I thank you for your letter of Dec. 1 and its interesting inclosure.

Although every thoughtful person must earnestly desire that the waste

and destruction of this greatest of wars should be stopped as soon as

possible, there is an overpowering feeling that the war should go on

until all the combatants, including Germany, have been brought to see

that the Governmental régime and the state of the public mind in Germany

which have made this war possible are not consistent with the security

and well-being of Europe in the future.

Personally, I feel strongly that the war ought to go on so long as

Germany persists in its policies of world empire, dynastic rule,

autocratic bureaucracy, and the use of force in international dealings.

If the war stops before Germany sees that those policies cannot prevail

in twentieth-century Europe, the horrible wrongs and evils which we are

now witnessing will recur; and all the nations will have to continue the

destructive process of competitive armaments. If peace should be made

now, before the Allies have arrived at attacking Germany on her own

soil, there would result only a truce of moderate length, and then a

renewal of the present horrors.

I cannot but think that Europe now has a chance to make a choice between

the German ideal of the State and the Anglo-American ideal. These two

ideals are very different; and the present conflict shows that they

cannot coexist longer in modern Europe.

In regard to the suggestion which your correspondent made to you that a

conference of private persons should now be called in the hope of

arriving at an agreed-upon appeal to the combatants to desist from

fighting and consider terms of settlement, I cannot but feel (1) that

such a conference would have no assured status; (2) that the combatants

would not listen; and (3) that the effort would, therefore, be untimely

now, though perhaps useful later.

One idea might possibly bring about peace, if it fructified in the mind

of the German Emperor--the idea, namely, that the chance of Germany's

obtaining dominating power in either Europe or the world having already

gone, the wise thing for him to do is to save United Germany within her

natural boundaries for secure development as a highly civilized strong

nation in the heart of Europe. Surplus population can always emigrate

happily in the future as in the past.

The security of Germany would rest, however, on an international

agreement to be maintained by an international force; whereas, the

example which Germany has just given of the reckless violation of

international agreements is extremely discouraging in regard to the

possibility of securing the peace of Europe in the future.

Although this war has already made quite impossible the domination of

Germany in Europe or in the world, the leaders of Germany do not yet see

or apprehend that impossibility. Hence, many earnest peace-seekers have

to confess that they do not see any means whatever available for

promoting peace in Europe now, or even procuring a short truce.

I wish I could believe with you that the Governments of England, France,

Germany, and Russia would listen to the voice of the American people.

They all seem to desire the good opinion and moral support of America;

but I see no signs that they would take American advice or imitate

American example. President Wilson seems to think that this country will

be accepted as a kind of umpire in this formidable contest; but surely

we have no right to any such position. Our example in avoiding

aggression on other nations, and in declining to enter the contest for

world power, ought to have some effect in abating European ambitions in

that direction; but our exhortations to peace and good-will will, I

fear, have little influence. There is still a real contest on between

democracy and oligarchical methods.

You see, my dear Mr. Schiff, that I regard this war as the result of

long-continuing causes which have been gathering force for more than

fifty years. In Germany all the forces of education, finance, commercial

development, a pagan philosophy, and Government have been preparing this

war since 1860. To stop it now, before these forces have been

overwhelmingly defeated, and before the whole German people is convinced

that they are defeated, would be to leave humanity exposed to the

certain recurrence of the fearful convulsions we are now witnessing.

If anybody can show me any signs that the leaders of Germany are

convinced that there is to be no world empire for Germany or any other

nation, and no despotic Government in Europe, I shall be ready to take

part in any effectual advocacy of peace. Sincerely yours.

The New York Times Current History of the European War, Vol. 1, January 9, 1915 What Americans Say to Europe · 第 35 / 146 题