Before two o'clock next day the Chamber of Deputies was already full.
The royal chair and baldacchino had been removed, and their place was
occupied by the usual bench of the President.
When the Prime Minister took his place, cool, collected, smiling,
faultlessly dressed and wearing a flower in his button-hole, he was
greeted with some applause from the members, and the dry rustle of fans
in the ladies' tribune was distinctly heard. The leader of the
Opposition had a less marked reception, and when David Rossi glided
round the partition to his place on the extreme Left, there was a
momentary hush, followed by a buzz of voices.
Then the President of the Chamber entered, with his secretaries about
him, and took his seat in a central chair under a bust of the young
King. Ushers, wearing a linen band of red, white, and green on their
arms, followed with portfolios, and with little trays containing
water-bottles and glasses. Conversation ceased, and the President rang a
hand-bell that stood by his side, and announced that the sitting was
begun.
The first important business of the day was the reply to the speech of
the King, and the President called on the member who had been appointed
to undertake this duty. A young Deputy, a man of letters, then made his
way to a bar behind the chairs of the Ministers and read from a printed
paper a florid address to the sovereign.
Having read his printed document, the Deputy proceeded to move the
adoption of the reply.
With the proposal of the King and the Government to increase the army he
would not deal. It required no recommendation. The people were patriots.
They loved their country, and would spend the last drop of their blood
to defend it. The only persons who were not with the King in his desire
to uphold the army were the secret foes of the nation and the
dynasty--persons who were in league with their enemies.
"That," said the speaker, "brings us to the next clause of our reply to
His Majesty's gracious speech. We know that there exists among the
associations aimed at a compact between strangely varying
forces--between the forces of socialism, republicanism, unbelief, and
anarchy, and the forces of the Church and the Vatican."
At this statement there was a great commotion. Members on the Left
protested with loud shouts of "It is not true," and in a moment the
tongues and arms of the whole assembly were in motion. The President
rang his bell, and the speaker concluded.
"Let us draw the teeth of both parties to this secret conspiracy, that
they may never again use the forces of poverty and discontent to disturb
public order."
When the speaker sat down, his friends thronged around him to shake
hands with him and congratulate him.
Then the eyes of the House and of the audience in the gallery turned to
David Rossi. He had sat with folded arms and head down while his
followers screamed their protests. But passing a paper to the President,
he now rose and said:
"I ask permission to propose an amendment to the reply to the King's
speech."
"You have the word," said the President.
David Rossi read his amendment. At the feet of His Majesty it humbly
expressed an opinion that the present was not a time at which fresh
burdens should be laid upon the country for the support of the army,
with any expectation that they could be borne. Misfortune and suffering
had reached their climax. The cup of the people was full.
At this language some of the members laughed. There were cries of
"Order" and "Shame," and then the laughter was resumed. The President
rang his bell, and at length silence was secured. David Rossi began to
speak, in a voice that was firm and resolute.
"If," he said, "the statement that members of this House are in alliance
with the Pope and the Vatican is meant for me and mine, I give it a flat
denial. And, in order to have done with this calumny once and for ever,
permit me to say that between the Papacy and the people, as represented
by us, there is not, and never can be, anything in common. In temporal
affairs, the theory of the Papacy rejects the theory of the democracy.
The theory of the democracy rejects the theory of the Papacy. The one
claims a divine right to rule in the person of the Pope because he is
Pope. The other denies all divine right except that of the people to
rule themselves."
This was received with some applause mingled with laughter, and certain
shouts flung out in a shrill hysterical voice. The President rang his
bell again, and David Rossi continued.
"The proposal to increase the army," he said, "in a time of tranquillity
abroad but of discord at home, is the gravest impeachment that could be
made of the Government of a country. Under a right order of things
Parliament would be the conscience of the people, Government would be
the servant of that conscience, and rebellion would be impossible. But
this Government is the master of the country and is keeping the people
down by violence and oppression. Parliament is dead. For God's sake let
us bury it!"
Loud shouts followed this outburst, and some of the Deputies rose from
their seats, and crowding about the speaker in the open space in front,
yelled and screamed at him like a pack of hounds. He stood calm, playing
with his watch-chain, while the President rang his bell and called for
silence. The interruptions died down at last, and the speaker went on:
"If you ask me what is the reason of the discontent which produces the
crimes of anarchism, I say, first, the domination of a Government which
is absolute, and the want of liberty of speech and meeting. In other
countries the discontented are permitted to manifest their woes, and are
not punished unless they commit deeds of violence; but in Italy alone,
except Russia, a man may be placed outside the law, torn from his home,
from the bedside of his nearest and dearest, and sent to _domicilio
coatto_ to live or die in a silence as deep as that of the grave. Oh, I
know what I am saying. I have been in the midst of it. I have seen a
father torn from his daughter, and the motherless child left to the
mercy of his enemies."
This allusion quieted the House, and for a moment there was a dead
silence. Then through the tense air there came a strange sound, and the
President demanded silence from the galleries, whereupon the reporters
rose and made a negative movement of the hand with two fingers upraised,
pointing at the same time to the ladies' tribune.
One of the ladies had cried out. David Rossi heard the voice, and, when
he began again, his own voice was softer and more tremulous.
"Next, I say that the cause of anarchism in Italy, as everywhere else,
is poverty. Wait until the 1st of February, and you shall see such an
army enter Rome as never before invaded it. I assert that within three
miles of this place, at the gates of this capital of Christendom, human
beings are living lives more abject than that of savage man.
"Housed in huts of straw, sleeping on mattresses of leaves, clothed in
rags or nearly nude, fed on maize and chestnuts and acorns, worked
eighteen hours a day, and sweated by the tyranny of the overseers, to
whom landlords lease their lands while they idle their days in the
_salons_ of Rome and Paris, men and women and children are being treated
worse than slaves, and beaten more than dogs."
At that there was a terrific uproar, shouts of "It's a lie!" and
"Traitor!" followed by a loud outbreak of jeers and laughter. Then, for
the first time, David Rossi lost control of himself, and, turning upon
Parliament with flaming eyes and quivering voice, he cried:
"You take these statements lightly--you that don't know what it is to be
hungry, you that have food enough to eat, and only want sleep to digest
it. But _I_ know these things by bitter knowledge--by experience. Don't
talk to me, you who had fathers and mothers to care for you, and
comfortable homes to live in. I had none of these. I was nursed in a
poorhouse and brought up in a hut on the Campagna. Because of the
miserable laws of your predecessors my mother drowned herself in the
Tiber, and I knew what it was to starve. And I am only one of many. At
the very door of Rome, under a Christian Government, the poor are living
lives of moral anæmia and physical atrophy more terrible by far than
those which made the pagan poet say two thousand years ago--_Paucis
vivit humanum genus_--the human race exists for the benefit of the few."
The silence was breathless while the speaker made this personal
reference, and when he sat down, after a denunciation of the militarism
which was consuming the heart of the civilised world, the House was too
dazed to make any manifestation.
In the dead hush that followed, the President put the necessary
questions, but the amendment fell through without a vote being taken,
and the printed reply was passed.
Then the Minister of War rose to give notice of his bill for increased
military expenditure, and proposed to hand it over to the general
committee of the budget.
The Baron Bonelli rose next as Minister of the Interior, and gave notice
of his bill for the greater security of the public, and the remodelling
of the laws of the press and of association.
He spoke incisively and bitterly, and he was obviously excited, but he
affected his usual composure.
"After the language we have heard to-day," he said, "and the knowledge
we possess of mass meetings projected, it will not surprise the House
that I treat this measure as urgent, and propose that we consider it on
the principle of the three readings, taking the first of them in four
days."
At that there were some cries from the Left, but the Minister continued:
"It will also not surprise the House that, to prevent the obstruction of
members who seem ready to sing their Miserere without end, I will ask
the House to take the readings without debate."
Then in a moment the whole House was in an uproar and members were
shaking their fists in each other's faces. In vain the President rang
his bell for silence. At length he put on his hat and left the Chamber,
and the sitting was at an end.