and eloquent remarks of the late Judge Story, addressed to the
American youth.--"Let the American youth," says he, "never forget that
they possess a noble inheritance, bought by the toils, and sufferings,
and blood of our ancestors; and capable, if wisely improved, and
safely guarded, of transmitting to their latest posterity all the
substantial blessings of life--the peaceful enjoyment of liberty, of
property, of religion, and of independence. The structure has been
erected by architects of consummate skill and fidelity; its
foundations are solid; its compartments are beautiful, as well as
useful; its arrangements are full of wisdom and order; and its
defences are impregnable from without. It has been reared for
immortality, if the work of man may justly aspire to such a title. It
may, nevertheless, perish in an hour, by the folly, or corruption, or
negligence of its only keepers, THE PEOPLE. Republics are created by
the virtue, public spirit, and intelligence of the citizens. They fall
when the wise are banished from the public councils because they dare
to be honest, and the profligate are rewarded because they flatter the
people, in order to betray them."
[Illustration]
FOOTNOTES:
[54] For a more particular account of this plan of union, the reader
is referred to Pitkin's History of the United States, vol. i. p. 142,
or Holmes' Annals, vol. ii. p. 55.
[55] Holmes' Annals.
[56] Madison Papers, vol. ii. p. 687-9.
[57] Hinton.
[58] "The nomination came with particular grace from Pennsylvania, as
Dr. Franklin alone could have been thought of as a competitor. The
doctor was himself to have made the nomination of General Washington,
but the state of the weather and of his health confined him to his
house."--_Madison Papers._
[59] "This plan had been concerted among the deputation, or members
thereof, from Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Delaware, and perhaps
Mr. Martin, from Maryland, who made with them a common cause, though
on different principles. Connecticut and New York were against a
departure from the principles of the confederation, wishing rather to
add a few new powers to congress, than to substitute a national
government. The states of New Jersey and Delaware were opposed to a
national government, because its patrons considered a proportional
representation of the states as the basis of it. The eagerness
displayed by the members opposed to a national government, from these
different motives, began now to produce serious anxiety for the result
of the convention. Mr. Dickinson said to Mr. Madison: 'You see the
consequence of pushing things too far. Some of the members from the
small states wish for two branches in the general legislature, and are
friends to a good national government; but we would sooner submit to
foreign power, than submit to be deprived, in both branches of the
legislature, of an equality of suffrage, and thereby be thrown under
the dominion of the larger states.'"--_Madison Papers._
[60] Madison Papers.
[61] This committee consisted of Mr. Gerry, Mr. Ellsworth, Mr. Yates,
Mr. Patterson, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Bedford, Mr. Martin, Mr. Mason, Mr.
Davy, Mr. Rutledge, and Mr. Baldwin.
VI. GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT.
[Illustration]
INAUGURATED AT NEW YORK, APRIL 30, 1789.
JOHN ADAMS, VICE-PRESIDENT.
HEADS OF THE DEPARTMENTS.
Thomas Jefferson, Virginia, September 26, 1789,} Secretaries
Edmund Randolph, Virginia, January 2, 1794, } of State.
Timothy Pickering, Pennsylvania, December 10, 1795 }
Alexander Hamilton, New York, September 11, 1789,} Secretaries
Oliver Wolcott, Connecticut, February 3, 1795 } of Treasury.
Henry Knox, Massachusetts, September 12, 1789,} Secretaries
Timothy Pickering, Pennsylvania, January 2, 1795, } of War.
James M'Henry, Maryland, January 27, 1796 }
Samuel Osgood, Massachusetts, September 26, 1789,} Postmasters
Timothy Pickering, Pennsylvania, November 7, 1791, } General.
Joseph Habersham, Georgia, February 25, 1795, }
Edmund Randolph, Virginia, September 26, 1789,} Attorneys
William Bradford, Pennsylvania, January 27, 1794, } General.
Charles Lee, Virginia, December 10, 1795 }
SPEAKERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
Frederick A. Muhlenberg, Pennsylvania, First Congress, 1789.
Jonathan Trumbull, Connecticut, Second do. 1791.
Frederick A. Muhlenberg, Pennsylvania, Third do. 1793.
Jonathan Dayton, New Jersey, Fourth do. 1795.
To the traveller whose lot has led him to traverse inhospitable
deserts--encounter fierce storms, and stem angry floods--it is
delightful, at length, to enter a region where such obstacles no
longer impede his progress--where he breathes with freedom--where he
pauses to repose and refresh himself, without the anticipation of
similar immediate toil and fatigue. It may not, indeed, be the end of
his journey--and he may not know with certainty the future issue of
that journey; but the aspect is less forbidding--the prospect is even
inviting--and he passes on, animated with the hope of still better
things to come.
Some such change we realize at the point at which we have arrived, in
following down the great events of American history. Casting an eye
upon the scenes of the past, little besides toil, agitation, and
conflict, are to be seen.
The Pilgrim Fathers land on these western shores. Immediately, a
wide-spread wilderness is before them, and the task of clearing it is
begun; savage foes--subtle, secret, and sanguinary--prowl about their
habitations, and for years agitate and distress them. The mother-country
becomes involved in continental wars--America is the theatre of the
contest, and American soldiers must fight her battles. But, like the
palm-tree, the colonists rise under the burdens imposed on them. As they
prosper and expand, England becomes jealous, and bears herself lordly
towards them, in measures of oppression--in prohibitions and exactions.
War ensues--a long and exhausting war; their fields lie neglected; their
cities are captured; their families are impoverished, and their sons are
slain; but they conquer, and are free. But, as a nation, they have no
sufficient bond of union--no efficient government to guide their future
destiny in safety. National and state debts rest as an incubus upon
their efforts, and no adequate power exists by which to provide for
their liquidation. A convention meets: different plans are
proposed--different constitutions are discussed. Obstacles to the
adoption of any arise, which appear insurmountable, and the convention
is on the eve of dissolving--leaving the problem still unsolved, whether
human wisdom is adequate to devise a constitution which shall harmonize
the conflicting interests of thirteen free and independent states.
Once more Providence rallies to our aid--moving upon untractable
spirits, as in days of yore the spirit had moved upon the troubled
waters, and now, as then, there "is a calm." Deliberations are
resumed--asperities wear away--harmony succeeds--the final vote is
taken--a constitution is adopted, and sent abroad among the people of
the states.
But again the waters become tumultuous--angry conflict is waged in
almost every state-house in the land--hundreds and thousands lift up
their voices against this constitution, and refuse to sanction
it--ill-boding doubts swell up like clouds gathering from the sea, and
for a time exclude all hope of a constitutional ratification.
But another becalming influence from on high moves upon the mental
mass; jarring strifes are suspended--angry discord ceases--harmonious
action succeeds--the constitution is ratified, _and George Washington
is elected president of the United States_!
On the ratification of the constitution, the attention of the people
was at once directed to General Washington, as the first president of
the United States. Communications, expressive of this general desire,
were made to him. "We cannot," said Mr. Johnson, of Maryland, "do
without you, and I and thousands more can explain to any body but
yourself, why we cannot do without you." "I have ever thought," said
Governeur Morris, "and have said, that you must be president; no other
man can fill that office." In a letter on the subject, addressed to
Washington by Colonel Hamilton, the latter said, "You will permit me
to say, that it is indispensable you should lend yourself to its [the
government's] first operations."
Washington had serious objections to becoming a candidate. He
sincerely wished for retirement. "It is my great and sole desire"--so
he expressed himself to a friend, who had written him--"to live and
die in peace and retirement on my own farm."
But the voice of the nation demanded a further sacrifice from the
noble and disinterested patriot. He alone was believed to fill so
prëeminent a station in public opinion, that he might be placed at the
head of the nation without exciting envy. He alone possessed the
requisite confidence of the nation.
By the constitution, the new government was to commence its operations
on the 4th of March, 1789; but a quorum of representatives did not
appear till the 1st, nor of senators till Monday, the 6th day of April.
On this latter day, the president of the senate, elected for the
purpose of counting the votes, declared to the senate, that the senate
and house of representatives had met, and that he, in their presence,
had opened and counted the votes for the electors for president and
vice-president of the United States; whereby it appeared that GEORGE
WASHINGTON was unanimously elected president. The following table
exhibits the votes of the several electoral colleges:
ELECTORAL VOTES FOR PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT.
ELECTION FOR THE FIRST TERM,
COMMENCING MARCH 4, 1789, AND TERMINATING MARCH 3, 1793.
Key: A. George Washington, of Virginia.
B. John Adams, of Massachusetts.
C. Samuel Huntington, of Connecticut.
D. John Jay, of New York.
E. John Hancock, of Massachusetts.
F. R. H. Harrison, of Maryland.
G. George Clinton, of New York.
H. John Rutledge, of South Carolina.
I. John Milton, of Georgia.
J. James Armstrong, of Georgia.
K. Edward Telfair, of Georgia.
L. Benjamin Lincoln, of Massachusetts.
----------+----------------+---+---+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+
Number of | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
Electors | STATES. | | | | | | | | | | | | |
from each | | A.| B.|C.|D.|E.|F.|G.|H.|I.|J.|K.|L.|
State. | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
----------+----------------+---+---+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+
5 |New Hampshire, | 5| 5| | | | | | | | | | |
10 |Massachusetts, | 10| 10| | | | | | | | | | |
7 |Connecticut, | 7| 5| 2| | | | | | | | | |
6 |New Jersey, | 6| 1| 5| | | | | | | | | |
10 |Pennsylvania, | 10| 8| 2| | | | | | | | | |
3 |Delaware, | 3| 3| | | | | | | | | | |
6 |Maryland, | 6| 6| | | | | | | | | | |
10 |Virginia, | 10| 5| 1| 1| 3| | | | | | | |
7 |South Carolina, | 7| 1| 6| | | | | | | | | |
5 |Georgia, | 5| 2| 1| 1| 1| | | | | | | |
----------+----------------+---+---+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+
69 |Whole No. | | | | | | | | | | | | |
|of electors, | 69| 34| 2| 9| 4| 6| 3| 6| 2| 1| 1| 1|
|Majority, 35 | | | | | | | | | | | | |
----------+----------------+---+---+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+
Whereupon, a certificate and letter--the one prepared by a committee
of the senate, the other by its president--were communicated to
General Washington, setting forth his election, and expressing the
cordial wish, that so auspicious a mark of public confidence would
meet his approbation.
This certificate and letter were received by Washington, at Mount
Vernon, on the 4th of April. He doubtless appreciated the honor done
him, and was grateful to the people for the confidence reposed in him;
but he would have declined the office, had the convictions of duty
allowed. That, however, was not permitted; and, yielding to the wishes
of the nation, he took leave of Mount Vernon on the second day after
receiving notice of his appointment, and proceeded to New York, at that
time the seat of government--"bidding adieu," as he wrote in his diary,
"to private life and domestic felicity; and, with a mind oppressed with
more anxious and painful sensations than I have words to express."
The state of the public business required his immediate presence at
the seat of government; but the desire to see the first president of
the United States--the zeal and enthusiasm which were kindled up along
the whole route he was to take, rendered it impossible to proceed with
haste. Crowds flocked around him, wherever he stopped; and corps of
militia, and companies of the most respectable citizens, escorted him
through their respective streets.
On reaching New York, April 23d, he was received with due ceremony by
the governor of that state, and conducted with military honors through
an immense concourse of people, to the apartments provided for him.
Here he received the salutations of foreign ministers, public bodies,
political characters, and private citizens of distinction, who pressed
around him to offer their congratulations, and to express their joy at
seeing the man, who had the confidence of all, at the head of the
American republic.
[Illustration: INAUGURATION OF WASHINGTON.]
On Thursday, the 30th of April, the new president was inaugurated. The
oath of office was administered by the chancellor of the state of New
York, in the presence of the senate and house of representatives, and an
immense concourse of people, who attested their joy by loud and
repeated acclamations. From the open gallery adjoining the
senate-chamber, which had been the scene of this new but imposing scene,
the assembly returned to the senate-chamber, where the president
delivered an inaugural address; in which, after alluding to the
"anxieties" occasioned by his election to the chief magistracy, and the
fond hope he had indulged of spending the remainder of his days in the
"retreat" to which he had retired, after years of military toil and
strife, he proceeded in terms alike honorable to himself as a Christian
and a patriot: "It would be peculiarly improper to omit, in this first
official act, my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules
over the universe--who presides in the councils of nations--and whose
providential aids can supply every human defect, that his benediction
may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the
United States, a government instituted by themselves for these essential
purposes: and may enable every instrument employed in its administration
to execute, with success, the functions allotted to his charge. In
tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private
good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my
own; nor those of my fellow-citizens at large, less than either. No
people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand which
conducts the affairs of men, more than the people of the United States.
Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an
independent nation, seems to have been distinguished by some token of
providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished
in the system of their united government, the tranquil deliberations,
and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities, from which the
event has resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most
governments have been established, without some return of pious
gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings
which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the
present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be
suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are
none, under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free
government can more auspiciously commence."
Such were the sentiments of the patriot--the sage--the Christian
statesman, as he was about to enter upon the duties of an office, upon
the faithful or unfaithful discharge of which, was to depend the
perpetuity or speedy annihilation of a constitution of government,
which had cost thousands of lives and millions of revenue--besides
involving the happiness of unborn millions. Washington had surveyed
the wide field of responsibility. He came to the high and sacred
office reluctantly indeed, but in reliance upon that Divine arm which
had been his stay in the dark and stormy days of the Revolution.
Having put his hand to the plough, he was not the man to look back.
Having passed the Rubicon, his march was forward. Immediately
following the delivery of the above address, the president, with the
members of both houses, attended divine service at St. Paul's chapel.
Thus did Washington, and thus did the national assembly, commence the
government with a _devout recognition of its dependence upon Divine
Providence for success_. Happy for the country, if the same spirit of
piety, and the same acknowledgments to the Divine Author of all good,
had descended to after years.
The acts and events which signalized the administration of Washington
relate to--
A System of Revenue. Indian War.
Regulation of Departments. Rëelection of Washington.
Amendments of the Constitution. Difficulties with France.
Establishment of a Judiciary. Insurrection in Pennsylvania.
Assumption of Debts. Jay's Treaty.
Removal of the Seat of Government. Election of Mr. Adams.
National Bank. Farewell Address.
_System of Revenue._--The first duty, under the federal constitution,
to which congress was called, was to provide a revenue for the support
of the government. For this purpose duties were laid on imported
merchandize and on the tonnage of vessels; thus drawing into the
national treasury funds, which had before been collected and
appropriated by the individual states. To counteract the commercial
regulations of foreign nations, and encourage American shipping,
higher tonnage duties were imposed on foreign than on American
vessels, and ten per cent. less duty on goods imported in vessels
belonging to the citizens of the United States than the same goods
brought in those owned by foreigners.
_Regulation of Departments._--Three executive departments were
created, designed to aid the president in the management of the
government. These were styled departments of _war_, of _foreign
affairs_, and of the _treasury_. The heads of these departments were
to be called _secretaries_, and to receive a salary of three thousand
five hundred dollars. They were intended to constitute a council, to
be consulted by the president at his pleasure; and their opinions, on
all important questions, he was authorized to require in writing.
In framing the acts establishing these departments, a question arose
of serious magnitude, viz: "In what manner, and by whom, these
important officers could be _removed from office_?" The constitution
was explicit in regard to their appointment, giving the power of
nominating to the president, and that of confirming or rejecting the
nomination to the senate; but it was silent as to removal. Some few
maintained that they could be removed only by impeachment; but the
principal question was, "whether they were removable by the president
alone, or by the president with the concurrence of the senate?"
The debate on this question was long and animated. It was claimed, by
one portion of the members, that as the senate had a voice in the
appointment of these officers, they should have a voice in case of
their removal; that such power entrusted to one man might be
abused--if not by Washington, by some of his successors.
On the other hand, it was contended that, as it was made the duty of
the president to see the laws faithfully executed, he ought to have
the power of dismissing those agents who were unfaithful; otherwise,
how, in many supposable cases, could he secure a faithful execution of
the laws? It was further urged, that the mal-conduct of an officer
might require his immediate dismission, before the senate--a body
scattered over the states--could be convened. True, the power might be
abused, and, in the hands of an ambitious man, perhaps would be; but
such abuse would, in due time, be rebuked by the people, and the
abuser of this delegated power, be displaced with dishonor. "The
danger," said Mr. Madison, "consists in this: the president can
displace from office a man whose merits require that he should be
continued in it. What will be the motives which the president can feel
for such abuse of his power, and the restraints to operate to prevent
it? In the first place, he will be impeachable by this house, before
the senate, for such an act of mal-administration; for I contend, that
the wanton removal of meritorious officers, would subject him to
impeachment, and removal from his own high trust."
The difference of opinion on this great question, gave rise to warm
and protracted debates. A majority of both houses, however, at length
decided, that _the power of removal is in the president alone_.
Several who had been members of the convention which framed the
constitution, were, at this time, members of the house of
representatives. They were equally divided on the question--Mr.
Madison and Mr. Baldwin, supporting the construction finally adopted
by congress: Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Gerry, opposing it.
_Amendments of the Constitution._--The states of New York and
Virginia, although they ratified the constitution, were solicitous to
have certain amendments adopted, which, in separate memorials, they
presented to congress, and urged that body to call another convention
for their adoption. Congress, however, had no authority to call a
convention. Mr. Madison submitted to the house several amendments,
which, together with those presented by several of the states, were
referred to a committee, consisting of one member from each state.
This committee, at length, reported several amendments; twelve of
which, after various alterations, were agreed to by both branches of
congress, and sent to the states. These amendments related to
religion--keeping or bearing arms in time of war--quartering soldiers,
citizens, &c., &c. Ten of these articles were at length ratified by
the state legislatures, and became a part of the constitution.
_Establishment of a Judiciary._--"A national judiciary was also
established during this session, consisting of a supreme court,
circuit, and district courts. The bill for carrying this part of the
constitution into effect, originated in the senate, and was drawn up
by a committee, of which Mr. Ellsworth was chairman. The district
courts were to consist of one judge in each state. The states were
divided into circuits, in each of which, one of the judges of the
supreme court, and the district judge of the state in which the court
was held, constituted the circuit courts. In certain cases, this court
had original jurisdiction, and also took cognizance of appeals from
the district courts. The supreme court was composed of a chief justice
and five associate judges, and was to hold two sessions annually, at
the seat of government. This court had exclusive jurisdiction in
certain cases, and appellative jurisdiction from the circuit courts,
and also from the state courts, in cases where the validity of
treaties, and the laws of the United States were drawn in question.
This organization of the federal judiciary, has remained nearly the
same to the present time, except for a short period, when a different
system, relative to the circuit courts, was established, but which was
soon abolished, and the old system restored."[62] John Jay was
appointed chief justice; John Rutledge, James Wilson, William
Cushing, Robert H. Harrison, and John Blair, associate judges of the
supreme court, and Edmund Randolph, attorney general.[63]