I.

_In order to determine how American public opinion concerning

the war is running, The London Daily Chronicle sent Mr. Begbie

to this country. The two articles printed below appeared in

The Chronicle_.

Every day of my sojourn in this country deepens the desire in my mind to

see an increasing unity of understanding between America and England. I

feel that the audacity of America, its passion for the Right Thing, and

its impatience with the spirit of muddling through are the finest

incentives for modern England, England at this dawn of her political

renascence. I feel, too, as Americans themselves most willingly

acknowledge, that Great Britain has something to give to America out of

the ancient treasury of her domestic experience. Finally, I like

Americans so heartily that I want to be the best of friends with them.

But it was only last night in this old and mighty city of Philadelphia

that the greatest of reasons for an alliance was brought sharply home to

my mind. I had thought, loosely enough, that since we speak the same

language, share many of the same traditions, and equally desire peace

for the prosperity of our trade, surely some alliance between us was

natural, and with a little effort might be made inevitable. The deeper,

more political, and far grander reason for this comradeship between the

two nations had never definitely shaped itself to my consciousness.

Enlightenment came to me in the course of conversation with two

thoughtful Philadelphians whose minds are centred on something which

transcends patriotism and who work with fine courage and remarkable

ability for the triumph of their idea.

One of these men said to me: "You speak of an alliance between England

and America; do you mind telling us what you mean by that term

alliance?"

I explained that I had no thought in my mind of treaties and tariffs;

that the word "alliance" meant nothing more to me than conscious

friendship, and that such a disposition between two nations thinking in

the same language, speaking and writing the same language, must result,

I thought, in an ever-multiplying volume of trade, to the great

advantage of both parties.

Thinks Little of Blood Ties.

Out of this explanation came the following statement, made by the second

Philadelphian: "I am as desirous as you are for such an understanding. I

desire it so greatly that I venture to offer you a warning on the

subject. It would be a mistake on your part, I am convinced, to advocate

any such friendship, any such understanding, any such alliance, if you

prefer that word, on the score of blood ties or a common speech. Believe

me, the American, to speak generally, thinks very little of such

matters. When America was far more English in its population than it is

now scarcely any country was more unpopular with us than your country.

"I can remember when hatred for England was a kind of gospel with

Americans. The Irish fanned that hatred. Your country had behaved badly

toward us, war had left its scar on our memories, we rejoiced that we

had thrown off a yoke which we felt to be definitely tyrannous. What,

then, has produced the change in America--America, whose population is

now made up from nearly all the nations of the earth? Have your people

thought why we are on their side in this present war? Have they asked

themselves that question? If so, and they have answered it with such a

phrase as 'blood is thicker than water,' I can assure you they give not

only a false answer but an answer which betrays amazing ignorance, if

you will forgive the word, of this country's population. Blood thicker

than water! Why, look at our names; our blood is world's blood.

"We're a nation of all the nations. The English element is only one

element. Our ancestors were French, Dutch, German, Spanish, Norwegian,

Russian, Danish, Irish, Greek, and Italian. The modern American citizen

is no more English than the Boers of South Africa are English. And yet

in overwhelming figures the American population is on the side of the

Allies, and particularly on the side of England. Why?"

England Stands for Democracy.

"It is," he continued, "because England of all the nations on the earth

stands for the democratic ideals which are the very breath of life to

America. Modern England is for us the greatest of democracies. You lead

the way to the rest of the world, if not in science and art, at any rate

here in the great business of humanity's social existence. We see that

the old England of privilege and obstinate prerogatives and bull-headed

conservatism is dead. All your best qualities, straight dealing,

honesty, fearless justice, and faith in the goodness of human nature are

devoted now to the only ideals which can save progress from rot and

decay. Your democracy is master. It has no overlords. And, from what we

can gather since this war broke out, it would seem that your aristocracy

is coming more and more into line with the democracy, making great

sacrifices, showing a deeper appreciation of the democracy and shedding

the worst of its prejudices in the common love of liberty and right.

"We hope that your aristocracy may render as great a service to the

extravagant plutocracy of this country as your democracy has rendered to

our democracy. To make life better, that's the work of all intelligent

people. That's what our democracy is after, and, because your democracy

is after the same thing, that's why we are on your side in this war.

Under all the sentiment on the subject this is the bedrock fact. We're

for England because we're for the ideals of democracy. That we speak the

same language is only an accident. It's your spirit we desire to share,

the spirit which desires to make life kinder, sweeter, better, more

beautiful, and more righteous. America believes in civilization. It

doesn't want culture in bearskin and top boots. It wants civilization,

and civilization means a culture that takes in the whole of a man's

being--his body, his mind, his spirit. Well, we think you're after the

same ideal; we believe that you're as conscious of humanity as we are,

and we begin to realize pretty acutely that in a world rather barbarous

on the whole, come to think of it, we can't afford to lose England."

The other man added: "Germany stands for nearly everything we Americans

are opposed to, tooth and nail. We just loathe militarism.

Conscription's a thing we abominate. And feudalism is more dead over

here than in any country in the world."

"But bear in mind," said the first, "we have few people in America

better than the Germans. The Germans are almost the most efficient of

our immigrants. They've taught us a lot. We owe them a mighty big debt.

Before their coming we were prodigals. We used up our natural resources

with a ruthless disregard for the future. We leveled our forests for

timber, and just scratched the top soil of the land for corn. Now we're

learning to farm scientifically and to conserve our wealth. And this is

due in no small degree to the Germans. The German, emancipated from

feudalism and kaiserism, is a pretty good citizen. In fact, among the

men who have most helped modern America we reckon Germans and Irishmen."

I told them this story: A man in New York was speaking the other day to

Count von Bernstorff, the German Ambassador. Count von Bernstorff was

endeavoring to prove to this important personage that England had forced

the war upon Germany out of jealousy of her trade competition. "Sir,"

said the American, "you really must not tell me that, and I advise you

not to tell such a tale to other Americans. For we know very well that

we are greater trade rivals of England than you are, and that, in spite

of that fact, here on this continent of America we have got 3,000 miles

of British frontier without a fort or a gun." He then said to the

Ambassador: "No, Sir; your mistake all through has been in making an

enemy of England when your best interest was to make friends with her.

If you had made friends with England, you would have got all you

wanted." To this accusation, I understand, the Ambassador made answer

that Germany had endeavored to make friends with England, but had been

repulsed. We have a different record in England. The American quietly

reminded the Ambassador of the fact that England admits German goods

free of tariff charges.

Germany Represents Autocracy.

The two Philadelphians perfectly agreed with the justice of this

accusation, and declared again that it was because Germany represented

all the perils and slavishness of autocracy, and because England

represented the freedom, the justice, and the passion for social welfare

which inspire all living democracies, that America was so absolutely on

the English side.

They spoke of Ireland, and expressed the hope that the Conservative

Party would do nothing to hinder that great settlement which has done so

much to increase American respect for England.

"We recognize over here," said one, "that the Liberal Party, in going to

the rescue of Belgium, sacrificed some of its greatest ideals on the

altar of national righteousness. War must have been a bitter draught for

Lloyd George. Your social programme will be checked for many years. But

if the Conservatives attempt to spoil the Irish settlement, that will be

worse than anything else. It will mean confusion for you at home and

loss of reputation abroad."

I spoke of what I had heard on this subject from Irish-Americans, and

they confirmed everything recorded in my former article. The three great

things, outside of increasing opportunities for intercourse, which have

drawn modern America toward England, they told me, are the social

legislation of the Liberal Party, the triumph of home rule, and

England's keeping her word to Belgium. By these three things, I was

assured, the old animosities against England have been destroyed, and a

spirit of enthusiasm for English ideals has been born among Americans.

I should like to say that, while many American women love England for

the beauty and repose of her social life, and most eloquently base their

affection on the assertion that blood is thicker than water, the men of

America are sometimes inclined, and not unnaturally, to disapprove of

this pleasing sentimentalism. I now begin to perceive that the men of

America are not jealous of England's social life, but anxious to put

their friendship on a more substantial foundation.

Liberalism not only uplifts democracy; it establishes England in the

affection of all vital democracies. If the Conservatives, so liberal and

charming in their private lives, combine with the Liberals after this

hideous war to reconstruct our national life and to consolidate the

empire, how great will be the harvest reaped by our children!

It is in the high and lofty name of civilization that the American

people are anxious to make friends with the people of Great Britain. We

have both got something to live for greater than patriotism and

imperialism, greater because it includes them both.