workmanship of them, which made the owners, though converted from
worshipping them as they had done religiously for demons, to retain them
still in their houses, upon pretence of doing it in the honour of
Christ, of the Virgin Mary, and of the Apostles, and other the pastors
of the primitive Church; as being easy, by giving them new names, to
make that an image of the Virgin Mary, and of her son our Saviour, which
before perhaps was called the image of Venus, and Cupid; and so of a
Jupiter to make a Barnabas, and of Mercury a Paul, and the like. And as
worldly ambition creeping by degrees into the pastors, drew them to an
endeavour of pleasing the new-made Christians; and also to a liking of
this kind of honour, which they also might hope for after their decease,
as well as those that had already gained it: so the worshipping of the
images of Christ and his apostles, grew more and more idolatrous; save
that somewhat after the time of Constantine, divers emperors, and
bishops, and general councils, observed and opposed the unlawfulness
thereof; but too late, or too weakly.
[Sidenote: Canonizing of saints.]
The canonizing of saints, is another relic of Gentilism: it is neither a
misunderstanding of Scripture, nor a new invention of the Roman Church,
but a custom as ancient as the commonwealth of Rome itself. The first
that ever was canonized at Rome, was Romulus, and that upon the
narration of Julius Proculus, that swore before the senate, he spake
with him after his death, and was assured by him, he dwelt in heaven,
and was there called _Quirinus_, and would be propitious to the state of
their new city: and thereupon the senate gave _public testimony_ of his
sanctity. Julius Cæsar, and other emperors after him, had the like
_testimony_; that is, were canonized for saints; for by such testimony
is CANONIZATION now defined; and is the same with the ἀποθέωσις of the
heathen.
[Sidenote: The name of Pontifex.]
It is also from the Roman Heathen, that the Popes have received the
name, and power of PONTIFEX MAXIMUS. This was the name of him that in
the ancient commonwealth of Rome, had the supreme authority under the
senate and people, of regulating all ceremonies and doctrines concerning
their religion: and when Augustus Cæsar changed the state into a
monarchy, he took to himself no more but this office, and that of
tribune of the people, that is to say, the supreme power both in state,
and religion; and the succeeding emperors enjoyed the same. But when the
emperor Constantine lived, who was the first that professed and
authorized Christian religion, it was consonant to his profession, to
cause religion to be regulated, under his authority, by the Bishop of
Rome: though it do not appear they had so soon the name of Pontifex; but
rather, that the succeeding bishops took it of themselves, to
countenance the power they exercised over the bishops of the Roman
provinces. For it is not any privilege of St. Peter, but the privilege
of the city of Rome, which the emperors were always willing to uphold,
that gave them such authority over other bishops; as may be evidently
seen by that, that the bishop of Constantinople, when the emperor made
that city the seat of the empire, pretended to be equal to the bishop of
Rome; though at last, not without contention, the Pope carried it, and
became the _Pontifex Maximus_; but in right only of the emperor; and not
without the bounds of the empire; nor any where, after the emperor had
lost his power in Rome; though it were the Pope himself that took his
power from him. From whence we may by the way observe, that there is no
place for the superiority of the Pope over other bishops, except in the
territories whereof he is himself the civil sovereign, and where the
emperor having sovereign power civil, hath expressly chosen the Pope for
the chief pastor under himself, of his Christian subjects.
[Sidenote: Procession of images.]
The carrying about of images in _procession_, is another relic of the
religion of the Greeks, and Romans. For they also carried their idols
from place to place, in a kind of chariot, which was peculiarly
dedicated to that use, which the Latins called _thensa_, and _vehiculum
Deorum_; and the image was placed in a frame, or shrine, which they
called _ferculum_: and that which they called _pompa_, is the same that
now is named _procession_. According whereunto, amongst the divine
honours which were given to Julius Cæsar by the senate, this was one,
that in the pomp, or procession, at the Circæan games, he should have
_thensam et ferculum_, a sacred chariot and a shrine; which was as much,
as to be carried up and down as a god: just as at this day the Popes are
carried by Switzers under a canopy.
[Sidenote: Wax candles, and torches lighted.]
To these processions also belonged the bearing of burning torches, and
candles, before the images of the gods, both amongst the Greeks, and
Romans. For afterwards the emperors of Rome received the same honour; as
we read of Caligula, that at his reception to the empire, he was carried
from Misenum to Rome, in the midst of a throng of people, the ways beset
with altars, and beasts for sacrifice, and burning _torches_: and of
Caracalla, that was received into Alexandria with incense, and with
casting of flowers, and δαδοῦχίαις, that is, with torches; for δαδοῦχοι
were they that amongst the Greeks carried torches lighted in the
processions of their gods. And in process of time, the devout, but
ignorant people, did many times honour their bishops with the like pomp
of wax candles, and the images of our Saviour, and the saints,
constantly, in the church itself. And thus came in the use of wax
candles; and was also established by some of the ancient Councils.
The heathens had also their _aqua lustralis_, that is to say, _holy
water_. The Church of Rome imitates them also in their _holy days_. They
had their _bacchanalia_; and we have our _wakes_, answering to them:
they their _saturnalia_, and we our _carnivals_, and Shrove-Tuesday’s
liberty of servants: they their procession of _Priapus_; we our fetching
in, erection, and dancing about _May-poles_; and dancing is one kind of
worship: they had their procession called _Ambarvalia_; and we our
procession about the fields in the _Rogation-week_. Nor do I think that
these are all the ceremonies that have been left in the Church, from the
first conversion of the Gentiles; but they are all that I can for the
present call to mind; and if a man would well observe that which is
delivered in the histories, concerning the religious rites of the Greeks
and Romans, I doubt not but he might find many more of these old empty
bottles of Gentilism, which the doctors of the Roman Church, either by
negligence or ambition, have filled up again with the new wine of
Christianity, that will not fail in time to break them.
-------
CHAP. XLVI.
OF DARKNESS FROM VAIN PHILOSOPHY, AND
FABULOUS TRADITIONS.
[Sidenote: What philosophy is.]
By PHILOSOPHY is understood _the knowledge acquired by reasoning, from
the manner of the generation of any thing, to the properties: or from
the properties, to some possible way of generation of the same; to the
end to be able to produce, as far as matter, and human force permit,
such effects, as human life requireth_. So the geometrician, from the
construction of figures, findeth out many properties thereof; and from
the properties, new ways of their construction, by reasoning; to the end
to be able to measure land, and water; and for infinite other uses. So
the astronomer, from the rising, setting, and moving of the sun, and
stars, in divers parts of the heavens, findeth out the causes of day,
and night, and of the different seasons of the year; whereby he keepeth
an account of time; and the like of other sciences.
[Sidenote: Prudence no part of philosophy.]
By which definition it is evident, that we are not to account as any
part thereof, that original knowledge called experience, in which
consisteth prudence; because it is not attained by reasoning, but found
as well in brute beasts, as in man; and is but a memory of successions
of events in times past, wherein the omission of every little
circumstance altering the effect, frustrateth the expectation of the
most prudent: whereas nothing is produced by reasoning aright, but
general, eternal, and immutable truth.
[Sidenote: No false doctrine is part of philosophy.]
Nor are we therefore to give that name to any false conclusions: for he
that reasoneth aright in words he understandeth, can never conclude an
error:
[Sidenote: No more is revelation supernatural.]
Nor to that which any man knows by supernatural revelation; because it
is not acquired by reasoning:
[Sidenote: Nor learning taken upon credit of authors.]
Nor that which is gotten by reasoning from the authority of books;
because it is not by reasoning from the cause to the effect, nor from
the effect to the cause; and is not knowledge but faith.
[Sidenote: Of the beginnings and progress of philosophy.]
The faculty of reasoning being consequent to the use of speech, it was
not possible, but that there should have been some general truths found
out by reasoning, as ancient almost as language itself. The savages of
America, are not without some good moral sentences; also they have a
little arithmetic, to add, and divide in numbers not too great: but they
are not, therefore, philosophers. For as there were plants of corn and
wine in small quantity dispersed in the fields and woods, before men
knew their virtue, or made use of them for their nourishment, or planted
them apart in fields and vineyards; in which time they fed on acorns,
and drank water: so also there have been divers true, general, and
profitable speculations from the beginning; as being the natural plants
of human reason. But they were at first but few in number; men lived
upon gross experience; there was no method; that is to say, no sowing,
nor planting of knowledge by itself, apart from the weeds, and common
plants of error and conjecture. And the cause of it being the want of
leisure from procuring the necessities of life, and defending themselves
against their neighbours, it was impossible, till the erecting of great
commonwealths, it should be otherwise. _Leisure_ is the mother of
_philosophy_; and _Commonwealth_, the mother of _peace_ and _leisure_.
Where first were great and flourishing _cities_, there was first the
study of _philosophy_. The _Gymnosophists_ of India, the _Magi_ of
Persia, and the _Priests_ of Chaldea and Egypt, are counted the most
ancient philosophers; and those countries were the most ancient of
kingdoms. _Philosophy_ was not risen to the Grecians, and other people
of the west, whose _commonwealths_, no greater perhaps than Lucca or
Geneva, had never _peace_, but when their fears of one another were
equal; nor the _leisure_ to observe anything but one another. At length,
when war had united many of these Grecian lesser cities, into fewer, and
greater; then began _seven men_, of several parts of Greece, to get the
reputation of being _wise_; some of them for _moral_ and _politic_
sentences; and others for the learning of the Chaldeans and Egyptians,
which was _astronomy_, and _geometry_. But we hear not yet of any
_schools_ of _philosophy_.
[Sidenote: Of the schools of philosophy amongst the Athenians.]
After the Athenians, by the overthrow of the Persian armies, had gotten
the dominion of the sea; and thereby, of all the islands, and maritime
cities of the Archipelago, as well of Asia as Europe; and were grown
wealthy; they that had no employment, neither at home nor abroad, had
little else to employ themselves in, but either (as St. Luke says,
_Acts_ xvii. 21), _in telling and hearing news_, or in discoursing of
_philosophy_ publicly to the youth of the city. Every master took some
place for that purpose. Plato, in certain public walks called
_Academia_, from one _Academus_: Aristotle in the walk of the temple of
Pan, called _Lyceum_: others in the _Stoa_, or covered walk, wherein the
merchants’ goods were brought to land: others in other places; where
they spent the time of their leisure, in teaching or in disputing of
their opinions: and some in any place, where they could get the youth of
the city together to hear them talk. And this was it which Carneades
also did at Rome, when he was ambassador: which caused Cato to advise
the senate to dispatch him quickly, for fear of corrupting the manners
of the young men, that delighted to hear him speak, as they thought,
fine things.
From this it was, that the place where any of them taught, and disputed,
was called _schola_, which in their tongue signifieth _leisure_; and
their disputations, _diatribæ_, that is to say, _passing of the time_.
Also the philosophers themselves had the name of their sects, some of
them from these their Schools: for they that followed Plato’s doctrine,
were called _Academics_; the followers of Aristotle _Peripatetics_, from
the walk he taught in; and those that Zeno taught _Stoics_, from the
_Stoa_; as if we should denominate men from _Moor-fields_, from _Paul’s
Church_, and from the _Exchange_, because they meet there often, to
prate and loiter.
Nevertheless, men were so much taken with this custom, that in time it
spread itself over all Europe, and the best part of Afric; so as there
were schools publicly erected and maintained, for lectures and
disputations, almost in every commonwealth.
[Sidenote: Of the schools of the Jews.]
There were also schools, anciently, both before and after the time of
our Saviour, amongst the Jews; but they were schools of their law. For
though they were called _synagogues_, that is to say, congregations of
the people; yet, inasmuch as the law was every sabbath-day read,
expounded, and disputed in them, they differed not in nature, but in
name only, from public schools; and were not only in Jerusalem, but in
every city of the Gentiles, where the Jews inhabited. There was such a
school at Damascus, whereinto Paul entered, to persecute. There were
others at Antioch, Iconium, and Thessalonica, whereinto he entered to
dispute: and such was the synagogue of the _Libertines_, _Cyrenians_,
_Alexandrians_, _Cilicians_, and those of Asia; that is to say, the
school of _Libertines_, and of _Jews_ that were strangers in Jerusalem;
and of this school they were that disputed (_Acts_ vi. 9) with St.
Stephen.
[Sidenote: The schools of the Grecians unprofitable.]
But what has been the utility of those schools? What science is there at
this day acquired by their readings and disputings? That we have of
geometry, which is the mother of all natural science, we are not
indebted for it to the schools. Plato, that was the best philosopher of
the Greeks, forbad entrance into his school to all that were not already
in some measure geometricians. There were many that studied that science
to the great advantage of mankind: but there is no mention of their
schools; nor was there any sect of geometricians; nor did they then pass
under the name of philosophers. The natural philosophy of those schools
was rather a dream than science, and set forth in senseless and
insignificant language; which cannot be avoided by those that will teach
philosophy, without having first attained great knowledge in geometry.
For nature worketh by motion; the ways and degrees whereof cannot be
known, without the knowledge of the proportions and properties of lines
and figures. Their moral philosophy is but a description of their own
passions. For the rule of manners, without civil government, is the law
of nature; and in it, the law civil, that determineth what is _honest_
and _dishonest_, what is _just_ and _unjust_, and generally what is
_good_ and _evil_. Whereas they make the rules of _good_ and _bad_, by
their own _liking_ and _disliking_: by which means, in so great
diversity of taste, there is nothing generally agreed on; but every one
doth, as far as he dares, whatsoever seemeth good in his own eyes, to
the subversion of commonwealth. Their _logic_, which should be the
method of reasoning, is nothing else but captions of words, and
inventions how to puzzle such as should go about to pose them. To
conclude, there is nothing so absurd, that the old philosophers, as
Cicero saith, (who was one of them,) have not some of them maintained.
And I believe that scarce anything can be more absurdly said in natural
philosophy, than that which now is called _Aristotle’s Metaphysics_; nor
more repugnant to government, than much of that he hath said in his
_Politics_; nor more ignorantly, than a great part of his _Ethics_.
[Sidenote: The schools of the Jews unprofitable.]
The school of the Jews was originally a school of the law of Moses; who
commanded (_Deut._ xxxi. 10) that at the end of every seventh year, at
the Feast of the Tabernacles, it should be read to all the people, that
they might hear and learn it. Therefore the reading of the law, which
was in use after the captivity, every Sabbath day, ought to have had no
other end, but the acquainting of the people with the Commandments which
they were to obey, and to expound unto them the writings of the
prophets. But it is manifest, by the many reprehensions of them by our
Saviour, that they corrupted the text of the law with their false
commentaries, and vain traditions; and so little understood the
prophets, that they did neither acknowledge Christ, nor the works he
did, of which the prophets prophesied. So that by their lectures and
disputations in their synagogues, they turned the doctrine of their law
into a fantastical kind of philosophy, concerning the incomprehensible
nature of God, and of spirits; which they compounded of the vain
philosophy and theology of the Grecians, mingled with their own fancies,
drawn from the obscurer places of the Scripture, and which might most
easily be wrested to their purpose; and from the fabulous traditions of
their ancestors.
[Sidenote: University, what it is.]
That which is now called an _University_, is a joining together, and an
incorporation under one government, of many public schools, in one and
the same town or city. In which, the principal schools were ordained for
the three professions, that is to say, of the Roman religion, of the
Roman law, and of the art of medicine. And for the study of philosophy,
it hath no otherwise place, than as a hand-maid to the Roman religion:
and since the authority of Aristotle is only current there, that study
is not properly philosophy, (the nature whereof dependeth not on
authors,) but _Aristotelity_. And for geometry, till of very late times
it had no place at all; as being subservient to nothing but rigid truth.
And if any man by the ingenuity of his own nature, had attained to any
degree of perfection therein, he was commonly thought a magician, and
his art diabolical.
[Sidenote: Errors brought into religion from Aristotle’s metaphysics.]
Now to descend to the particular tenets of vain philosophy, derived to
the Universities, and thence into the Church, partly from Aristotle,
partly from blindness of understanding; I shall first consider their
principles. There is a certain _philosophia prima_, on which all other
philosophy ought to depend; and consisteth principally, in right
limiting of the significations of such appellations, or names, as are of
all others the most universal; which limitations serve to avoid
ambiguity and equivocation in reasoning; and are commonly called
definitions; such as are the definitions of body, time, place, matter,
form, essence, subject, substance, accident, power, act, finite,
infinite, quantity, quality, motion, action, passion, and divers others,
necessary to the explaining of a man’s conceptions concerning the nature
and generation of bodies. The explication, that is, the settling of the
meaning, of which, and the like terms, is commonly in the Schools called
_metaphysics_; as being a part of the philosophy of Aristotle, which
hath that for title. But it is in another sense; for there it signifieth
as much as _books written or placed after his natural philosophy_: but
the schools take them for _books of supernatural philosophy_: for the
word _metaphysics_ will bear both these senses. And indeed that which is
there written, is for the most part so far from the possibility of being
understood, and so repugnant to natural reason, that whosoever thinketh
there is any thing to be understood by it, must needs think it
supernatural.
[Sidenote: Errors concerning abstract essences.]
From these metaphysics, which are mingled with the Scripture to make
school divinity, we are told, there be in the world certain essences
separated from bodies, which they call _abstract essences, and
substantial forms_. For the interpreting of which jargon, there is need
of somewhat more than ordinary attention in this place. Also I ask
pardon of those that are not used to this kind of discourse, for
applying myself to those that are. The world, (I mean not the earth
only, that denominates the lovers of it _worldly men_, but the
_universe_, that is, the whole mass of all things that are), is
corporeal, that is to say, body; and hath the dimensions of magnitude,
namely, length, breadth, and depth: also every part of body, is likewise
body, and hath the like dimensions; and consequently every part of the
universe, is body, and that which is not body, is no part of the
universe: and because the universe is all, that which is no part of it,
is _nothing_; and consequently _no where_. Nor does it follow from
hence, that spirits are _nothing_: for they have dimensions, and are
therefore really _bodies_; though that name in common speech be given to
such bodies only, as are visible, or palpable; that is, that have some
degree of opacity. But for spirits, they call them incorporeal; which is
a name of more honour, and may therefore with more piety be attributed
to God himself; in whom we consider not what attribute expresseth best
his nature, which is incomprehensible; but what best expresseth our
desire to honour Him.
To know now upon what grounds they say there be _essences abstract_, or
_substantial forms_, we are to consider what those words do properly
signify. The use of words, is to register to ourselves, and make
manifest to others the thoughts and conceptions of our minds. Of which
words, some are the names of the things conceived; as the names of all
sorts of bodies, that work upon the senses, and leave an impression in
the imagination. Others are the names of the imaginations themselves;
that is to say, of those ideas, or mental images we have of all things
we see, or remember. And others again are names of names; or of
different sorts of speech: as _universal_, _plural_, _singular_, are the
names of names; and _definition_, _affirmation_, _negation_, _true_,
_false_, _syllogism_, _interrogation_, _promise_, _covenant_, are the
names of certain forms of speech. Others serve to show the consequence,
or repugnance of one name to another; as when one saith, _a man is a
body_, he intendeth that the name of _body_ is necessarily consequent to
the name of _man_; as being but several names of the same thing, _man_;
which consequence is signified by coupling them together with the word
_is_. And as we use the verb _is_, so the Latins use their verb _est_,
and the Greeks their Ἔστι through all its declinations. Whether all
other nations of the world have in their several languages a word that
answereth to it, or not, I cannot tell; but I am sure they have not need
of it. For the placing of two names in order may serve to signify their
consequence, if it were the custom, (for custom is it, that gives words
their force,) as well as the words _is_, or _be_, or _are_, and the
like.
And if it were so, that there were a language without any verb
answerable to _est_, or _is_, or _be_; yet the men that used it would be
not a jot the less capable of inferring, concluding, and of all kind of
reasoning, than were the Greeks, and Latins. But what then would become
of these terms, of _entity_, _essence_, _essential_, _essentiality_,
that are derived from it, and of many more than depend on these, applied
as most commonly they are? They are therefore no names of things; but
signs, by which we make known, that we conceive the consequence of one
name or attribute to another: as when we say, _a man is a living body_,
we mean not that the _man_ is one thing, the _living body_ another, and
the _is_, or _being_ a third; but that the _man_, and the _living body_,
is the same thing; because the consequence, _if he be a man, he is a
living body_, is a true consequence, signified by that word _is_.
Therefore, _to be a body_, _to walk_, _to be speaking_, _to live_, _to
see_, and the like infinitives; also _corporeity_, _walking_,
_speaking_, _life_, _sight_, and the like, that signify just the same,
are the names of _nothing_; as I have elsewhere more amply expressed.
But to what purpose, may some man say, is such subtlety in a work of
this nature, where I pretend to nothing but what is necessary to the
doctrine of government and obedience? It is to this purpose, that men
may no longer suffer themselves to be abused, by them, that by this
doctrine of _separated essences_, built on the vain philosophy of
Aristotle, would fright them from obeying the laws of their country,
with empty names; as men fright birds from the corn with an empty
doublet, a hat, and a crooked stick. For it is upon this ground, that
when a man is dead and buried, they say his soul, that is his life, can
walk separated from his body, and is seen by night amongst the graves.
Upon the same ground they say, that the figure, and colour, and taste of
a piece of bread, has a being, there, where they say there is no bread.
And upon the same ground they say, that faith, and wisdom, and other
virtues, are sometimes _poured_ into a man, sometimes _blown_ into him
from Heaven, as if the virtuous and their virtues could be asunder; and
a great many other things that serve to lessen the dependance of
subjects on the sovereign power of their country. For who will endeavour
to obey the laws, if he expect obedience to be poured or blown into him?
Or who will not obey a priest, that can make God, rather than his
sovereign, nay than God himself? Or who, that is in fear of ghosts, will
not bear great respect to those that can make the holy water, that
drives them from him? And this shall suffice for an example of the
errors, which are brought into the Church, from the _entities_ and
_essences_ of Aristotle: which it may be he knew to be false philosophy;
but writ it as a thing consonant to, and corroborative of their
religion; and fearing the fate of Socrates.
Being once fallen into this error of _separated essences_, they are
thereby necessarily involved in many other absurdities that follow it.
For seeing they will have these forms to be real, they are obliged to
assign them _some place_. But because they hold them incorporeal,
without all dimension of quantity, and all men know that place is
dimension, and not to be filled, but by that which is corporeal; they
are driven to uphold their credit with a distinction, that they are not
indeed anywhere _circumscriptivè_, but _definitivè_; which terms being
mere words, and in this occasion insignificant, pass only in Latin, that
the vanity of them may be concealed. For the circumscription of a thing,
is nothing else but the determination, or defining of its place; and so
both the terms of the distinction are the same. And in particular, of
the essence of a man, which, they say, is his soul, they affirm it, to
be all of it in his little finger, and all of it in every other part,
how small soever, of his body; and yet no more soul in the whole body,
than in any one of those parts. Can any man think that God is served
with such absurdities? And yet all this is necessary to believe, to
those that will believe the existence of an incorporeal soul, separated
from the body.
And when they come to give account how an incorporeal substance can be
capable of pain, and be tormented in the fire of hell or purgatory, they
have nothing at all to answer, but that it cannot be known how fire can
burn souls.
Again, whereas motion is change of place, and incorporeal substances are
not capable of place, they are troubled to make it seem possible, how a
soul can go hence, without the body, to heaven, hell, or purgatory; and
how the ghosts of men, and I may add of their clothes which they appear
in, can walk by night in churches, churchyards, and other places of
sepulture. To which I know not what they can answer, unless they will
say, they walk _definitivè_, not _circumscriptivè_, or _spiritually_,
not _temporally_: for such egregious distinctions are equally applicable
to any difficulty whatsoever.
[Sidenote: Nunc-stans.]
For the meaning of _eternity_, they will not have it to be an endless
succession of time; for then they should not be able to render a reason
how God’s will, and preordaining of things to come, should not be before
his prescience of the same, as the efficient cause before the effect, or
agent before the action; nor of many other their bold opinions
concerning the incomprehensible nature of God. But they will teach us,
that eternity is the standing still of the present time, a _nunc-stans_,
as the Schools call it; which neither they, nor any else understand, no
more than they would a _hic-stans_ for an infinite greatness of place.
[Sidenote: One body in many places, and many bodies in one place at
once.]
And whereas men divide a body in their thought, by numbering parts of
it, and, in numbering those parts, number also the parts of the place it
filled; it cannot be, but in making many parts, we make also many places
of those parts; whereby there cannot be conceived in the mind of any
man, more, or fewer parts, than there are places for: yet they will have
us believe, that by the Almighty power of God, one body may be at one
and the same time in many places; and many bodies at one and the same
time in one place: as if it were an acknowledgment of the Divine Power
to say, that which is, is not; or that which has been, has not been. And
these are but a small part of the incongruities they are forced to, from
their disputing philosophically, instead of admiring, and adoring of the
divine and incomprehensible nature; whose attributes cannot signify what
he is, but ought to signify our desire to honour him, with the best
appellations we can think on. But they that venture to reason of his
nature, from these attributes of honour, losing their understanding in
the very first attempt, fall from one inconvenience into another,
without end, and without number; in the same manner, as when a man
ignorant of the ceremonies of court, coming into the presence of a
greater person than he is used to speak to, and stumbling at his
entrance, to save himself from falling, lets slip his cloak; to recover
his cloak, lets fall his hat; and with one disorder after another,
discovers his astonishment and rusticity.
[Sidenote: Absurdities in natural philosophy, as gravity the cause of
heaviness.]
Then for _physics_, that is, the knowledge of the subordinate and
secondary causes of natural events; they render none at all, but empty
words. If you desire to know why some kind of bodies sink naturally
downwards toward the earth, and others go naturally from it; the Schools
will tell you out of Aristotle, that the bodies that sink downwards, are
_heavy_; and that this heaviness is it that causes them to descend. But
if you ask what they mean by _heaviness_, they will define it to be an
endeavour to go to the centre of the earth. So that the cause why things
sink downward, is an endeavour to be below: which is as much as to say,
that bodies descend, or ascend, because they do. Or they will tell you
the centre of the earth is the place of rest, and conservation for heavy
things; and therefore they endeavour to be there: as if stones and
metals had a desire, or could discern the place they would be at, as man
does; or loved rest, as man does not; or that a piece of glass were less
safe in the window, than falling into the street.
[Sidenote: Quantity put into body already made.]
If we would know why the same body seems greater, without adding to it,
one time, than another; they say, when it seems less, it is _condensed_;
when greater, _rarified_. What is that _condensed_, and _rarified_?
Condensed, is when there is in the very same matter, less quantity than
before; and rarified, when more. As if there could be matter, that had
not some determined quantity; when quantity is nothing else but the
determination of matter; that is to say, of body, by which we say, one
body is greater or lesser than another, by thus, or thus much. Or as if
a body were made without any quantity at all, and that afterwards more
or less were put into it, according as it is intended the body should be
more or less dense.
[Sidenote: Pouring in of souls.]
For the cause of the soul of man, they say, _creatur infundendo_, and
_creando infunditur_: that is, _it is created by pouring it in_, and
_poured in by creation_.
[Sidenote: Ubiquity of apparition.]
For the cause of sense, an ubiquity of _species_; that is, of the
_shows_ or _apparitions_ of objects; which when they be apparitions to
the eye, is _sight_; when to the ear, _hearing_; to the palate, _taste_;
to the nostril, _smelling_; and to the rest of the body, _feeling_.
[Sidenote: Will, the cause of willing.]
For cause of the will, to do any particular action, which is called
_volitio_, they assign the faculty, that is to say, the capacity in
general, that men have, to will sometimes one thing, sometimes another,
which is called _voluntas_; making the _power_ the cause of the _act_.
As if one should assign for cause of the good or evil acts of men, their
ability to do them.
[Sidenote: Ignorance an occult cause.]
And in many occasions they put for cause of natural events, their own
ignorance; but disguised in other words: as when they say, fortune is
the cause of things contingent; that is, of things whereof they know no
cause: and as when they attribute many effects to _occult qualities_;
that is, qualities not known to them; and therefore also, as they think,
to no man else. And to _sympathy_, _antipathy_, _antiperistasis_,
_specifical qualities_, and other like terms, which signify neither the
agent that produceth them, nor the operation by which they are produced.
If such _metaphysics_, and _physics_ as this, be not _vain philosophy_,
there was never any; nor needed St. Paul to give us warning to avoid it.
[Sidenote: One makes the things incongruent, another the incongruity.]
And for their moral, and civil philosophy, it hath the same, or greater
absurdities. If a man do an action of injustice, that is to say, an
action contrary to the law, God they say is the prime cause of the law,
and also the prime cause of that, and all other actions; but no cause at
all of the injustice; which is the inconformity of the action to the
law. This is vain philosophy. A man might as well say, that one man
maketh both a straight line, and a crooked, and another maketh their
incongruity. And such is the philosophy of all men that resolve of their
conclusions, before they know their premises; pretending to comprehend,
that which is incomprehensible; and of attributes of honour to make
attributes of nature; as this dictinction was made to maintain the
doctrine of free-will, that is, of a will of man, not subject to the
will of God.
[Sidenote: Private appetite the rule of public good.]
Aristotle, and other heathen philosophers, define good and evil, by the
appetite of men; and well enough, as long as we consider them governed
every one by his own law; for in the condition of men that have no other
law but their own appetites, there can be no general rule of good, and
evil actions. But in a commonwealth this measure is false: not the
appetite of private men, but the law, which is the will and appetite of
the state, is the measure. And yet is this doctrine still practised; and
men judge the goodness or wickedness of their own, and of other men’s
actions, and of the actions of the commonwealth itself, by their own
passions; and no man calleth good or evil, but that which is so in his
own eyes, without any regard at all to the public laws; except only
monks, and friars, that are bound by vow to that simple obedience to
their superior, to which every subject ought to think himself bound by
the law of nature to the civil sovereign. And this private measure of
good, is a doctrine, not only vain, but also pernicious to the public
state.
[Sidenote: And that lawful marriage is unchastity.]
It is also vain and false philosophy, to say the work of marriage is
repugnant to chastity, or continence, and by consequence to make them
moral vices; as they do, that pretend chastity, and continence, for the
ground of denying marriage to the clergy. For they confess it is no
more, but a constitution of the Church, that requireth in those holy
orders that continually attend the altar and administration of the
eucharist, a continual abstinence from women, under the name of
continual chastity, continence, and purity. Therefore they call the
lawful use of wives, want of chastity and continence; and so make
marriage a sin, or at least a thing so impure, and unclean, as to render
a man unfit for the altar. If the law were made because the use of wives
is incontinence, and contrary to chastity, then all marriage is vice: if
because it is a thing too impure, and unclean, for a man consecrated to
God; much more should other natural, necessary, and daily works which
all men do, render men unworthy to be priests, because they are more
unclean.
But the secret foundation of this prohibition of marriage of priests, is
not likely to have been laid so slightly, as upon such errors in moral
philosophy; nor yet upon the preference of single life, to the estate of
matrimony; which proceeded from the wisdom of St. Paul, who perceived
how inconvenient a thing it was, for those that in those times of
persecution were preachers of the gospel, and forced to fly from one
country to another, to be clogged with the care of wife and children;
but upon the design of the Popes, and priests of after times, to make
themselves the clergy, that is to say, sole heirs of the kingdom of God
in this world; to which it was necessary to take from them the use of
marriage; because our Saviour saith, that at the coming of his kingdom
the children of God _shall neither marry, nor be given in marriage, but
shall be as the angels in heaven_; that is to say, spiritual. Seeing
then they had taken on them the name of spiritual, to have allowed
themselves, when there was no need, the propriety of wives, had been an
incongruity.
[Sidenote: And that all government but popular is tyranny.]
From Aristotle’s civil philosophy, they have learned, to call all manner
of commonwealths but the popular, (such as was at that time the state of
Athens), _tyranny_. All kings they called tyrants; and the aristocracy
of the thirty governors set up there by the Lacedemonians that subdued
them, the thirty tyrants. As also to call the condition of the people
under the democracy, _liberty_. _A tyrant_ originally signified no more
simply, but a _monarch_. But when afterwards in most part of Greece that
kind of government was abolished, the name began to signify, not only
the thing it did before, but with it, the hatred which the popular
states bare towards it. As also the name of king became odious after the
deposing of the kings in Rome, as being a thing natural to all men, to
conceive some great fault to be signified in any attribute, that is
given in despite, and to a great enemy. And when the same men shall be
displeased with those that have the administration of the democracy, or
aristocracy, they are not to seek for disgraceful names to express their
anger in; but call readily the one _anarchy_, and the other _oligarchy_,
or the _tyranny of a few_. And that which offendeth the people, is no
other thing, but that they are governed, not as every one of them would
himself, but as the public representant, be it one man, or an assembly
of men, thinks fit; that is, by an arbitrary government: for which they
give evil names to their superiors; never knowing, till perhaps a little
after a civil war, that without such arbitrary government, such war must
be perpetual; and that it is men, and arms, not words and promises, that
make the force and power of the laws.
[Sidenote: That not men, but law governs.]
And therefore this is another error of Aristotle’s politics, that in a
well-ordered commonwealth, not men should govern, but the laws. What
man, that has his natural senses, though he can neither write nor read,
does not find himself governed by them he fears, and believes can kill
or hurt him when he obeyeth not? Or that believes the law can hurt him;
that is, words and paper, without the hands and swords of men? And this
is of the number of pernicious errors: for they induce men, as oft as
they like not their governors, to adhere to those that call them
tyrants, and to think it lawful to raise war against them: and yet they
are many times cherished from the pulpit, by the clergy.
[Sidenote: Laws over the conscience.]
There is another error in their civil philosophy, which they never
learned of Aristotle, nor Cicero, nor any other of the heathen, to
extend the power of the law, which is the rule of actions only, to the
very thoughts and consciences of men, by examination, and _inquisition_
of what they hold, notwithstanding the conformity of their speech and
actions. By which, men are either punished for answering the truth of
their thoughts, or constrained to answer an untruth for fear of
punishment. It is true, that the civil magistrate, intending to employ a
minister in the charge of teaching, may enquire of him, if he be content
to preach such and such doctrines; and in case of refusal, may deny him
the employment. But to force him to accuse himself of opinions, when his
actions are not by law forbidden, is against the law of nature; and
especially in them, who teach, that a man shall be damned to eternal and
extreme torments, if he die in a false opinion concerning an article of
the Christian faith. For who is there, that knowing there is so great
danger in an error, whom the natural care of himself, compelleth not to
hazard his soul upon his own judgment, rather than that of any other man
that is unconcerned in his damnation?
[Sidenote: Private interpretation of law.]
For a private man, without the authority of the commonwealth, that is to
say, without permission from the representant thereof, to interpret the
law by his own spirit, is another error in the politics: but not drawn
from Aristotle, nor from any other of the heathen philosophers. For none
of them deny, but that in the power of making laws, is comprehended also
the power of explaining them when there is need. And are not the
Scriptures, in all places where they are law, made law by the authority
of the commonwealth, and consequently, a part of the civil law?
Of the same kind it is also, when any but the sovereign restraineth in
any man that power which the commonwealth hath not restrained; as they
do, that impropriate the preaching of the gospel to one certain order of
men, where the laws have left it free. If the state give me leave to
preach, or teach; that is, if it forbid me not, no man can forbid me. If
I find myself amongst the idolaters of America, shall I that am a
Christian, though not in orders, think it a sin to preach Jesus Christ,
till I have received orders from Rome? Or when I have preached, shall
not I answer their doubts, and expound the Scriptures to them; that is,
shall I not teach? But for this may some say, as also for administering
to them the sacraments, the necessity shall be esteemed for a sufficient
mission; which is true: but this is true also, that for whatsoever, a
dispensation is due for the necessity, for the same there needs no
dispensation, when there is no law that forbids it. Therefore to deny
these functions to those, to whom the civil sovereign hath not denied
them, is a taking away of a lawful liberty, which is contrary to the
doctrine of civil government.
[Sidenote: Language of School divines.]
More examples of vain philosophy, brought into religion by the doctors
of School-divinity, might be produced; but other men may if they please
observe them of themselves. I shall only add this, that the writings of
School-divines, are nothing else for the most part, but insignificant
trains of strange and barbarous words, or words otherwise used, than in
the common use of the Latin tongue; such as would pose Cicero, and
Varro, and all the grammarians of ancient Rome. Which if any man would
see proved, let him, as I have said once before, see whether he can
translate any School-divine into any of the modern tongues, as French,
English, or any other copious language: for that which cannot in most of
these be made intelligible, is not intelligible in the Latin. Which
insignificancy of language, though I cannot note it for false
philosophy; yet it hath a quality, not only to hide the truth, but also
to make men think they have it, and desist from further search.
[Sidenote: Errors from tradition.]
Lastly, for the errors brought in from false, or uncertain history, what
is all the legend of fictitious miracles, in the lives of the saints;
and all the histories of apparitions, and ghosts, alleged by the doctors
of the Roman Church, to make good their doctrines of hell, and
purgatory, the power of exorcism, and other doctrines which have no
warrant, neither in reason, nor Scripture; as also all those traditions
which they call the unwritten word of God: but old wives’ fables?
Whereof, though they find dispersed somewhat in the writings of the
ancient fathers; yet those fathers were men, that might too easily
believe false reports; and the producing of their opinions for testimony
of the truth of what they believed, hath no other force with them that,
according to the counsel of St. John (_1 Epist._ iv. 1), examine
spirits, than in all things that concern the power of the Roman Church,
(the abuse whereof either they suspected not, or had benefit by it), to
discredit their testimony, in respect of too rash belief of reports;
which the most sincere men, without great knowledge of natural causes,
such as the fathers were, are commonly the most subject to. For
naturally, the best men are the least suspicious of fraudulent purposes.
Gregory the Pope, and St. Bernard have somewhat of apparitions of
ghosts, that said they were in purgatory; and so has our Bede: but no
where, I believe, but by report from others. But if they, or any other,
relate any such stories of their own knowledge, they shall not thereby
confirm the more such vain reports; but discover their own infirmity, or
fraud.
[Sidenote: Suppression of reason.]
With the introduction of false, we may join also the suppression of true
philosophy, by such men, as neither by lawful authority, nor sufficient
study, are competent judges of the truth. Our own navigations make
manifest, and all men learned in human sciences, now acknowledge there
are antipodes: and every day it appeareth more and more, that years and
days are determined by motions of the earth. Nevertheless, men that have
in their writings but supposed such doctrine, as an occasion to lay open
the reasons for, and against it, have been punished for it by authority
ecclesiastical. But what reason is there for it? Is it because such
opinions are contrary to true religion? That cannot be, if they be true.
Let therefore the truth be first examined by competent judges, or
confuted by them that pretend to know the contrary. Is it because they
be contrary to the religion established? Let them be silenced by the
laws of those, to whom the teachers of them are subject; that is, by the
laws civil. For disobedience may lawfully be punished in them, that
against the laws teach even true philosophy. Is it because they tend to
disorder in government, as countenancing rebellion, or sedition? Then
let them be silenced, and the teachers punished by virtue of his power
to whom the care of the public quiet is committed; which is the
authority civil. For whatsoever power ecclesiastics take upon
themselves, (in any place where they are subject to the state), in their
own right, though they call it God’s right, is but usurpation.
-------
CHAPTER XLVII.
OF THE BENEFIT THAT PROCEEDETH FROM SUCH
DARKNESS, AND TO WHOM IT ACCRUETH.
[Sidenote: He that receiveth benefit by a fact, is presumed to be the
author.]
Cicero maketh honourable mention of one of the Cassii, a severe judge
amongst the Romans, for a custom he had, in criminal causes, when the
testimony of the witnesses was not sufficient, to ask the accusers, _cui
bono_; that is to say, what profit, honour, or other contentment, the
accused obtained, or expected by the fact. For amongst presumptions,
there is none that so evidently declareth the author, as doth the
benefit of the action. By the same rule I intend in this place to
examine, who they may be that have possessed the people so long in this
part of Christendom, with these doctrines, contrary to the peaceable
societies of mankind.
[Sidenote: That the Church militant is the kingdom of God, was first
taught by the Church of Rome:]
And first, to this error, _that the present Church now militant on
earth, is the kingdom of God_, (that is, the kingdom of glory, or the
land of promise; not the kingdom of grace, which is but a promise of the
land), are annexed these worldly benefits; first, that the pastors and
teachers of the Church, are entitled thereby, as God’s public ministers,
to a right of governing the Church; and consequently, because the Church
and commonwealth are the same persons, to be rectors, and governors of
the commonwealth. By this title it is, that the Pope prevailed with the
subjects of all Christian princes, to believe, that to disobey him, was
to disobey Christ himself; and in all differences between him and other
princes, (charmed with the word _power spiritual_), to abandon their
lawful sovereigns; which is in effect an universal monarchy over all
Christendom. For though they were first invested in the right of being
supreme teachers of Christian doctrine, by and under Christian emperors,
within the limits of the Roman empire, as is acknowledged by themselves,
by the title of _Pontifex Maximus_, who was an officer subject to the
civil state; yet after the empire was divided, and dissolved, it was not
hard to obtrude upon the people already subjected to them, another
title, namely, the right of St. Peter; not only to save entire their
pretended power; but also to extend the same over the same Christian
provinces, though no more united in the empire of Rome. This benefit of
an universal monarchy, (considering the desire of men to bear rule), is
a sufficient presumption, that the Popes that pretended to it, and for a
long time enjoyed it, were the authors of the doctrine, by which it was
obtained; namely, that the Church now on earth, is the kingdom of
Christ. For that granted, it must be understood, that Christ hath some
lieutenant amongst us, by whom we are to be told what are his
commandments.
After that certain Churches had renounced this universal power of the
Pope, one would expect in reason, that the civil sovereigns in all those
Churches, should have recovered so much of it, as before they had
unadvisedly let it go, was their own right, and in their own hands. And
in England it was so in effect; saving that they, by whom the kings
administered the government of religion, by maintaining their employment
to be in God’s right, seemed to usurp, if not a supremacy, yet an
independency on the civil power: and they but seemed to usurp it,
inasmuch as they acknowledged a right in the king, to deprive them of
the exercise of their functions at his pleasure.
[Sidenote: And maintained also by the Presbytery.]
But in those places where the presbytery took that office, though many
other doctrines of the Church of Rome were forbidden to be taught; yet
this doctrine, that the kingdom of Christ is already come, and that it
began at the resurrection of our Saviour, was still retained. But _cui
bono_? What profit did they expect from it? The same which the Popes
expected: to have a sovereign power over the people. For what is it for
men to excommunicate their lawful king, but to keep him from all places
of God’s public service in his own kingdom; and with force to resist
him, when he with force endeavoureth to correct them? Or what is it,
without authority from the civil sovereign, to excommunicate any person,
but to take from him his lawful liberty, that is, to usurp an unlawful
power over their brethren? The authors therefore of this darkness in
religion, are the Roman, and the presbyterian clergy.
[Sidenote: Infallibility.]
To this head, I refer also all those doctrines, that serve them to keep
the possession of this spiritual sovereignty after it is gotten, As
first, that the _Pope in his public capacity cannot err_. For who is
there, that believing this to be true, will not readily obey him in
whatsoever he commands?
[Sidenote: Subjection of bishops.]
Secondly, that all other bishops, in what commonwealth soever, have not
their right, neither immediately from God, nor mediately from their
civil sovereigns, but from the Pope, is a doctrine, by which there comes
to be in every Christian commonwealth many potent men, (for so are
bishops), that have their dependance on the Pope, and owe obedience to
him, though he be a foreign prince; by which means he is able, as he
hath done many times, to raise a civil war against the state that
submits not itself to be governed accordingly to his pleasure and
interest.
[Sidenote: Exemptions of the clergy.]
Thirdly, the exemption of these, and of all other priests, and of all
monks, and friars, from the power of the civil laws. For by this means,
there is a great part of every commonwealth, that enjoy the benefit of
the laws, and are protected by the power of the civil state, which
nevertheless pay no part of the public expense; nor are liable to the
penalties, as other subjects, due to their crimes; and consequently,
stand not in fear of any man, but the Pope; and adhere to him only, to
uphold his universal monarchy.
[Sidenote: The names of sacerdotes, and sacrificers.]
Fourthly, the giving to their priests, which is no more in the New
Testament but presbyters, that is, elders, the name of _sacerdotes_,
that is, sacrificers, which was the title of the civil sovereign, and
his public ministers, amongst the Jews, whilst God was their king. Also,
the making the Lord’s Supper a sacrifice, serveth to make the people
believe the Pope hath the same power over all Christians, that Moses and
Aaron had over the Jews; that is to say, all power, both civil and
ecclesiastical, as the high-priest then had.
[Sidenote: The sacramentation of marriage.]
Fifthly, the teaching that matrimony is a sacrament, giveth to the
clergy the judging of the lawfulness of marriages; and thereby, of what
children are legitimate; and consequently, of the right of succession to
hereditary kingdoms.
[Sidenote: The single life of priests.]
Sixthly, the denial of marriage to priests, serveth to assure this power
of the Pope over kings. For if a king be a priest, he cannot marry, and
transmit his kingdom to his posterity; if he be not a priest, then the
Pope pretendeth this authority ecclesiastical over him, and over his
people.
[Sidenote: Auricular confession.]
Seventhly, from auricular confession, they obtain, for the assurance of
their power, better intelligence of the designs of princes, and great
persons in the civil state, than these can have of the designs of the
state ecclesiastical.
[Sidenote: Canonization of saints, and declaring of martyrs.]
Eighthly, by the canonization of saints, and declaring who are martyrs,
they assure their power, in that they induce simple men into an
obstinacy against the laws and commands of their civil sovereigns even
to death, if by the Pope’s excommunication, they be declared heretics or
enemies to the Church; that is, as they interpret it, to the Pope.
[Sidenote: Transubstantiation, penance, absolution.]
Ninthly, they assure the same, by the power they ascribe to every
priest, of making Christ; and by the power of ordaining penance; and of
remitting, and retaining of sins.
[Sidenote: Purgatory, indulgences, external works.]
Tenthly, by the doctrine of purgatory, of justification by external
works, and of indulgences, the clergy is enriched.
[Sidenote: Demonology and exorcism.]
Eleventhly, by their demonology, and the use of exorcism, and other
things appertaining thereto, they keep, or think they keep, the people
more in awe of their power.
[Sidenote: School divinity.]
Lastly, the metaphysics, ethics, and politics of Aristotle, the
frivolous distinctions, barbarous terms, and obscure language of the
Schoolmen, taught in the universities, which have been all erected and
regulated by the Pope’s authority, serve them to keep these errors from
being detected, and to make men mistake the _ignis fatuus_ of vain
philosophy, for the light of the Gospel.
[Sidenote: The authors of spiritual darkness, who they be.]
To these, if they sufficed not, might be added other of their dark
doctrines, the profit whereof redoundeth manifestly, to the setting up
of an unlawful power over the lawful sovereigns of Christian people; or
for the sustaining of the same, when it is set up; or to the worldly
riches, honour, and authority of those that sustain it. And therefore by
the aforesaid rule, of _cui bono_, we may justly pronounce for the
authors of all this spiritual darkness, the Pope, and Roman clergy, and
all those besides that endeavour to settle in the minds of men this
erroneous doctrine, that the Church now on earth, is that kingdom of God
mentioned in the Old and New Testament.
But the emperors, and other Christian sovereigns, under whose government
these errors, and the like encroachments of ecclesiastics upon their
office, at first crept in, to the disturbance of their possessions, and
of the tranquillity of their subjects, though they suffered the same for
want of foresight of the sequel, and of insight into the designs of
their teachers, may nevertheless be esteemed accessories to their own,
and the public damage. For without their authority there could at first
no seditious doctrine have been publicly preached. I say they might have
hindered the same in the beginning: but when the people were once
possessed by those spiritual men, there was no human remedy to be
applied, that any man could invent. And for the remedies that God should
provide, who never faileth in his good time to destroy all the
machinations of men against the truth, we are to attend his good
pleasure, that suffereth many times the prosperity of his enemies,
together with their ambition, to grow to such a height, as the violence
thereof openeth the eyes, which the wariness of their predecessors had
before sealed up, and makes men by too much grasping let go all, as
Peter’s net was broken, by the struggling of too great a multitude of
fishes; whereas the impatience of those, that strive to resist such
encroachment, before their subjects’ eyes were opened, did but increase
the power they resisted. I do not therefore blame the emperor Frederick
for holding the stirrup to our countryman Pope Adrian; for such was the
disposition of his subjects then, as if he had not done it, he was not
likely to have succeeded in the empire. But I blame those, that in the
beginning, when their power was entire, by suffering such doctrines to
be forged in the universities of their own dominions, have holden the
stirrup to all the succeeding Popes, whilst they mounted into the
thrones of all Christian sovereigns, to ride, and tire, both them, and
their people at their pleasure.
But as the inventions of men are woven, so also are they ravelled out;
the way is the same, but the order is inverted. The web begins at the
first elements of power, which are wisdom, humility, sincerity, and
other virtues of the Apostles, whom the people, converted, obeyed out of
reverence, not by obligation. Their consciences were free, and their
words and actions subject to none but the civil power. Afterwards the
presbyters, as the flocks of Christ increased, assembling to consider
what they should teach, and thereby obliging themselves to teach nothing
against the decrees of their assemblies, made it to be thought the
people were thereby obliged to follow their doctrine, and when they
refused, refused to keep them company, (that was then called
excommunication), not as being infidels, but as being disobedient: and
this was the first knot upon their liberty. And the number of presbyters
increasing, the presbyters of the chief city or province, got themselves
an authority over the parochial presbyters, and appropriated to
themselves the names of bishops: and this was a second knot on Christian
liberty. Lastly, the bishop of Rome, in regard of the imperial city,
took upon him an authority, (partly by the wills of the emperors
themselves, and by the title of _Pontifex Maximus_, and at last when the
emperors were grown weak, by the privileges of St. Peter), over all
other bishops of the empire: which was the third and last knot, and the
whole _synthesis_ and _construction_, of the pontificial power.
And therefore the _analysis_, or _resolution_, is by the same way; but
beginneth with the knot that was last tied; as we may see in the
dissolution of the præterpolitical Church government in England. First,
the power of the Popes was dissolved totally by Queen Elizabeth; and the
bishops, who before exercised their functions in right of the Pope, did
afterwards exercise the same in right of the Queen and her successors;
though by retaining the phrase of _jure divino_, they were thought to
demand it by immediate right from God: and so was untied the third knot.
After this, the presbyterians lately in England obtained the putting
down of episcopacy: and so was the second knot dissolved. And almost at
the same time, the power was taken also from the presbyterians: and so
we are reduced to the independancy of the primitive Christians, to
follow Paul, or Cephas, or Apollos, every man as he liketh best: which,
if it be without contention, and without measuring the doctrine of
Christ, by our affection to the person of his minister, (the fault which
the apostle reprehended in the Corinthians), is perhaps the best. First,
because there ought to be no power over the consciences of men, but of
the Word itself, working faith in every one, not always according to the
purpose of them that plant and water, but of God himself, that giveth
the increase. And secondly, because it is unreasonable in them, who
teach there is such danger in every little error, to require of a man
endued with reason of his own, to follow the reason of any other man, or
of the most voices of any other men, which is little better than to
venture his salvation at cross and pile. Nor ought those teachers to be
displeased with this loss of their ancient authority. For there is none
should know better than they, that power is preserved by the same
virtues by which it is acquired; that is to say, by wisdom, humility,
clearness of doctrine, and sincerity of conversation; and not by
suppression of the natural sciences, and of the morality of natural
reason; nor by obscure language; nor by arrogating to themselves more
knowledge than they make appear; nor by pious frauds; nor by such other
faults, as in the pastors of God’s Church are not only faults, but also
scandals, apt to make men stumble one time or other upon the suppression
of their authority.
[Sidenote: Comparison of the papacy with the kingdom of fairies.]
But after this doctrine, _that the Church now militant, is the kingdom
of God spoken of in the Old and New Testament_, was received in the
world; the ambition, and canvassing for the offices that belong
thereunto, and especially for that great office of being Christ’s
lieutenant, and the pomp of them that obtained therein the principal
public charges, became by degrees so evident, that they lost the inward
reverence due to the pastoral function: insomuch as the wisest men, of
them that had any power in the civil state, needed nothing but the
authority of their princes, to deny them any further obedience. For,
from the time that the Bishop of Rome had gotten to be acknowledged for
bishop universal, by pretence of succession to St. Peter, their whole
hierarchy, or kingdom of darkness, may be compared not unfitly to the
_kingdom of fairies_; that is, to the old wives’ _fables_ in England,
concerning _ghosts_ and _spirits_, and the feats they play in the night.
And if a man consider the original of this great ecclesiastical
dominion, he will easily perceive, that the Papacy is no other than the
_ghost_ of the deceased _Roman empire_, sitting crowned upon the grave
thereof. For so did the Papacy start up on a sudden out of the ruins of
that heathen power.
The _language_ also, which they use, both in the churches, and in their
public acts, being _Latin_, which is not commonly used by any nation now
in the world, what is it but the _ghost_ of the old _Roman language_?
The _fairies_ in what nation soever they converse, have but one
universal king, which some poets of ours call King Oberon; but the
Scripture calls Beelzebub, prince of _demons_. The _ecclesiastics_
likewise, in whose dominions soever they be found, acknowledge but one
universal king, the _Pope_.
The _ecclesiastics_ are _spiritual_ men, and _ghostly_ fathers. The
fairies are _spirits_, and _ghosts_. _Fairies_ and _ghosts_ inhabit
darkness, solitudes, and graves. The _ecclesiastics_ walk in obscurity
of doctrine, in monasteries, churches, and church-yards.
The _ecclesiastics_ have their cathedral churches, which, in what town
soever they be erected, by virtue of holy water, and certain charms
called exorcisms, have the power to make those towns, cities, that is to
say, seats of empire. The _fairies_ also have their enchanted castles,
and certain gigantic ghosts, that domineer over the regions round about
them.
The _fairies_ are not to be seized on; and brought to answer for the
hurt they do. So also the _ecclesiastics_ vanish away from the tribunals
of civil justice.
The _ecclesiastics_ take from young men the use of reason, by certain
charms compounded of metaphysics, and miracles, and traditions, and
abused Scripture, whereby they are good for nothing else, but to execute
what they command them. The _fairies_ likewise are said to take young
children out of their cradles, and to change them into natural fools,
which common people do therefore call _elves_, and are apt to mischief.
In what shop, or operatory the fairies make their enchantment, the old
wives have not determined. But the operatories of the _clergy_ are well
enough known to be the universities, that received their discipline from
authority pontificial.
When the _fairies_ are displeased with any body, they are said to send
their elves, to pinch them. The _ecclesiastics_, when they are
displeased with any civil state, make also their elves, that is,
superstitious, enchanted subjects, to pinch their princes, by preaching
sedition; or one prince enchanted with promises, to pinch another.
The _fairies_ marry not; but there be amongst them _incubi_, that have
copulation with flesh and blood. The _priests_ also marry not.
The _ecclesiastics_ take the cream of the land, by donations of ignorant
men, that stand in awe of them, and by tithes. So also it is in the
fable of _fairies_, that they enter into the dairies, and feast upon the
cream, which they skim from the milk.
What kind of money is current in the kingdom of _fairies_, is not
recorded in the story. But the _ecclesiastics_ in their receipts accept
of the same money that we do; though when they are to make any payment,
it is in canonizations, indulgencies, and masses.
To this, and such like resemblances between the _papacy_, and the
kingdom of _fairies_, may be added this, that as the _fairies_ have no
existence, but in the fancies of ignorant people, rising from the
traditions of old wives, or old poets: so the spiritual power of the
_Pope_, without the bounds of his own civil dominion, consisteth only in
the fear that seduced people stand in, of their excommunications; upon
hearing of false miracles, false traditions, and false interpretations
of the Scripture.
It was not therefore a very difficult matter, for Henry VIII by his
exorcism; nor for queen Elizabeth by hers, to cast them out. But who
knows that this spirit of Rome, now gone out, and walking by missions
through the dry places of China, Japan, and the Indies, that yield him
little fruit, may not return, or rather an assembly of spirits worse
than he, enter, and inhabit this clean swept house, and make the end
thereof worse than the beginning? For it is not the Roman clergy only,
that pretends the kingdom of God to be of this world, and thereby to
have a power therein, distinct from that of the civil state. And this is
all I had a design to say, concerning the doctrine of the POLITICS.
Which when I have reviewed, I shall willingly expose it to the censure
of my country.
A REVIEW, AND CONCLUSION.
[Sidenote: Review, and conclusion.]
From the contrariety of some of the natural faculties of the mind, one
to another, as also of one passion to another, and from their reference
to conversation, there has been an argument taken, to infer an
impossibility that any one man should be sufficiently disposed to all
sorts of civil duty. The severity of judgment, they say, makes men
censorious, and unapt to pardon the errors and infirmities of other men:
and on the other side, celerity of fancy, makes the thoughts less steady
than is necessary, to discern exactly between right and wrong. Again, in
all deliberations, and in all pleadings, the faculty of solid reasoning
is necessary: for without it, the resolutions of men are rash, and their
sentences unjust: and yet if there be not powerful eloquence, which
procureth attention and consent, the effect of reason will be little.
But these are contrary faculties; the former being grounded upon
principles of truth; the other upon opinions already received, true or
false; and upon the passions and interests of men, which are different,
and mutable.
And amongst the passions, _courage_, (by which I mean the contempt of
wounds, and violent death) inclineth men to private revenges, and
sometimes to endeavour the unsettling of the public peace: and
_timorousness_, many times disposeth to the desertion of the public
defence. Both these, they say, cannot stand together in the same person.
And to consider the contrariety of men’s opinions, and manners, in
general, it is, they say, impossible to entertain a constant civil amity
with all those, with whom the business of the world constrains us to
converse: which business consisteth almost in nothing else but a
perpetual contention for honour, riches, and authority.
To which I answer, that these are indeed great difficulties, but not
impossibilities: for by education, and discipline, they may be, and are
sometimes reconciled. Judgment and fancy may have place in the same man;
but by turns; as the end which he aimeth at requireth. As the Israelites
in Egypt, were sometimes fastened to their labour of making bricks, and
other times were ranging abroad to gather straw: so also may the
judgment sometimes be fixed upon one certain consideration, and the
fancy at another time wandering about the world. So also reason, and
eloquence, though not perhaps in the natural sciences, yet, in the
moral, may stand very well together. For wheresoever there is place for
adorning and preferring of error, there is much more place for adorning
and preferring of truth, if they have it to adorn. Nor is there any
repugnancy between fearing the laws, and not fearing a public enemy; nor
between abstaining from injury, and pardoning it in others. There is
therefore no such inconsistence of human nature, with civil duties, as
some think. I have known clearness of judgment, and largeness of fancy;
strength of reason, and graceful elocution; a courage for the war, and a
fear for the laws, and all eminently in one man; and that was my most
noble and honoured friend, Mr. Sidney Godolphin; who hating no man, nor
hated of any, was unfortunately slain in the beginning of the late civil
war, in the public quarrel, by an undiscerned and an undiscerning hand.
To the Laws of Nature, declared in Chapter XV., I would have this added,
_that every man is bound by nature, as much as in him lieth, to protect
in war the authority, by which he is himself protected in time of
peace_. For he that pretendeth a right of nature to preserve his own
body, cannot pretend a right of nature to destroy him, by whose strength
he is preserved: it is a manifest contradiction of himself. And though
this law may be drawn by consequence, from some of those that are there
already mentioned; yet the times require to have it inculcated, and
remembered.
And because I find by divers English books lately printed, that the
civil wars have not yet sufficiently taught men in what point of time it
is, that a subject becomes obliged to the conqueror; nor what is
conquest; nor how it comes about, that it obliges men to obey his laws:
therefore for further satisfaction of men therein, I say, the point of
time, wherein a man becomes subject to a conqueror, is that point,
wherein having liberty to submit to him, he consenteth, either by
express words, or by other sufficient sign, to be his subject. When it
is that a man hath the liberty to submit, I have showed before in the
end of Chapter XXI.; namely, that for him that hath no obligation to his
former sovereign but that of an ordinary subject, it is then, when the
means of his life are within the guards and garrisons of the enemy; for
it is then, that he hath no longer protection from him, but is protected
by the adverse party for his contribution. Seeing therefore such
contribution is every where, as a thing inevitable, notwithstanding it
be an assistance to the enemy, esteemed lawful; a total submission,
which is but an assistance to the enemy, cannot be esteemed unlawful.
Besides, if a man consider that they who submit, assist the enemy but
with part of their estates, whereas they that refuse, assist him with
the whole, there is no reason to call their submission, or composition,
an assistance; but rather a detriment to the enemy. But if a man,
besides the obligation of a subject, hath taken upon him a new
obligation of a soldier, then he hath not the liberty to submit to a new
power, as long as the old one keeps the field, and giveth him means of
subsistence, either in his armies, or garrisons: for in this case, he
cannot complain of want of protection, and means to live as a soldier.
But when that also fails, a soldier also may seek his protection
wheresoever he has most hope to have it; and may lawfully submit himself
to his new master. And so much for the time when he may do it lawfully,
if he will. If therefore he do it, he is undoubtedly bound to be a true
subject: for a contract lawfully made, cannot lawfully be broken.
By this also a man may understand, when it is, that men may be said to
be conquered; and in what the nature of conquest, and the right of a
conqueror consisteth: for this submission in itself implieth them all.
Conquest, is not the victory itself; but the acquisition, by victory, of
a right over the persons of men. He therefore that is slain, is
overcome, but not conquered: he that is taken, and put into prison, or
chains, is not conquered, though overcome; for he is still an enemy, and
may save himself if he can: but he that upon promise of obedience, hath
his life and liberty allowed him, is then conquered, and a subject; and
not before. The Romans used to say, that their general had _pacified_
such a _province_, that is to say, in English, _conquered_ it; and that
the country was _pacified_ by victory, when the people of it had
promised _imperata facere_, that is, _to do what the Roman people
commanded them_: this was to be conquered. But this promise may be
either express, or tacit: express, by promise: tacit, by other signs. As
for example, a man that hath not been called to make such an express
promise, because he is one whose power perhaps is not considerable; yet
if he live under their protection openly, he is understood to submit
himself to the government: but if he live there secretly, he is liable
to anything that may be done to a spy, and enemy of the state. I say
not, he does any injustice; for acts of open hostility bear not that
name; but that he may be justly put to death. Likewise, if a man, when
his country is conquered, be out of it, he is not conquered, nor
subject: but if at his return, he submit to the government, he is bound
to obey it. So that _conquest_, to define it, is the acquiring of the
right of sovereignty by victory. Which right, is acquired in the
people’s submission, by which they contract with the victor, promising
obedience, for life and liberty.
In Chapter XXIX., I have set down for one of the causes of the
dissolutions of commonwealths, their imperfect generation, consisting in
the want of an absolute and arbitrary legislative power; for want
whereof, the civil sovereign is fain to handle the sword of justice
unconstantly, and as if it were too hot for him to hold. One reason
whereof, which I have not there mentioned, is this, that they will all
of them justify the war, by which their power was at first gotten, and
whereon, as they think, their right dependeth, and not on the
possession. As if, for example, the right of the kings of England did
depend on the goodness of the cause of William the Conqueror, and upon
their lineal, and directest descent from him; by which means, there
would perhaps be no tie of the subjects’ obedience to their sovereign at
this day in all the world: wherein whilst they needlessly think to
justify themselves, they justify all the successful rebellions that
ambition shall at any time raise against them, and their successors.
Therefore I put down for one of the most effectual seeds of the death of
any state, that the conquerors require not only a submission of men’s
actions to them for the future, but also an approbation of all their
actions past; when there is scarce a commonwealth in the world, whose
beginnings can in conscience be justified.
And because the name of tyranny, signifieth nothing more, nor less, than
the name of sovereignty, be it in one, or many men, saving that they
that use the former word, are understood to be angry with them they call
tyrants; I think the toleration of a professed hatred of tyranny, is a
toleration of hatred to commonwealth in general, and another evil seed,
not differing much from the former. For to the justification of the
cause of a conqueror, the reproach of the cause of the conquered, is for
the most part necessary: but neither of them necessary for the
obligation of the conquered. And thus much I have thought fit to say
upon the review of the first and second part of this discourse.
In Chapter XXXV., I have sufficiently declared out of the Scripture,
that in the commonwealth of the Jews, God himself was made the
sovereign, by pact with the people; who were therefore called his
_peculiar people_, to distinguish them from the rest of the world, over
whom God reigned not by their consent, but by his own power: and that in
this kingdom Moses was God’s lieutenant on earth; and that it was he
that told them what laws God appointed them to be ruled by. But I have
omitted to set down who were the officers appointed to do execution;
especially in capital punishments; not then thinking it a matter of so
necessary consideration, as I find it since. We know that generally in
all commonwealths, the execution of corporal punishments, was either put
upon the guards, or other soldiers of the sovereign power; or given to
those, in whom want of means, contempt of honour, and hardness of heart,
concurred, to make them sue for such an office. But amongst the
Israelites it was a positive law of God their sovereign, that he that
was convicted of a capital crime, should be stoned to death by the
people; and that the witnesses should cast the first stone, and after
the witnesses, then the rest of the people. This was a law that designed
who were to be the executioners; but not that any one should throw a
stone at him before conviction and sentence, where the congregation was
judge. The witnesses were nevertheless to be heard before they proceeded
to execution, unless the fact were committed in the presence of the
congregation itself, or in sight of the lawful judges; for then there
needed no other witnesses but the judges themselves. Nevertheless, this
manner of proceeding being not thoroughly understood, hath given
occasion to a dangerous opinion, that any man may kill another, in some
cases, by a right of zeal; as if the executions done upon offenders in
the kingdom of God in old time, proceeded not from the sovereign
command, but from the authority of private zeal: which, if we consider
the texts that seem to favour it, is quite contrary.
First, where the Levites fell upon the people, that had made and
worshipped the Golden Calf, and slew three thousand of them; it was by
the commandment of Moses, from the mouth of God; as is manifest, _Exod._
xxxii. 27. And when the son of a woman of Israel had blasphemed God,
they that heard it, did not kill him, but brought him before Moses, who
put him under custody, till God should give sentence against him; as
appears, _Levit._ xxiv. 11, 12. Again, (_Numb._ xxv. 6, 7), when
Phinehas killed Zimri and Cosbi, it was not by right of private zeal:
their crime was committed in the sight of the assembly; there needed no
witness; the law was known, and he the heir-apparent to the sovereignty;
and, which is the principal point, the lawfulness of his act depended
wholly upon a subsequent ratification by Moses, whereof he had no cause
to doubt. And this presumption of a future ratification, is sometimes
necessary to the safety of a commonwealth; as in a sudden rebellion, any
man that can suppress it by his own power in the country where it
begins, without express law or commission, may lawfully do it, and
provide to have it ratified, or pardoned, whilst it is in doing, or
after it is done. Also _Numb._ xxxv. 30, it is expressly said,
_Whosoever shall kill the murderer, shall kill him upon the word of
witnesses_: but witnesses suppose a formal judicature, and consequently
condemn that pretence of _jus zelotarum_. The law of Moses concerning
him that enticeth to idolatry, that is to say, in the kingdom of God to
a renouncing of his allegiance, (_Deut._ xiii. 8, 9), forbids to conceal
him, and commands the accuser to cause him to be put to death, and to
cast the first stone at him; but not to kill him before he be condemned.
And (_Deut._ xvii. 4, 5, 6, 7), the process against idolatry is exactly
set down: for God there speaketh to the people, as judge, and commandeth
them, when a man is accused of idolatry, to enquire diligently of the
fact, and finding it true, then to stone him; but still the hand of the
witness throweth the first stone. This is not private zeal, but public
condemnation. In like manner when a father hath a rebellious son, the
law is, (_Deut._ xxi. 18-21), that he shall bring him before the judges
of the town, and all the people of the town shall stone him. Lastly, by
pretence of these laws it was, that St. Stephen was stoned, and not by
pretence of private zeal: for before he was carried away to execution,
he had pleaded his cause before the high-priest. There is nothing in all
this, nor in any other part of the Bible, to countenance executions by
private zeal; which being oftentimes but a conjunction of ignorance and
passion, is against both the justice and peace of a commonwealth.
[Sidenote: Review, and conclusion.]
In chapter XXXVI., I have said, that it is not declared in what manner
God spake supernaturally to Moses: nor that he spake not to him
sometimes by dreams and visions, and by a supernatural voice, as to
other prophets: for the manner how he spake unto him from the
mercy-seat, is expressly set down, _Numbers_ vii. 89, in these words,
_From that time forward, when Moses entered into the Tabernacle of the
congregation to speak with God, he heard a voice which spake unto him
from over the mercy-seat, which is over the Ark of the testimony; from
between the cherubims he spake unto him_. But it is not declared in what
consisteth the preeminence of the manner of God’s speaking to Moses,
above that of his speaking to other prophets, as to Samuel, and to
Abraham, to whom he also spake by a voice, (that is, by vision), unless
the difference consist in the clearness of the vision. For _face to
face_, and _mouth to mouth_, cannot be literally understood of the
infiniteness, and incomprehensibility of the Divine nature.
And as to the whole doctrine, I see not yet, but the principles of it
are true and proper; and the ratiocination solid. For I ground the civil
right of sovereigns, and both the duty and liberty of subjects, upon the
known natural inclinations of mankind, and upon the articles of the law
of nature; of which no man, that pretends but reason enough to govern
his private family, ought to be ignorant. And for the power
ecclesiastical of the same sovereigns, I ground it on such texts, as are
both evident in themselves, and consonant to the scope of the whole
Scripture. And therefore am persuaded, that he that shall read it with a
purpose only to be informed, shall be informed by it. But for those that
by writing, or public discourse, or by their eminent actions, have
already engaged themselves to the maintaining of contrary opinions, they
will not be so easily satisfied. For in such cases, it is natural for
men, at one and the same time, both to proceed in reading, and to lose
their attention, in the search of objections to that they had read
before. Of which in a time wherein the interests of men are changed,
(seeing much of that doctrine, which serveth to the establishing of a
new government, must needs be contrary to that which conduced to the
dissolution of the old), there cannot choose but be very many.
In that part which treateth of a Christian commonwealth, there are some
new doctrines, which, it may be, in a state where the contrary were
already fully determined, were a fault for a subject without leave to
divulge, as being an usurpation of the place of a teacher. But in this
time, that men call not only for peace, but also for truth, to offer
such doctrines as I think true, and that manifestly tend to peace and
loyalty, to the consideration of those that are yet in deliberation, is
no more, but to offer new wine, to be put into new casks, that both may
be preserved together. And I suppose, that then, when novelty can breed
no trouble nor disorder in a state, men are not generally so much
inclined to the reverence of antiquity, as to prefer ancient errors,
before new and well-proved truth.
There is nothing I distrust more than my elocution, which nevertheless I
am confident, excepting the mischances of the press, is not obscure.
That I have neglected the ornament of quoting ancient poets, orators,
and philosophers, contrary to the custom of late time, whether I have
done well or ill in it, proceedeth from my judgment, grounded on many
reasons. For first, all truth of doctrine dependeth either upon
_reason_, or upon _Scripture_; both which give credit to many, but never
receive it from any writer. Secondly, the matters in question are not of
_fact_, but of _right_, wherein there is no place for _witnesses_. There
is scarce any of those old writers, that contradicteth not sometimes
both himself and others; which makes their testimonies insufficient.
Fourthly, such opinions as are taken only upon credit of antiquity, are
not intrinsically the judgment of those that cite them, but words that
pass, like gaping, from mouth to mouth. Fifthly, it is many times with a
fraudulent design that men stick their corrupt doctrine with the cloves
of other men’s wit. Sixthly, I find not that the ancients they cite,
took it for an ornament, to do the like with those that wrote before
them. Seventhly, it is an argument of indigestion, when Greek and Latin
sentences unchewed come up again, as they use to do, unchanged. Lastly,
though I reverence those men of ancient time, that either have written
truth perspicuously, or set us in a better way to find it out ourselves;
yet to the antiquity itself I think nothing due. For if we will
reverence the age, the present is the oldest. If the antiquity of the
writer, I am not sure, that generally they to whom such honour is given,
were more ancient when they wrote, than I am that am writing. But if it
be well considered, the praise of ancient authors, proceeds not from the
reverence of the dead, but from the competition, and mutual envy of the
living.
[Sidenote: Review, and conclusion.]
To conclude, there is nothing in this whole discourse, nor in that I
writ before of the same subject in Latin, as far as I can perceive,
contrary either to the Word of God, or to good manners; or to the
disturbance of the public tranquillity. Therefore I think it may be
profitably printed, and more profitably taught in the Universities, in
case they also think so, to whom the judgment of the same belongeth. For
seeing the Universities are the fountains of civil and moral doctrine,
from whence the preachers, and the gentry, drawing such water as they
find, use to sprinkle the same (both from the pulpit and in their
conversation), upon the people, there ought certainly to be great care
taken, to have it pure, both from the venom of heathen politicians, and
from the incantation of deceiving spirits. And by that means the most
men, knowing their duties, will be the less subject to serve the
ambition of a few discontented persons, in their purposes against the
state; and be the less grieved with the contributions necessary for
their peace, and defence; and the governors themselves have the less
cause, to maintain at the common charge any greater army, than is
necessary to make good the public liberty, against the invasions and
encroachments of foreign enemies.
And thus I have brought to an end my Discourse of Civil and
Ecclesiastical Government, occasioned by the disorders of the present
time, without partiality, without application, and without other design
than to set before men’s eyes the mutual relation between protection and
obedience; of which the condition of human nature, and the laws divine,
both natural and positive, require an inviolable observation. And though
in the revolution of states, there can be no very good constellation for
truths of this nature to be born under, (as having an angry aspect from
the dissolvers of an old government, and seeing but the backs of them
that erect a new), yet I cannot think it will be condemned at this time,
either by the public judge of doctrine, or by any that desires the
continuance of public peace. And in this hope I return to my interrupted
speculation of bodies natural; wherein, if God give me health to finish
it, I hope the novelty will as much please, as in the doctrine of this
artificial body it useth to offend. For such truth, as opposeth no man’s
profit, nor pleasure, is to all men welcome.
FINIS.
C. RICHARDS, PRINTER, ST. MARTIN’S LANE.
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THE DEATH OF DEMOSTHENES;
A DRAMATIC POEM;
BY GEORGE CROKER FOX, ESQ.
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AN APOLOGY FOR CATHEDRAL SERVICE.
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Transcriber’s Note
Other errors deemed most likely to be the printer’s have been
corrected, and are noted here. The references are to the page and
line in the original.
34.7 I as[s]cribe to the giving of names Removed.
37.27 he that p[er/re]tendeth the science Transposed.
66.20 to[ to] take from the spirit Removed.
108.6 to cho[o]se them a king Inserted.
178.22 or arist[r]ocracy of another commonwealth Removed.
217.34 For [roo f/proof] whereof Replaced.
240.11 with[t h/ th]eir metropolis Move space.
323.3 rights of sov[e]reignty Inserted.
323.4 Against the[ the] duty of a sovereign Removed.
385.23 the _breath of life_ in[s]pired by God Inserted.
408.1 (_Acts_[,] xiii. 46) Removed.
430.22 (as it is[ in] verse 5) is ‘said’
in?
447.15 ε[ἰ/ὶ]ς τὸ σκοτος Replaced.
493.13 hold[i n/ing] firmly in his heart Replaced.
497.1 We have first (_Matth._ x. 6, 7[,)/)], that Transposed?
526.8 any other rule[r] Added.
527.11 St. Matthew and St. John apos[ /t]les Restored.
601.25 (verses 11, 12[,)/),] the judgment Tranposed.
704.34 He therefore that [i]s slain Added.