that imperiously demanded attention. The very existence of the
government depended on the decision of the president. South Carolina
had set at defiance the supreme authority of the Union, and declared
that no umpire should be admitted to decide between the contending
parties. In such an exigency, the president felt that there was no
room for hesitation. The difficulty must be met, not only to save the
Union from dismemberment, or the loss of one of its constituent parts,
but to protect those citizens of South Carolina, who still adhered to
the Union, from the horrors of civil discord. The president, with his
personal courage and indomitable will, as also clothed with the
irresistible power of the Union, determined to throw himself into the
breach, and to enforce the revenue acts with an entire disregard to
the pretended rights of sovereignty, which were assumed by the state
of South Carolina.
To carry the determination of the government into effect, all the
disposable military force was ordered to assemble at Charleston, and a
sloop-of-war was sent to that port to protect the federal officers, in
case of necessity, in the execution of their duties. On the 10th of
December, the proclamation of the president was issued, plainly and
forcibly stating the nature of the American government, and the
supremacy of the federal authorities in all matters intrusted to their
care. At the same time, in this document, he exhorted the citizens of
South Carolina not to persist in a course which must bring upon their
state the force of the confederacy, and expose the Union to the hazard
of a dissolution.
The proclamation of General Jackson was a noble production. It was
hailed with delight throughout the country, as well by his political
opponents, as by his friends. "Perhaps no document has emanated from
the executive department of the government, which has been more
generally approved, both in regard to the style in which it was
written, and the doctrines asserted and maintained, since the farewell
address of the first president. It contains no speculative opinions,
no new theories; it speaks the facts of history, in the language of
the constitution, and in the spirit which we, of a later generation,
may suppose animated its framers."
The president, on this momentous occasion, was nobly supported by the
leaders of the opposition party in congress, with Mr. Webster at their
head. The force of public opinion was irresistible--South Carolina was
compelled to shrink before it. No resistance was actually made to the
enforcement of the laws they had nullified, and, consequently, no
coercive measures were necessary on the part of the general government
to maintain its authority. The objectionable laws were somewhat
modified in the session of 1833, by what was termed "the compromise
act," proposed by Mr. Clay; and South Carolina, though she has
steadfastly adhered to her theories, has been contented not to reduce
them to practice.
_Rëelection of General Jackson._--In the autumn of 1832, the electors
of the country were again convened in their respective places of
residence for the choice of a president. The two principal candidates
were General Jackson and Henry Clay. The friends of Mr. Calhoun, in
South Carolina, where the tariff question had already produced a
bitter feeling of hostility to the government, remained almost
entirely aloof from the contest. The anti-masonic party in the
Northern states, which had been recently formed, supported William
Wirt, of Maryland. The opponents of General Jackson were strongly
opposed to his rëelection, and made great exertions to defeat it; but
the returns from the electoral colleges exhibited a large majority in
his favor. The following is the official result of the electoral vote:
Key: A. Andrew Jackson, of Tennessee.
B. Henry Clay, of Kentucky.
C. John Floyd, of Virginia.
D. William Wirt, of Maryland.
E. Martin Van Buren, of New York.
F. John Sergeant, of Pennsylvania.
G. William Wilkins, of Pennsylvania.
H. Henry Lee, of Massachusetts.
I. Amos Ellmaker, of Pennsylvania.
---------+-----------------+---------------+-------------------
No. of | | PRESIDENT. | VICE-PRESIDENT.
Electors | STATES. |---------------+-------------------
from each| |A. |B. |C. |D. |E. |F. |G. |H. |I.
State. | | | | | | | | | |
---------+-----------------+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---
10 | Maine, |10 | | | |10 | | | |
7 | New Hampshire, | 7 | | | | 7 | | | |
14 | Massachusetts, | |14 | | | |14 | | |
4 | Rhode Island, | | 4 | | | | 4 | | |
8 | Connecticut, | | 8 | | | | 8 | | |
7 | Vermont, | | | | 7 | | | | | 7
42 | New York, |42 | | | |42 | | | |
8 | New Jersey, | 8 | | | | 8 | | | |
30 | Pennsylvania, |30 | | | | | |30 | |
3 | Delaware, | | 3 | | | | 3 | | |
10 | Maryland, | 3 | 5 | | | 3 | 5 | | |
23 | Virginia, |23 | | | |23 | | | |
15 | North Carolina, |15 | | | |15 | | | |
11 | South Carolina, | | |11 | | | | |11 |
11 | Georgia, |11 | | | |11 | | | |
15 | Kentucky, | |15 | | | |15 | | |
15 | Tennessee, |15 | | | |15 | | | |
21 | Ohio, |21 | | | |21 | | | |
5 | Lousiana, | 5 | | | | 5 | | | |
4 | Mississippi, | 4 | | | | 4 | | | |
9 | Indiana, | 9 | | | | 9 | | | |
5 | Illinois, | 5 | | | | 5 | | | |
7 | Alabama, | 7 | | | | 7 | | | |
4 | Missouri, | 4 | | | | 4 | | | |
---------+-----------------+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---
288 | Whole No. of | | | | | | | | |
| electors, |219|49 |11 | 7 |189|49 |30 |11 | 7
| Majority, 145 | | | | | | | | |
_Removal of the Deposites._--The law of 1816, which created the United
States' bank, required that the public moneys should be deposited in
that bank, subject to be removed only by the secretary of the
treasury, and requiring him, in that case, to present his reasons for
removing them to congress. Congress had already refused to authorize
the removal of the deposites, and the president was now resolved to
effect it on his own responsibility. The new secretary of the
treasury, William J. Duane (for there had been some recent changes in
the cabinet), refusing to act in this matter, and resigning his
office, the attorney-general, Roger B. Taney, was appointed in his
place. Mr. Taney immediately issued the necessary orders for the
removal of the deposites from the United States' bank; a measure which
resulted from the president's determination to break off all
connection between the government and the bank.
At the coming session of congress, 2d of December, 1833, one of the
first acts of the senate was the adoption of a resolution, by a vote
of twenty-six to twenty, declaring "that the president, in his late
executive proceedings, in relation to the public revenue, had assumed
upon himself authority and power not conferred by the constitution and
laws, but in derogation of both." This resolution remained on the
journal until January 15, 1837, when it was formally expunged by order
of the senate.
The act of the president, and the measures taken by the United States'
bank, occasioned much embarrassment throughout the mercantile
community, during the years 1834 and 1835. Committees, appointed by
the merchants, mechanics, and tradesmen of the principal commercial
cities, solicited the president to rëplace the government deposites in
the United States' bank. But he resisted every solicitation. Many
petitions were sent to congress on the same subject. The senate
favorably received them; but the house saw fit to sustain the
president in this measure.
_Death of Lafayette._--This illustrious man and benefactor of America,
died at his residence, La Grange, in France, on the 20th of May, 1834.
This event was announced to congress on the 21st of June, in a message
from the president. The character, services, and sacrifices of
Lafayette, as an apostle of liberty and lover of mankind, were spoken of
in appropriate terms of commendation in the president's communication. A
joint select committee, of both houses, reported a series of
resolutions, among which, one went to request the president to address a
letter of condolence to the survivors in his family, and another to
appoint John Quincy Adams to deliver, at the next session of congress,
an oration on the life and character of the illustrious man. In due
time, Mr. Adams pronounced his eulogy, in which the character and
actions of Lafayette were drawn in a masterly manner.
_Deposite Act._--The deposite or distribution act was passed by
congress in 1835. The president had given it his "reluctant approval,"
with the apprehension of evil consequences flowing from it. In a
message to the subsequent congress, he speaks of it as merely an act
for the deposite of the surplus moneys of the United States in the
state treasuries, for safe keeping, until wanted for the service of
the general government--but that it had been spoken of as a _gift_,
would be so considered, and might be so used. The manifestation of the
president's feelings, in regard to this act and its disadvantages, was
not calculated to relieve the minds of some, as to what he might
attempt, in order to defeat its execution, or to prevent a future
similar measure. This apprehension was subsequently strengthened by
certain circumstances, which, however, need here no specific mention.
There was at least an apparent effort to obtain control over the
government funds, so as to divert them from the channel directed by
the act of congress.
_Seminole War._--The Seminole Indians of Florida, near the close of the
year 1835, commenced hostilities against the settlements of the whites
in their neighborhood. To this, they were incited by the attempt of the
government to remove the Indians to lands west of the Mississippi, in
accordance with the treaty of Payne's Landing, executed in 1832. That
treaty, however, the Indians denied to be justly binding upon them, and
they naturally felt a strong reluctance to quit their homes for ever.
Micanopy, the king of the Seminoles, was opposed to the removal; and
Osceola, their most noted warrior, said he "wished to rest in the land
of his fathers, and his children to sleep by his side."
Osceola was cruelly put in irons by General Thompson, the government
agent, who was displeased by the pretensions of the chieftain, and his
remonstrances against the governmental proceedings. He, however,
obtained his liberty, at length, by dissembling his displeasure, and
gave his confirmation to the treaty of removal. The whites were thus
lulled into security; and, while they were expecting the delivery of
the cattle and horses of the Indians, according to the treaty, the
latter were already commencing the work of devastation and death.
At this time, Major Dade was dispatched from Fort Brooke, at the head
of Tampa Bay, with upwards of an hundred men, to the assistance of
General Clinch, stationed at Fort Drane, in the interior of Florida.
The latter was supposed to be in imminent danger. Dade had proceeded
only about half the distance, when he was suddenly attacked by the
enemy, and he and all, except four of his men, were killed, and these
four, terribly mangled, afterwards died of their wounds.
At the time of this massacre, Osceola, with a small band of warriors,
was lurking in the vicinity of Fort King, about sixty-five miles
south-west from St. Augustine. Here General Thompson and a few friends
were dining at a store near the fort, when Osceola and his band
surprised them by a sudden discharge of musketry, and five out of nine
were killed. The general was one of the slain, his body having been
pierced by fifteen bullets. The Indian chief and his party then rushed
in, scalped the dead, and retreated before they could be fired upon
from the fort.
There were other engagements about this time between the Americans and
the savages; and subsequently, upon the junction of several of the
Creek towns and tribes with the Seminoles in the war, murders and
devastations became frequent. The Indians obtained possession of many
of the southern mail routes in Georgia and Alabama, attacked
steamboats, destroyed stages, burned a number of towns, and compelled
thousands of the whites, who had settled in their territory, to
abandon their homes. A strong force, however, of confederate whites
and friendly Indians, having been sent against them, and several of
the hostile chiefs having been captured, the Creeks submitted, and,
during the summer of 1836, several thousands of them were transported
west of the Mississippi.
In October of the same year, Governor Call took command of the American
forces in Florida, and marched into the interior with nearly two
thousand men. At the Wahoo swamp, not far from Dade's battle-ground,
five hundred and fifty of his troops attacked a large number of the
enemy, who, after a fierce contest of nearly half an hour, were
dispersed, with the loss of twenty warriors left dead on the field. In a
second engagement, the Americans lost nine men killed and sixteen
wounded. The combats of the whites and Indians in Florida, at this
period, seem to have been attended with much loss of life on both sides.
_Treasury Circular._--An important circular, in relation to the funds
which should be received in payment for the public lands, was issued
from the treasury department on the 11th of July, 1836. The purport of
the circular was, to instruct the receivers of the public money, after
the 15th day of August next ensuing, to receive in payment of the public
lands nothing except gold and silver, and in the proper places, Virginia
land scrip, in accordance with the directions of the existing laws. In
order to secure the faithful execution of the requirements of the
circular, all receivers were strictly prohibited from accepting, for
land sold, any draft, certificate, or other evidence of money or
deposite, though for specie, unless signed by the treasurer of the
United States, in conformity to the act of April 25th, 1820.
At the next following session of congress, the president, in his
message, was pleased to represent this specie circular as having
produced many salutary consequences, contrary to the views of a large
portion of the citizens of the United States, who believed that the
embarrassment and disturbance of the currency, so severely felt, were,
in a great measure, owing to the operation of that circular.
_Character of General Jackson's Administration._--It is hardly to be
anticipated, perhaps, that a full and impartial estimate of General
Jackson's administration, can be formed during the present generation.
There were many strong points in it, and these are apt to call forth
strong correspondent feelings, whether of approbation or dislike. Men
differ, and may honestly differ, in regard to the propriety of his
conduct and the wisdom of his measures. That he was honest, as a ruler,
will not be at all doubted. That he was self-willed, and determined to
have his own way, will scarcely less admit of a question.
Still, it is not too much to hope, that the services he rendered to
his country, connected though they be with the stern and high-handed
measures adopted by his indomitable will, may be cherished with
gratitude and respect. As a statesman, he had clear views, and, in
some instances, a sort of prophetic foresight. When he had once
determined upon a particular course, where any important principle was
involved, he could not be made to swerve from what he conceived to be
just and right. As the element of fear seemed not to be in him, he
never shrunk from the discharge of any public duty, and was always
ready to avow any act of his administration, as in the instance of
removal of the public deposites through his secretary, and
unshrinkingly to abide the consequences.
_Election of Martin Van Buren._--General Jackson, in his last annual
message, signified his intention, at the expiration of his term, to
retire to private life. At the democratic convention for nominating a
successor, Mr. Van Buren received a decided majority. The votes of the
electoral colleges, counted February 8th, 1837, showed the following
result:
Key: A. Martin Van Buren, of New York.
B. Wm. H. Harrison, of Ohio.
C. Hugh L. White, of Tennessee.
D. Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts.
E. W. P. Mangum, of N. Carolina.
F. R. M. Johnson, of Kentucky.
G. Francis Granger, of New York.
H. John Tyler, of Virginia.
I. William Smith, of Alabama.
---------+-----------------+-------------------+----------------
No. of | | PRESIDENT. |VICE-PRESIDENT.
Electors | STATES. |-------------------+----------------
from each| |A. |B. |C. |D. |E. |F. |G. |H. |I.
State. | | | | | | | | | |
---------+-----------------+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---
10 | Maine, |10 | | | | |10 | | |
7 | New Hampshire, | 7 | | | | | 7 | | |
14 | Massachusetts, | | | |14 | | |14 | |
4 | Rhode Island, | 4 | | | | | 4 | | |
8 | Connecticut, | 8 | | | | | 8 | | |
7 | Vermont, | | 7 | | | | | 7 | |
42 | New York, |42 | | | | |42 | | |
8 | New Jersey, | | 8 | | | | | 8 | |
30 | Pennsylvania, |30 | | | | |30 | | |
3 | Delaware, | | 3 | | | | | 3 | |
10 | Maryland, | |10 | | | | | |10 |23
23 | Virginia, |23 | | | | | | | |
15 | North Carolina, |15 | | | | |15 | | |
11 | South Carolina, | | | | |11 | | |11 |
11 | Georgia, | | |11 | | | | |11 |
15 | Kentucky, | |15 | | | | |15 | |
15 | Tennessee, | | |15 | | | | |15 |
21 | Ohio, | |21 | | | | |21 | |
5 | Lousiana, | 5 | | | | | 5 | | |
4 | Mississippi, | 4 | | | | | 4 | | |
9 | Indiana, | | 9 | | | | | 9 | |
5 | Illinois, | 5 | | | | | 5 | | |
7 | Alabama, | 7 | | | | | 7 | | |
4 | Missouri, | 4 | | | | | 4 | | |
3 | Arkansas, | 3 | | | | | 3 | | |
3 | Michigan, | 3 | | | | | 3 | | |
---------+-----------------+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---+---
294 | Whole No. of | | | | | | | | |
| electors, |170|73 |26 |14 |11 |147|77 |47 |23
| Majority, 148 | | | | | | | | |
XIII. MARTIN VAN BUREN, PRESIDENT.
[Illustration: VAN-BUREN.]
INAUGURATED AT WASHINGTON, MARCH 4, 1837.
RICHARD M. JOHNSON, VICE-PRESIDENT.
HEADS OF THE DEPARTMENTS.
John Forsyth, Georgia, (_continued in_ } Secretary
_office_), } of State.
Levi Woodbury, New Hampshire, (_continued in_ } Secretary
_office_), } of Treasury.
Joel R. Poinsett, South Carolina, March 7, 1837, Secretary
of War.
Mahlon Dickerson, New Jersey, (_continued in_ } Secretaries
_office_), } of the Navy.
James K. Paulding, New York, June 30, 1838,}
Amos Kendall, Kentucky, (_continued in_ } Postmasters
_office_), } General.
John M. Niles, Connecticut, May 25, 1840,}
Benjamin F. Butler, New York, (_continued in_ } Attorneys
_office_), } General.
Felix Grundy, Tennessee, September 1, 1838,}
SPEAKERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
James K. Polk, Tennessee, Twenty-sixth Congress, 1837.
R. M. T. Hunter, Virginia, Twenty-seventh do. 1839.
Prior to the elevation of Mr. Van Buren to the presidency, he had been
long in public life, and had been honored with several offices in his
native state and under the general government. His talents, learning,
and experience, though not greater than those of many others of his
countrymen, were generally allowed to be adequate to his station. He
had not, indeed, like all his predecessors, been connected more or
less with the scenes of the Revolution, for he was born in the
concluding year of the war. But, in the swiftly revolving years, it
was evident that the time must soon come, when others than the men of
'76 would be called to the helm of government. New men, and those not
of the Anglo-American stock, must participate, as agreeable to the
will of our mixed community, in guiding the ship of state which the
fathers launched forth on the sea of experiment. Such was the case in
respect to Mr. Van Buren, and such must it be hereafter, so far as
regards men of ante-revolutionary birth. Whether our future presidents
will continue to be guided by the spirit and example of the sages and
heroes of the Revolution, remains to be seen.
In developing the administration of Mr. Van Buren, the following
topics will be noticed:
Measures respecting Banks, Difficulties in Maine,
Treasury Circular, Border Troubles,
Continuance of Florida War, Changes of Public opinion,
Internal Improvements, Character of the Administration,
Public Expenses, Election of William H. Harrison.
_Measures respecting Banks, &c._--The embarrassments in trade,
consequent on the discontinuance of the Bank of the United States,
issued in a great and disastrous diminution of the revenue. In this
state of things, the administration found it necessary to resort to
large loans. The people, as was to be expected, soon began to suffer
in their private enterprises, and the country throughout wore a gloomy
aspect, in respect to its pecuniary affairs and general prosperity.
This condition of things arose to a great height, in the year 1837,
and continued for some time afterwards. "Over trading, or the unusual
amount of importations, was one cause to which this unprosperous state
of the country was imputed. But it was also attributed to the
discontinuance of the national bank, and to the repeated attempts of
the administration to destroy its influence. Several petitions, from
different commercial towns and cities, with very numerous subscribers,
were presented to the president, requesting an early session of
congress. The president delayed, for some time, to act on the
petitions; but the distress increasing, and other petitions being
addressed to him, he issued a proclamation for convening the national
legislature in the month of September."
In his message, the president proposed what his opponents termed the
"sub-treasury scheme." He held out very little hope of relief to the
people from the government. His opinion was, that the government could
do little more than take care of itself--that the class or classes of
the community who had suffered, could alone supply a remedy, by a more
prudent and limited course of enterprise and trade. These, and similar
suggestions, seemed little calculated to satisfy a large portion of
the people, especially as the government had destroyed one important
means of benefit and facility to the merchants, and, through them, to
all the other classes of citizens.
Following the suggestions of Mr. Van Buren, congress passed an act
authorizing the issue of _treasury notes_, to the amount of ten
millions of dollars, for the immediate wants of the government. "This
was no other than a loan, except in name. The notes were made
negotiable, and thus became, in fact, merely paper money; with no
better credit, for there was no greater capital, or certainty of
payment, than there had been in the national bank. The like amount of
treasury notes was authorized in 1838, and again in 1839, but a part
of former issues had been redeemed."
The sub-treasury scheme, which the president had proposed in his
message, did not succeed at that time. The measure was opposed not
only by the adverse political party, but by his democratic friends who
were concerned in banks, and it was, at that period, very unpopular.
This portion of the democratic party separated from the
administration, and were known as _conservatives_. They eventually
fell into the ranks of the old opposition, or as it was (and is still)
termed, "the whig party." The subject of the sub-treasury was
postponed. At the opening of the session of congress, in the following
December, as may be remarked in anticipation, Mr. Van Buren again
pressed the measure, which now seemed to be his favorite; but, though
carried in the senate, it was defeated in the house. In a spirit of
perseverance, he was enabled to effect the object, through his
political friends, at the next session, when, on the 4th of July,
1840, the bill received his signature.