Interview With Dr. Hillis

_From the Brooklyn Eagle._

A frank declaration that he was opposed to Germany in the present great

war was the answer returned today [Dec. 21, 1914] by the Rev. Dr. Newell

Dwight Hillis to the protests against his sermon at Plymouth Church last

night, in which he scored militarism and the Kaiser.

Not only did Dr. Hillis come out with the statement that he had said and

meant all to which exception was taken in his sermon, but, in an

interview today in his study, in the Arbuckle Institute, he asserted as

well that he had told but little of what he had come to believe about

Germany. This position, he said, was that America and all the world must

hope for German defeat, and must see that Germany was in the wrong.

"I was for Germany five months ago," said Dr. Hillis. "I have been

lecturing for five years about the lessons we might learn from Germany.

Five months ago, it may be remembered, I gave an interview, in which I

praised Germany and in which I took the part of the German people in the

dreadful war that had come.

"But I have changed my mind. I have seen that I was mistaken. Several

months ago I gave instructions to my lecture bureau to withdraw my

lecture, 'The New Germany,' from my list. That was about the middle of

September, and it was only then that I realized what a German success

would mean to the world--how there could be nothing else but a world of

armed camps, how we in this country, too, would have to adopt militarism

in order to live.

"Just prior to that time, in the first of my Sunday evening sermons in

this course, I had praised the Kaiser. I believed in the German ideals,

I believed in German progress, German inventions, German principles. But

I was wrong. I have now become convinced of what I never imagined

before--that in the German viewpoint the only sin against the Holy Ghost

is military impotency, and, to use Treitschke's words again, the only

virtue is militarism."

The pastor of Plymouth uttered this attack upon Germany with a

scornfulness which the printed word can hardly indicate. He was as

strongly against Germany--more strongly against Germany now than he had

before been in favor of Germany, he said. It was a position, he said, to

which everybody in the United States was turning, and it was inevitable

that Germany should find the world against her.

In his frank avowal of his position regarding Germany and the Kaiser,

Dr. Hillis admitted, too, that his sermon last night had contained more

than appeared on the surface. When he stated in the sermon that no man

or ruler should ever adopt the view of the peasant and the cave man, and

try to make the Eternal God a tribal God, he had the Kaiser in mind,

said Dr. Hillis. The sermon is published in full in today's sermon pages

of The Eagle.

In addition, Dr. Hillis said that while he believed that his sermon

could not be considered in any way a violation of President Wilson's

appeal for neutrality, yet, indirectly, the passages to which exception

had been taken could be rightly construed as an attack upon Germany and

the Kaiser.

"You believe that it is right for a minister to use the pulpit to

express his own views upon a subject like this?" was asked.

"I do not believe that it is right for a minister to air his peculiar

political views upon any subject--personal, social, or economic,"

answered Dr. Hillis, emphatically. "The church is a conservatory where a

warm, genial atmosphere should be created. My conception of the work of

a minister is that he is to create an atmosphere in the church on Sunday

so that the Republican with the tariff, the Democrat who believes in

free trade, and the Single Taxer can all grow and express their judgment

during the week.

"The sun and the Summer shine for all kinds of seeds and roots, and the

minister and the church should create an atmosphere in which all

temperaments and races and faiths can grow. It is quite true that there

were some of my German friends and members who rather protested against

my view last night. But they had the same right and liberty to protest

that I have. A German physician told me plainly that he thought that

within six months I would change my view, and with the new light go over

to the position of his native land, and even thought that I might

retract all my studies, that are apparently prejudiced in favor of the

republic and self-government and the liberty of the press. Well, if I do

change my views and am converted to his viewpoint, I certainly will

retract my statements. But I think this improbable. The task of

converting me should be let out as a Government contract--in piecemeal."

Dr. Hillis was reminded here that a number of people were said to have

left the church last night in the course of his sermon as a sign of

protest against the expression of his views. Asked if it were true, Dr.

Hillis answered:

"I did not see many leave," and then declared that it was impossible to

imagine that war should not be discussed in the churches as it was being

discussed everywhere else. He continued with the assertion that he

believed it was his duty as the minister of Plymouth Church to say what

he had, and then made this assertion with a vehemence that was almost

startling:

"Whenever the time comes that I have to add God and the devil together

and divide by two in the name of neutrality, I'll withdraw. I'm not

going to sacrifice my manhood for what some people call neutrality."

It was on this score that Dr. Hillis came out with his unequivocal

declaration that he was against Germany and against the Kaiser. He

asserted that the viewpoint of the German people would have to be

changed if they were to take the place in the world he had thought their

due, five months ago, and he stated there could be no doubt but that the

war was occasioned by Germany's lust for power--political, industrial,

economic.

"I believe that the real issue of this war is largely industrial,"

continued Dr. Hillis. "It is an industrial war and not a political war.

Some days ago I said that the real fight between Germany and the nations

opposed to her was a fight for the possession of the iron fields

recently discovered in Northern France. That statement regarding

Germany's iron deposits and the whole economic situation has been

challenged.

"Instead of modifying my position, I wish to reaffirm it. This is an age

of steel. Without hematite iron deposits Germany cannot build her

steamships, her cannon, her railways, her factories. German engineers

have been saying for five years that another five years will exhaust her

present iron supply. On Page 221 of the volume 'Problems of Power,' the

author says that within a generation 20,000,000 of Germany's people will

have to leave their native land. The pressure of iron and the call of

steel led to Germany's development of the Morocco situation, where there

are valuable iron mines. A short time ago French engineers discovered

the largest and richest body of iron ore in Europe. Fullerton, in his

book on the subject, expresses the judgment that one province has enough

hematite iron ore to last Europe for the next 150 years.

"This diplomat and author said plainly two years ago, in one of his

review articles, that Germany would go to war to obtain the iron

deposits in Northern France, and that if she loses the war, she will

fall behind in the manufacturing race, and that the French bankers and

French engineers will make France the great manufacturing force and the

richest people in Europe. The Napoleonic wars were wars between

political ideas. The collision was between autocracy and bureaucracy and

French democracy and radicalism. The new antagonism grows out of

economic conditions. Germany wants to supersede England upon the seas,

and Germany wants the iron mines of France, and this is the whole

situation in a nutshell.

"No, I am not sinning against the law of neutrality. I am trying to

freshen the old American ideals of self-government for the young men and

women in Plymouth Church. If the whole-hearted support of America's free

institutions involves indirectly a dissent from imperialism and

militarism, I am not responsible. I admit there is a necessary

condemnation of autocracy involved in the mere publication of the

Declaration of Independence. Ours is a Government of laws and not of

men, and I have been discussing the principles of self-government and

not rulers who represent imperialism.

"Neutrality does not mean the wiping out of conviction. There are some

men who think that neutrality means adding God and the devil together

and dividing by two. And there are some statesmen who seem to think that

neutrality means adding together autocracy and democracy, and halving

the result. I do not share that view. I believe it is the first duty of

the German-American and the native-born American to uphold the

fundamental principles of self-government, and of an industrial

civilization as opposed to a military machine, and if this means protest

and criticism, then that protest must be accepted."

The New York Times Current History of the European War, Vol. 1, January 9, 1915 What Americans Say to Europe · 第 121 / 146 题