of the Champa (_Michelia champaka_)].

Footnote 5.8.4:

A name now lost.

Footnote 5.8.5:

Waving a brass vessel, filled with pearls, round his head.

Footnote 5.8.6:

[The inauguration foray. See Vol. I. p. 315.]

Footnote 5.8.7:

Pabhu Rao Rathor is immortalized by the aid of his lance on this

occasion; he was of the ancient chivalry of Maru, and still held his

allodial domain.

Footnote 5.8.8:

[See p. 997 above.]

Footnote 5.8.9:

[His original name was Kārtalab Khān, and he served as viceroy of

Surat and Gujarāt (Manucci ii. 259, iv. 247).]

Footnote 5.8.10:

A mark of contempt.

Footnote 5.8.11:

One of those pampered bulls, allowed to wander at liberty and fed by

every one.

Footnote 5.8.12:

The coco, the symbol of a marriage offer.

Footnote 5.8.13:

Partabgarh Deolia, a small principality grown out of Mewar [_IGI_, xx.

14].

Footnote 5.8.14:

[In the Pālanpur Agency, Bombay Presidency (_IGI_, xix. 346).]

Footnote 5.8.15:

I cannot now call to mind whether this break of four years in the

chronicle of the bard Karnidhan occurs in the original, or that in

translating I left the hiatus from there being nothing interesting

therein. The tyrant was now fully occupied in the Deccan wars, and the

Rajputs had time to breathe.

Footnote 5.8.16:

[To propitiate the gate spirit.]

Footnote 5.8.17:

This Shahzada must have been prince Azam, who was nominated viceroy of

Gujarat and Marwar.

Footnote 5.8.18:

This record of the manifold injuries, civil and religious, under which

the Hindu nation groaned is quite akin to the sentiments of the letter

of remonstrance addressed by Rana Raj Singh to Aurangzeb. See Vol. I.

p. 442.

Footnote 5.8.19:

He is called the samdhi, or ‘son-in-law of the king.’ [There is no

record of his marriage to a daughter of Aurangzeb (_IA_, xl. 83). It

is the fathers of a bride and bridegroom who stand in the relation of

_samdhi_ to each other.]

Footnote 5.8.20:

5th Chait S. 1763. The 28th Zu-lqa’ada [March 3, 1707].

Footnote 5.8.21:

The Rajputs gave up beards the better to distinguish them from the

Muslims.

Footnote 5.8.22:

Shah Alam, who assumed the title of Bahadur Shah on mounting the

throne. [The battle in which Azam was defeated was fought on June 7,

1707.]

Footnote 5.8.23:

The Mangalia is a branch of the Guhilots, severed from the original

stem in the reign of Bappa Rawal eleven centuries ago.

Footnote 5.8.24:

[According to Khāfi Khān, the submission of Ajīt Singh was complete;

he even asked that the mosque at Jodhpur should be rebuilt, temples

destroyed, and the law about the summons to prayer and the killing of

cows enforced—concessions he would not have been likely to make unless

he was reduced to extremities (Elliot-Dowson vii. 405).]

Footnote 5.8.25:

‘The warrior’s sword.’

Footnote 5.8.26:

This is the Mirza Raja, Jai Singh—the posterior Jai Singh had the

epithet _Sawai_ [see Vol. II. p. 969].

Footnote 5.8.27:

The Muslim historian mentions in Vol. I. p. 464, that Bahadur was

then _en route_ to Lahore.

Footnote 5.8.28:

Trianga, the triple-bodied, or _trimurti_.

Footnote 5.8.29:

The bard of Maru passes over the important fact of the intermarriage

which took place on this occasion of the Rajput triple alliance. See

Vol. I. p. 465.

Footnote 5.8.30:

Durgadas, who recommended the acceptance of the proffered

capitulation.

Footnote 5.8.31:

The shrine of Khwaja Kutb.

Footnote 5.8.32:

Although the Marwar chronicler takes all the credit of this action, it

was fought by the combined Rajputs of the alliance. Vol. I. p.

466.

Footnote 5.8.33:

Pandu is the squire, the shield-bearer, of the Rajputs.

Footnote 5.8.34:

Kambakhsh was the child of the old age of the tyrant Aurangzeb, by a

Rajput princess. He appears to have held him in more affection than

any of his other sons, as his letter on his death-bed to him

testifies. See Vol. I. p. 439. [Kāmbakhsh was son of Bāi

Udaipuri, who was probably a dancing girl, but one account states that

she was a Georgian Christian, formerly in Dāra Shukoh’s harem; she

died in June 1707. Kāmbakhsh, born March 6, 1667, died from wounds

received in battle with his brother Muazzam, fought near Haidarābād,

Deccan, January 13, 1709.]

Footnote 5.8.35:

Indar Singh was the son of Amra, the eldest brother of Jaswant, and

the father of Mohkam, who, being disappointed of the government of

Merta, deserted to the king.

Footnote 5.8.36:

[The day on which the sun enters a new sign of the zodiac.]

Footnote 5.8.37:

This is another of the numerous instances of contradictory feelings in

the Rajput character. Amra, elder brother of Jaswant, was banished

Marwar, lost his birthright, and was afterwards slain at court, as

already related. His son, Indar Singh and grandson Mohkam, from Nagor,

which they held in separate grants from the king, never forgot their

title as elder branch of the family, and eternally contested their

claim against Ajit. Still, as a Rathor, he was bound to avenge the

injuries of a Rathor, even though his personal foe.—Singular

inconsistency!

Footnote 5.8.38:

There is an anecdote regarding the fountain of this classic field of

strife, the Troad of Rajasthan, which well exemplifies the

superstitious belief of the warlike Rajput. The emperor Bahadur Shah

was desirous to visit this scene of the exploits of the heroes of

antiquity, stimulated, no doubt, by his Rajputni queen, or his mother,

also of this race. He was seated under a tree which shaded the sacred

fount, named after the great leader of the Kauravas, his queen by his

side, surrounded by _kanats_ to hide them from profane eyes, when a

vulture perched upon the tree with a bone in its beak, which falling

in the fountain, the bird set up a scream of laughter. The king looked

up in astonishment, which was greatly increased when the vulture

addressed him in human accents, saying “that in a former birth she was

a Jogini, and was in the field of slaughter of the Great War, whence

she flew away with the dissevered arm of one of its mighty warriors,

with which she alighted on that very tree, that the arm was encumbered

with a ponderous golden bracelet, in which, as an amulet, were set

thirteen brilliant symbols of Siva, and that after devouring the

flesh, she dropped the bracelet, which fell into the fountain, and it

was this awakened coincidence which had caused the scream of

laughter.” We must suppose that this, the _palada_ of the field of

slaughter, spoke Sanskrit or its dialect, interpreted by his Rajput

queen. Instantly the pioneers were commanded to clear the fountain,

and behold the relic of the Mahabharata, with the symbolic emblems of

the god all-perfect! and so large were they, that the emperor remarked

they would answer excellently well for “slaves of the

carpet.”[5.8.38.A] The Hindu princes then present, among whom were the

Rajas Ajit and Jai Singh, were shocked at this levity, and each

entreated of the king one of the phallic symbols. The Mirza Raja

obtained two, and both are yet at Jaipur, one in the Temple of Silah

Devi,[5.8.38.B] the other in that of Govinda. Ajit had one, still

preserved and worshipped at the shrine of Girdhari at Jodhpur. My old

tutor and friend, the Yati Gyanchandra, who told the story while he

read the chronicles as I translated them, has often seen and made

homage to all the three relics. There is one, he believed, at Bundi or

Kotah, and the Rana by some means obtained another. They are of pure

rock crystal, and as each weighs some pounds, there must have been

giants in the days of the Bharat, to have supported thirteen in one

armlet. Homer’s heroes were pigmies to the Kauravas, whose bracelet we

may doubt if Ajax could have lifted. My venerable tutor, though

liberal in his opinions, did not choose to dissent from the general

belief, for man, he said, had beyond a doubt greatly degenerated since

the heroic ages, and was rapidly approximating to the period, the

immediate forerunner of a universal renovation, when only dwarfs would

creep over the land.

Footnote 5.8.38.A:

[The weights which keep it down.]

Footnote 5.8.38.B:

The goddess of arms, their Pallas.

Footnote 5.8.39:

Durga’s fief on the Luni.

Footnote 5.8.40:

See Vol. I. p. 451.

Footnote 5.8.41:

See Vol. I. p. 228.

-----

Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, v. 2 of 3 or the Central and Western Rajput States of India · 第 8 / 19 章