A Second Appeal

_To the Universities of America:_

In a time when half of the world falls upon Germany full of hatred and

envy, we Germans derive great benefit from the idea of our being sure of

the friendly feeling of the American universities. If from any quarter

in the world, it must be from them that we expect the right

comprehension of the present situation and present attitude of Germany.

Numerous American scholars who received their scientific training at our

universities have convinced themselves of the quality and the peaceful

tendency of German work, the exchange of scientists has proved of

deepening influence on the mutual understanding, the lasting intercourse

of scholarly research gives us the feeling of being members of one great

community. This is why we entertain the hope that the scientific

circles of America will not give credit to the libels our enemies

propagate against us.

These libels, above all, accuse Germany of having brought about the

present war, she being responsible for the monstrous struggle which is

extending more and more over the whole world. The truth points to the

contrary. Our foes have disturbed us in our peaceful work, forcing the

war upon us very much against our desire. We are at a righteous war for

the preservation of our existence and at the same time of sacred goods

of humanity. The murder of Serajevo was not our work; it was the outcome

of a widely extending conspiracy pointing back to Servia, where for many

years already a passionate agitation against Austria had been carried

on, supported by Russia. It was Russia, therefore, that took the

assassins under her wings, and some weeks already before the war broke

out she promised her assistance to that blood-stained State. Nobody but

Russia has given the dangerous turn to the conflict; nobody but Russia

is to blame for the outbreak of the war. The German Emperor, who has

proved his love of peace by a peaceful reign of more than twenty-five

years, in face of the imminent danger, tried to intermediate between

Austria and Russia with the greatest zeal, but while he was negotiating

with the Czar Russia was busy with the mobilization of a large army

toward the German frontier. This necessitated an open and decisive

inquiry that led to the war. This only happened because Russia wanted it

so, because she wanted to raise the Muscovites against the Germans and

the Western Slavs and to lead Asia into the field against Europe.

France, too, might have kept the peace, the decision resting solely with

her. The security of Germany demanded that she should inquire what

France would do in the impending war; the answer of France unmistakably

betrayed her intention to join in the war. As a matter of fact, it was

not Germany but France who commenced the war.

England already before the war stood in close relations to France. From

the very beginning she has clearly shown that she by no means wanted to

keep absolutely neutral. From the very beginning she made endeavors to

protect France against Germany. Undoubtedly the German invasion in

Belgium served England as a welcome pretext to openly declare her

hostility. In reality, before the German invasion, already the

neutrality of Belgium had been given up in favor of the French. It has

been officially stated, e.g., that not only before but also after the

outbreak of the war French officers have been at Liège in order to

instruct the Belgian soldiers as to the fortification service. England's

complaints of the violation of international law, however, are the most

atrocious hypocrisy and the vilest Pharisaism. At all times English

politics have unscrupulously disregarded all forms of law as soon as

their own interest was touched. During the last few weeks the same

method has been quite sufficiently manifested in the unlawful capture of

the Turkish warships, and still more so in the instigation of the

Japanese to undertake the detestable raid upon the German territory in

China, which needs must end in strengthening the power of that Mongolian

nation at the costs of Europeans and Americans.

How it is possible for a nation that in such a way has betrayed precious

interests of Western culture as soon as it seems to benefit them, how is

it possible for these accomplices of the Japanese robbery to put on the

air of being the guardians of morality?

We Germans did not want this war, but as it has been forced upon us we

shall carry it on bravely and vigorously. In the face of all envy and

hatred, all brutality and hypocrisy, Germany feels unshakably conscious

of serving a righteous cause and of standing up for the preservation of

her national self as well as for sacred goods of humanity; indeed, for

the very progress of true culture. It is from this conviction that she

draws her unrelenting force and the absolute certainty that she will

beat back the assault of all her enemies. This conviction does not stand

in need of any encouragement from abroad; our country absolutely relies

upon itself and confides in the strength of its right.

Nevertheless, the idea of our American friends' thoughts and sympathies

being with us gives us a strong feeling of comfort in this gigantic

struggle. We both of us feel especially justified in pronouncing this as

being the conviction of all German scientists, as so many scientific and

personal relations connect us both with the universities of America.

These universities know what German culture means to the world, so we

trust they will stand by Germany.

The New York Times Current History of the European War, Vol. 1, January 9, 1915 What Americans Say to Europe · 第 91 / 146 题