CHAPTER III

THE DEEP

The second verse of Genesis states, "And the earth was without form and

void [_i. e._ waste and empty] and darkness was upon the face of the

deep." The word _teh[=o]m_, here translated _deep_, has been used to

support the theory that the Hebrews derived their Creation story from

one which, when exiles in Babylon, they heard from their conquerors. If

this theory were substantiated, it would have such an important bearing

upon the subject of the attitude of the inspired writers towards the

objects of nature, that a little space must be spared for its

examination.

The purpose of the first chapter of Genesis is to tell us that--

"In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth."

From it we learn that the universe and all the parts that make it

up--all the different forms of energy, all the different forms of

matter--are neither deities themselves, nor their embodiments and

expressions, nor the work of conflicting deities. From it we learn that

the universe is not self-existent, nor even (as the pantheist thinks of

it) the expression of one vague, impersonal and unconscious, but

all-pervading influence. It was not self-made; it did not exist from all

eternity. It is not God, for God made it.

But the problem of its origin has exercised the minds of many nations

beside the Hebrews, and an especial interest attaches to the solution

arrived at by those nations who were near neighbours of the Hebrews and

came of the same great Semitic stock.

From the nature of the case, accounts of the origin of the world cannot

proceed from experience, or be the result of scientific experiment. They

cannot form items of history, or arise from tradition. There are only

two possible sources for them; one, Divine revelation; the other, the

invention of men.

The account current amongst the Babylonians has been preserved to us by

the Syrian writer Damascius, who gives it as follows:--

"But the Babylonians, like the rest of the Barbarians, pass

over in silence the one principle of the Universe, and they

constitute two, Tavthê and Apasôn, making Apasôn the husband

of Tavthê, and denominating her "the mother of the gods." And

from these proceeds an only-begotten son, Mumis, which, I

conceive, is no other than the intelligible world proceeding

from the two principles. From them also another progeny is

derived, Lakhê and Lakhos; and again a third, Kissarê and

Assôros, from which last three others proceed, Anos and

Illinos and Aos. And of Aos and Dakhê is born a son called

Bêlos, who, they say, is the fabricator of the world."[26:1]

The actual story, thus summarized by Damascius, was discovered by Mr.

George Smith, in the form of a long epic poem, on a series of tablets,

brought from the royal library of Kouyunjik, or Nineveh, and he

published them in 1875, in his book on _The Chaldean Account of

Genesis_. None of the tablets were perfect; and of some only very small

portions remain. But portions of other copies of the poem have been

discovered in other localities, and it has been found possible to piece

together satisfactorily a considerable section, so that a fair idea of

the general scope of the poem has been given to us.

It opens with the introduction of a being, Tiamtu--the Tavthê of the

account of Damascius,--who is regarded as the primeval mother of all

things.

"When on high the heavens were unnamed,

Beneath the earth bore not a name:

The primeval ocean was their producer;

Mummu Tiamtu was she who begot the whole of them.

Their waters in one united themselves, and

The plains were not outlined, marshes were not to be seen.

When none of the gods had come forth,

They bore no name, the fates (had not been determined)

There were produced the gods (all of them)."[27:1]

The genealogy of the gods follows, and after a gap in the story, Tiamat,

or Tiamtu, is represented as preparing for battle, "She who created

everything . . . produced giant serpents." She chose one of the gods,

Kingu, to be her husband and the general of her forces, and delivered to

him the tablets of fate.

The second tablet shows the god An[vs]ar, angered at the threatening

attitude of Tiamat, and sending his son Anu to speak soothingly to her

and calm her rage. But first Anu and then another god turned back

baffled, and finally Merodach, the son of Ea, was asked to become the

champion of the gods. Merodach gladly consented, but made good terms for

himself. The gods were to assist him in every possible way by entrusting

all their powers to him, and were to acknowledge him as first and chief

of all. The gods in their extremity were nothing loth. They feasted

Merodach and, when swollen with wine, endued him with all magical

powers, and hailed him--

"Merodach, thou art he who is our avenger,

(Over) the whole universe have we given thee the kingdom."[28:1]

At first the sight of his terrible enemy caused even Merodach to falter,

but plucking up courage he advanced to meet her, caught her in his net,

and, forcing an evil wind into her open mouth--

"He made the evil wind enter so that she could not close her lips.

The violence of the winds tortured her stomach, and

her heart was prostrated and her mouth was twisted.

He swung the club, he shattered her stomach;

he cut out her entrails; he over-mastered (her) heart;

he bound her and ended her life.

He threw down her corpse; he stood upon it."[28:2]

The battle over and the enemy slain, Merodach considered how to dispose

of the corpse.

"He strengthens his mind, he forms a clever plan,

And he stripped her of her skin like a fish, according to his

plan."[28:3]

Of one half of the corpse of Tiamat he formed the earth, and of the

other half, the heavens. He then proceded to furnish the heavens and the

earth with their respective equipments; the details of this work

occupying apparently the fifth, sixth, and seventh tablets of the

series.

Under ordinary circumstances such a legend as the foregoing would not

have attracted much attention. It is as barbarous and unintelligent as

any myth of Zulu or Fijian. Strictly speaking, it is not a Creation myth

at all. Tiamat and her serpent-brood and the gods are all existent

before Merodach commences his work, and all that the god effects is a

reconstruction of the world. The method of this reconstruction possesses

no features superior to those of the Creation myths of other barbarous

nations. Our own Scandinavian ancestors had a similar one, the setting

of which was certainly not inferior to the grotesque battle of Merodach

with Tiamat. The prose Edda tells us that the first man, Bur, was the

father of Bör, who was in turn the father of Odin and his two brothers

Vili and Ve. These sons of Bör slew Ymir, the old frost giant.

"They dragged the body of Ymir into the middle of Ginnungagap,

and of it formed the earth. From Ymir's blood they made the

sea and waters; from his flesh, the land; from his bones, the

mountains; and his teeth and jaws, together with some bits of

broken bones, served them to make the stones and pebbles."

It will be seen that there is a remarkable likeness between the

Babylonian and Scandinavian myths in the central and essential feature

of each, viz. the way in which the world is supposed to have been built

up by the gods from the fragments of the anatomy of a huge primæval

monster. Yet it is not urged that there is any direct genetic connection

between the two; that the Babylonians either taught their legend to the

Scandinavians or learnt it from them.

Under ordinary circumstances it would hardly have occurred to any one to

try to derive the monotheistic narrative of Gen. i. from either of these

pagan myths, crowded as they are with uncouth and barbarous details. But

it happened that Mr. George Smith, who brought to light the Assyrian

Creation tablets, brought also to light a Babylonian account of the

Flood, which had a large number of features in common with the narrative

of Gen. vi.-ix. The actual resemblance between the two Deluge narratives

has caused a resemblance to be imagined between the two Creation

narratives. It has been well brought out in some of the later comments

of Assyriologists that, so far from there being any resemblance in the

Babylonian legend to the narrative in Genesis, the two accounts differ

_in toto_. Mr. T. G. Pinches, for example, points out that in the

Babylonian account there is--

"No direct statement of the creation of the heavens and the

earth;

"No systematic division of the things created into groups and

classes, such as is found in Genesis;

"No reference to the Days of Creation;

"No appearance of the Deity as the first and only cause of the

existence of things."[30:1]

Indeed, in the Babylonian account, "the heavens and the earth are

represented as existing, though in a chaotic form, from the first."

Yet on this purely imaginary resemblance between the Biblical and

Babylonian Creation narratives the legend has been founded "that the

introductory chapters of the Book of Genesis present to us the Hebrew

version of a mythology common to many of the Semitic peoples." And the

legend has been yet further developed, until writers of the standing of

Prof. Friedrich Delitzsch have claimed that the Genesis narrative was

_borrowed_ from the Babylonian, though "the priestly scholar who

composed Genesis, chapter i. endeavoured of course to remove all

possible mythological features of this Creation story."[31:1]

If the Hebrew priest did borrow from the Babylonian myth, what was it

that he borrowed? Not the existence of sea and land, of sun and moon, of

plants and animals, of birds and beasts and fishes. For surely the

Hebrew may be credited with knowing this much of himself, without any

need for a transportation to Babylon to learn it. "In writing an account

of the Creation, statements as to what are the things created must of

necessity be inserted,"[31:2] whenever, wherever, and by whomsoever that

account is written.

What else, then, is there common to the two accounts? _Tiamat_ is the

name given to the Babylonian mother of the universe, the dragon of the

deep; and in Genesis it is written that "darkness was upon the face of

the _deep_ (_teh[=o]m_)."

Here, and here only, is a point of possible connection; but if it be

evidence of a connection, what kind of a connection does it imply? It

implies that the Babylonian based his barbarous myth upon the Hebrew

narrative. There is no other possible way of interpreting the

connection,--if connection there be.

The Hebrew word would seem to mean, etymologically, "_surges_,"

"_storm-tossed waters_,"--"Deep calleth unto deep at the noise of Thy

waterspouts." Our word "_deep_" is apt to give us the idea of

stillness--we have the proverb, "Still waters run deep,"--whereas in

some instances _teh[=o]m_ is used in Scripture of waters which were

certainly shallow, as, for instance, those passed through by Israel at

the Red Sea:--

"Pharaoh's chariots and his host hath He cast into the sea:

his chosen captains also are drowned in the Red Sea. The

_depths_ have covered them."

In other passages the words used in our Authorized Version, "_deep_" or

"_depths_," give the correct signification.

But deep waters, or waters in commotion, are in either case natural

objects. We get the word _teh[=o]m_ used continually in Scripture in a

perfectly matter-of-fact way, where there is no possibility of

personification or myth being intended. Tiamat, on the contrary, the

Babylonian dragon of the waters, is a mythological personification. Now

the natural object must come first. It never yet has been the case that

a nation has gained its knowledge of a perfectly common natural object

by de-mythologizing one of the mythological personifications of another

nation. The Israelites did not learn about _teh[=o]m_, the surging water

of the Red Sea, that rolled over the Egyptians in their sight, from any

Babylonian fable of a dragon of the waters, read by their descendants

hundreds of years later.

Yet further, the Babylonian account of Creation is comparatively late;

the Hebrew account, as certainly, comparatively early. It is not merely

that the actual cuneiform tablets are of date about 700 B.C., coming as

they do from the Kouyunjik mound, the ruins of the palace of Sennacherib

and Assurbanipal, built about that date. The poem itself, as Prof. Sayce

has pointed out, indicates, by the peculiar pre-eminence given in it to

Merodach, that it is of late composition. It was late in the history of

Babylon that Merodach was adopted as the supreme deity. The astronomical

references in the poem are more conclusive still, for, as will be shown

later on, they point to a development of astronomy that cannot be dated

earlier than 700 B.C.

On the other hand, the first chapter of Genesis was composed very early.

The references to the heavenly bodies in verse 16 bear the marks of the

most primitive condition possible of astronomy. The heavenly bodies are

simply the greater light, the lesser light, and the stars--the last

being introduced quite parenthetically. It is the simplest reference to

the heavenly bodies that is made in Scripture, or that, indeed, could be

made.

There may well have been Babylonians who held higher conceptions of God

and nature than those given in the Tiamat myth. It is certain that very

many Hebrews fell short of the teaching conveyed in the first chapter of

Genesis. But the fact remains that the one nation preserved the Tiamat

myth, the other the narrative of Genesis, and each counted its own

Creation story sacred. We can only rightly judge the two nations by what

they valued. Thus judged, the Hebrew nation stands as high above the

Babylonian in intelligence, as well as in faith, as the first chapter of

Genesis is above the Tiamat myth.

FOOTNOTES:

[26:1] _Records of the Past_, vol. i. p. 124.

[27:1] _The Old Testament in the Light of the Historical Records of

Assyria and Babylonia_, by T. G. Pinches, p. 16.

[28:1] _The Old Testament in the Light of the Historical Records of

Assyria and Babylonia_, by T. G. Pinches, p. 16.

[28:2] _Records of the Past_, vol. i. p. 140.

[28:3] _Ibid._ p. 142.

[30:1] _The Old Testament in the Light of the Historical Records of

Assyria and Babylonia_, by T. G. Pinches, p. 49.

[31:1] _Babel and Bible_, Johns' translation, pp. 36 and 37.

[31:2] _The Old Testament in the Light of the Historical Records of

Assyria and Babylonia_, by T. G. Pinches, p. 48.

The Astronomy of the Bible An Elementary Commentary on the Astronomical References of Holy Scripture · 第 3 / 15 章