in American warfare. It established the New England character for a
daring and enterprising spirit, and it became equally the boast and
the fear of Britain. The daring and the prowess that effected such an
achievement, might one day be arrayed against the integrity of the
British empire in America. Pious people considered that this victory
was wrought out by a special guiding and cöoperating Providence.
After the loss of Louisburg, the conflicts on the borders became more
frequent and fatal. The enemy was exasperated, and determined to give
the colonists no rest. Various places on the Connecticut were
accordingly attacked, but chiefly settlements in New Hampshire, the
results of which were very distressing to individual families.
Charlestown, Keene, New Hopkinton, Contoocook, Rochester, and many other
places whose situations exposed them to the enemy were attacked, and a
greater or less number of individuals were killed, wounded, or captured.
One attack may be stated in detail; it followed the surrender of Fort
Massachusetts to Vaudreuil's French and Indian forces, an honourable
capitulation, which took place in the summer of 1746, the fort having
defended itself as long as its ammunition lasted. The narrative is
given in the language of another: "Immediately after the surrender of
Fort Massachusetts, about fifty of Vaudreuil's Indians passed Hoosack
mountain, for the purpose of making depredations at Deerfield, about
forty miles eastward. Arriving near the village on Sunday, they
reconnoitered the north meadow, for the purpose of selecting a place
of attack upon the people, as they should commence their labor the
next morning. Not finding a point of attack suited to their design,
which seems to have been rather to capture than to secure scalps, they
proceeded about two miles south, to a place called the _Bars_, where
were a couple of houses, owned by the families of Arnsden and Allen,
but now deserted; and early in the morning formed an ambuscade on the
margin of a meadow, under the cover of a thicket of alders, near which
was a quantity of mown hay. The laborers of the two families,
accompanied by several children, then residing in Deerfield village,
proceeded to their work in the early part of the day, and commenced
their business very near the Indians, who now considered their prey as
certain. But a little before they commenced their attack, Mr. Eleazer
Hawks, one of the neighboring inhabitants, went out for fowling; and,
approaching near the ambuscade, was shot down and scalped. Alarmed at
the fire, the persons fled down a creek towards a mill, fiercely
pursued by the Indians. Simeon Arnsden, a lad, was seized, killed and
scalped; Samuel Allen, John Sadler, and Adonijah Gillet, made a stand
under the bank of Deerfield river, near the mouth of the mill creek,
whence they opened a fire on the Indians. Soon overpowered, Allen and
Gillet fell; but Sadler escaped to an island, and thence across the
river, under a shower of balls. In the mean time, others, making for
the road leading to the town, were closely pursued, and Oliver
Arnsden, after a vigorous struggle for his life, was barbarously
butchered. Eunice, a daughter, and two sons of Allen (Samuel and
Caleb) were in the field; Eunice was knocked down by a tomahawk, and
her skull fractured, but, in the hurry, was left unscalped. Samuel was
made prisoner, and Caleb effected his escape by running through a
piece of corn, though the Indians passed very near him.
Notwithstanding the severity of her wounds, Eunice recovered, and
lived to an advanced age."[24]
Although the war between England and France was terminated by the
treaty of peace at Aix-la-Chapelle, on the 18th of October, 1743, yet
tranquillity did not immediately follow. The frontiers continued to be
ravaged, and the comfort and progress of the settlers were seriously
interrupted, for a time, beyond the general pacification. The basis of
the peace, as settled at Aix-la-Chapelle, was the mutual restoration
of all places taken during the war: Louisburg, the pride and glory of
the war, reverted to the French, to the grief and mortification of New
England.
[Illustration]
FOOTNOTE:
[24] Hoyt.
XI. FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR.
DECLARATION of War between England and France--Causes of the
War--Mode of conducting it--Various Expeditions planned--Nova
Scotia taken from the French--General Braddock's signal
defeat--Failure of Expeditions against Niagara and Fort
Frontenac--Expedition against Crown Point--Battle of Lake
George--Campaign of 1756--Inefficiency of Lord Loudon--Loss of
Fort Oswego--Indian Atrocities in Pennsylvania--Campaign of
1757--Massacre at Fort William Henry--Campaign of
1758--Capture of Louisburg--Unsuccessful Expedition against
Ticonderoga--Capture of Fort Frontenac--Fort du Quesne
taken--Campaign of 1759--Ticonderoga and Crown Point
taken--Niagara Captured--Siege and Capture of Quebec--Death of
Wolfe and Montcalm--Final Surrender of the French Possessions
in Canada to the English--Peace of Paris.
After a few years of peace, during which the colonies had somewhat
repaired their wasted strength and resources, a declaration of war was
made between Great Britain and France in the summer of 1756. There had
been an actual state of warfare for two previous years, causing no
small grief and annoyance to the colonies, who had fondly hoped longer
to enjoy the blessings of tranquillity, and prosecute their schemes of
improvement. An invaluable blessing, however, ultimately flowed from
the renewed conflict of arms--as, from this time, that federation took
place among the separated provinces, which was consummated afterwards
in their independence as a nation. The prosecution of a common object,
such as was presented in the French and Indian War, naturally
concentrated and united their energies, and evolved, at length, the
idea of a more perfect political association.
The _causes_ of the war grew out of the encroachments of the French
upon the frontier of the English colonies in America. Such, at least,
was the allegation on the part of England. France had established
settlements on the St. Lawrence, and at the mouth of the Mississippi,
and commenced the gigantic plan of uniting these points by a chain of
forts, extending across the continent, and designed to confine the
English colonists to the eastern slope of the Alleghanies. The French
possessed considerable military strength in their northern colonies.
They had strongly fortified Quebec and Montreal, and, at other points,
the frontiers were defended by Louisburg, Cape Breton, and the forts
of Lake Champlain, Niagara, Crown Point, Frontenac, and Ticonderoga.
And they had, also, a fort of some strength at Du Quesne, now the spot
on which Pittsburg is built.
The establishment of French posts on the Ohio, and the attack on
Colonel Washington, were declared, by the British government, as the
commencement of hostilities. The French, however, allege the intrusion
of the Ohio Company upon their territory, as the immediate cause of
the war. General Braddock, at the head of fifteen hundred troops, had
been despatched to America. On his arrival in Virginia, he requested a
convention of colonial governors to meet him there, to confer on the
plan of the ensuing campaign. They accordingly met, and three
expeditions were resolved upon--one against Du Quesne, to be conducted
by General Braddock; one against forts Niagara and Frontenac, to be
commanded by Governor Shirley; and one against Crown Point, to be led
by General Johnson. The last-named expedition was a measure proposed
by Massachusetts, and was to be executed by troops raised in New
England and New York. In the mean time, a fourth expedition, which had
been previously concerted, was carried on against the French forts in
Nova Scotia. This province, it seems, after its cession to the
English, by the treaty of Utrecht, was still retained, in part, by the
French, as its boundaries were not defined. They had built forts on a
portion of it which the English claimed. To gain possession of these,
was the object of the expedition. About two thousand militia, under
Monckton and Winslow, embarked at Boston, on the 20th of May, 1755;
and, having been joined by three hundred regulars, when they had
arrived at Chignecto, on the Bay of Fundy, they proceeded against
Beau Sejour, now the principal post of the French in that country.
This place they invested and took possession of, after a bombardment
of a few days. Other forts were afterwards attacked and taken, and the
whole province was secured to the British, according to their idea of
its proper boundaries.
The military operations at the South, during this time, proved to be
disastrous in the extreme. One of the most signal defeats took place
in Virginia, that the annals of American history have recorded. It had
been a total loss of a large army (large for the colonial warfare),
but for the prudence and valor of our youthful Fabius, George
Washington. He saved a portion of it, while the whole was exposed to
utter annihilation, through the pride and ill-calculating policy of
its leader. General Braddock was not wanting in valor, or in the
knowledge of European tactics; but he little understood the proper
mode of meeting Indian warfare, and had the greater misfortune of
unwillingness to receive advice from subordinates in office.
The object of the expedition under Braddock, was the reduction of Fort
du Quesne. At the head of two thousand men, he commenced his march;
but, as it was deemed an object of great importance to reach the fort
before it could be rëinforced, he marched forward with twelve hundred
men, selected from the different corps, with ten pieces of cannon, and
the necessary ammunition and provisions. The remainder of the army was
left under the command of Colonel Dunbar, to follow with the heavy
artillery, by moderate and easy marches.
Washington, who was his aid, and well acquainted with the
peculiarities of Indian warfare, foresaw the danger which was
impending, and ventured to suggest the propriety of employing a body
of Indians, who had offered their services. These, had the commander
seen fit to accept the advice, would have proved serviceable to him as
scouting and advanced parties. Or had he, as was also suggested to
him, as a matter of safety, placed the provincial troops in his army
in front, he would have avoided the danger. These troops, consisting
of independent and ranging companies, accustomed to such services,
would have scoured the woods and morasses, and guarded against an
ambuscade. Despising the enemy, undervaluing the colonial troops, and
confiding only in his own valor and the splendid array of his
well-drilled British regulars, he fearlessly pursued his way. The
natural and necessary impediments were many, and he did not reach the
Monongahela until the 8th of July. The next day he expected to invest
the fort, and in the morning he made a disposition of his forces, in
accordance with that expectation. His van, consisting of three hundred
British regulars, was commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Gage, and he
followed, at some distance, with the artillery and main body of his
men, divided into small columns.
"Washington had the day before rëjoined the army, from which he had
been a short time detained by severe illness. It was noon on the 9th
of July, when, from the height above the right bank of the
Monongahela, he looked upon the ascending army, which, ten miles from
Fort Du Quesne, had just crossed the stream for the second time. Every
thing looked more bright and beautiful than aught he had ever
witnessed before. The companies in their crimson uniform, with
burnished arms and floating banners, were marching gayly to cheerful
music as they entered the forest."
But soon and suddenly, how changed the scene! How many exulting
soldiers that entered the forest, were destined never to emerge from
it, into the light of day! How many hearts that were throbbing with
hope at the prospect of an easy victory, were to be hushed for ever!
Heedless of danger, Braddock pressed forward, the distance of seven
miles only still intervening between his army and the contemplated
place of action. Suddenly, in an open wood, thick set with high grass,
there burst upon them the Indian war-whoop and a fierce fire from an
unseen enemy on every side. A momentary confusion and panic
ensued--many fell, and, the ranks being broken, there was danger of an
ignominious flight. None could at first tell who might be or where
lurked the foe that was dealing death at so fearful a rate. Braddock,
however, rallied his forces, but mistakingly deemed it necessary to
fight, even under these circumstances, according to European tactics,
and to preserve a regular order of battle. Thus he kept his soldiers
in compact masses, as fair marks for the Indian bullet or arrow,
without the possibility of effectually meeting the foe. At this
critical moment, personal valor was of no avail. Discipline and art,
combined action, and orderly movement, brought not the enemy where he
could be foiled. There was, indeed, a momentary suspension of the
fight, resulting from the fall of the commanding officer of the foe,
but the attack was quickly renewed with increased fury--the van fell
back on the main army, and the whole body was again thrown into
confusion. Had an instant retreat, or a rapid charge without
observance of orderly military movements been commanded, the result
might have been very different. But Braddock, too ignorant of the
right course, or too bigoted to the European method of battle, refused
to adopt either expedient. Continually fired upon, and losing his
brave men by scores, he still made efforts to form his broken and
wasting troops on the very spot where they were first attacked, thus
bringing the living to supply the places of the dead, and offering
needlessly, and without any countervailing advantage, successive
holocausts to the demon of battle.
The enemy was small in numbers, and hardly calculated on the
possibility of defeating the English army. Annoyance and delay, seemed
to be all that they expected to accomplish; but permitted securely, in
the two ravines on each side of the road where they were concealed, to
fire upon the English, they could but triumph. The Indians, taking
leisurely aim at the officers, swept them from the field, and all but
Washington were either killed or wounded. He, as aid to Braddock, was
peculiarly exposed, as he rode over every part of the field to carry
the general's orders. Indeed, the sharp-shooters endeavored to take
him off, as well as the rest, but he was providentially preserved. No
instrument of death might be wielded with effect upon him. The
superstitious Indians were struck by the phenomenon of his escape, and
concluded that he was not to be killed. One of them afterwards averred
that he shot at him seventeen times in succession, and was forced to
yield to the conviction that he was invulnerable. At the close of the
battle, four bullets were found in his coat, and it was known that two
horses had been killed under him.
[Illustration: Braddock's Defeat.]
After an action of three hours, General Braddock, who had fearlessly
breasted the vollies of the enemy, and had lost successively three
horses from under him, received a mortal wound. His troops no longer
maintained their position, but fled in terror and dismay. The
provincials remained last on the field, and effected an orderly
retreat, protecting, at the same time, the regulars in their flight.
The defeat was most signal, and the loss of life appalling. The proud
army, at the close of the contest, counted but one-half of its entire
number. Sixty-four officers were killed and wounded. The remains of
the English forces sought their companions under Dunbar, forty miles
distant. Braddock could proceed no farther, and there expired. The
army, with Dunbar for its leader, was soon after marched to
Philadelphia, where it found its winter-quarters. Thus, in the fatal
results of that expedition, the whole frontier of Virginia was left
exposed to the French and Indians.
Of the enterprise against _Niagara_ and _Fort Frontenac_, it may
suffice to say, that it utterly failed. We proceed, therefore, to that
against _Crown Point_, the rendezvous for which was at Albany. On the
last of June (1755), four thousand troops arrived at Albany, under the
command of General William Johnson and General Lyman. Here the sachem
Hendrick joined them with a body of his Mohawks. As a portion of the
troops, together with the artillery, batteaux, provisions, and other
necessaries for the attempt on Crown Point, could not be immediately
got ready, General Lyman advanced with the main body, and erected Fort
Edward, on the Hudson, for the security of the apparatus above named,
which was to be forwarded by Johnson.
Towards the end of August, General Johnson moved his forces forward
more northerly, and pitched his camp at the south end of Lake George.
Here he learned that two thousand French and Indians, under the
command of Baron Dieskau, had landed at South bay, now Whitehall, and
were marching toward Fort Edward for the purpose of destroying the
English transports and munitions of war. It was resolved the next
morning, in a council of war, to send out a large detachment of men to
intercept Dieskau's army on its way. To perform this service, Colonel
Ephraim Williams, of Deerfield, was appointed, at the head of twelve
hundred troops, two hundred of whom were Indians. Dieskau, who was an
able commander, had made an advantageous disposition to receive the
English. While he kept the main body of his regulars with him in the
center, he ordered the Canadians and Indians to advance on the right
and left in the woods, with a view to surround their opponents. When
the American troops had arrived considerably within the ambuscade, the
Mohawk sachem, Hendrick, who had been sent out too late with his band,
was hailed by a hostile Indian, and instantly there commenced a sharp
fire. This brought on the action sooner than was intended by Dieskau,
who had ordered his flanking parties to reserve their fire till the
firing should proceed from the center. It was his design to let the
English troops get completely inclosed before the firing commenced, in
which case there would have been an entire defeat of the English. The
discharge of arms necessarily became general, after the flanking
parties had begun; but the advantage was altogether on the side of the
ambuscaders. The provincials fought bravely, but finding that they
were in danger of being hemmed in from every quarter, they were
obliged to retreat. The loss of the Americans was considerable.
Colonel Williams was killed. Hendrick and a number of his Indians, who
fought with great intrepidity, were left dead on the field. The
retreating troops joined the main body, and waited the approach of
their now exulting assailants.[25]
It was nearly noon when the enemy appeared in sight of Johnson's army.
The battle of _Lake George_, which was the consequence of their meeting,
occurred on the 8th of September. The American army was encamped on the
banks of that lake, and covered each side of a low thick morass. To form
a sort of breastwork, trees had been felled, and this was his only cover
against an attack. It happened most favorably that, two days before,
General Johnson had received several cannon from Fort Edward. The enemy
marched up in front of the breastwork within the distance of one hundred
and fifty yards. Soon the grand and central attack was commenced, while
the English flanks were beset by the Canadians and Indians. The distant
platoon fire of the French did but little execution; and the English,
summoning resolution, entered with increased spirit upon the defence of
their position. Working their artillery with vigor, they compelled the
Indians and Canadian militia to flee into the swamps. Dieskau, under
these circumstances, was forced to order a retreat. It was not effected
with much success, as his troops were thrown into irrecoverable
disorder, and their flight was hastened by a party pursuing them from
the English camp. The baron met the frequent fate of war--he received
his death-wound from a soldier, who, meeting him alone, mistook a
movement on the part of the general, which was intended as propitiatory,
for an attempt at self-defence, and discharged his piece at him. He was
feeling for his watch to give to the soldier. His wound proved fatal,
but not until he had reached England.
[Illustration: Battle of Lake George.]
When the baron's army halted, after its retreat or flight, it happened,
just as they were about to take refreshment, that two hundred men of
the New Hampshire forces, which had been detached from Fort Edward to
the aid of the main body, fell upon the French, and put many of them to
the sword. Their dead bodies were thrown into a small lake, which, from
this circumstance, was afterwards called "the bloody pond."
The spirits of the colonists, which had been so depressed by
Braddock's defeat, were greatly revived, but the issue of the battle
of Lake George was not otherwise beneficial. The success was by no
means followed up according to the expectations of the country. No
further effort at this time was made to reduce Crown Point; but the
remainder of the campaign was employed by Johnson only in
strengthening the works at Fort Edward, and erecting on the site of
the battle a fort, which he called William Henry.
Johnson, in his official letter respecting the engagement, makes no
mention of General Lyman, although the latter held the command most of
the day, as Johnson was wounded early in the action. This was an
instance of ingratitude and selfishness highly unbecoming a soldier,
especially as the consideration bestowed on himself was a baronetcy
and five thousand pounds sterling.
The campaign of 1756, the year in which the public declaration of war
was made, makes but an indifferent figure in American history.
Expeditions against Niagara, Crown Point, Fort Du Quesne, and other
places, were projected; but they severally failed. On the other hand,
before the close of the summer, the Marquis de Montcalm, an efficient
officer, who succeeded Dieskau, with a large force of regulars,
Canadians, and Indians, took the important fort of Oswego, on the
south side of Lake Ontario, which gave him the command of the lakes
Ontario and Erie, and of the entire country of the Five Nations.
Sixteen hundred men were taken prisoners; Colonel Mercer, the
commanding officer, was killed, and the loss in cannon, mortars,
batteaux, and other military resources, was great.
[Illustration: Destruction of Kittaning.]
During this unfortunate year, a single military adventure on the
confines of Pennsylvania, shows that the colonists were not insensible
to the Indian depredations, and to the duty of attempting to repress
them. Fort Granby, in that state, was surprised by a party of French
and Indians, who made the garrison prisoners. Departing, in this
instance, from their usual custom of killing and scalping the
captives, they loaded them with flour, and thus drove them into the
wilderness. In another quarter, the Indians on the Ohio barbarously
killed, in their incursions, above a thousand inhabitants of the
western frontiers. To avenge this outrageous conduct, Colonel
Armstrong, with a party of two hundred and eighty provincials, marched
from Fort Shirley, on the Juniata river, about one hundred and fifty
miles west of Philadelphia, to Kittaning, an Indian town, the
rendezvous of these murdering savages, and destroyed it. An Indian
chief, called Captain Jacobs, defended himself through loop-holes of
his log cabin. As the Indians refused the quarter which was offered
them, Colonel Armstrong gave orders to set their houses on fire. This
was at once executed, and many of the Indians perished by the flames
and suffocation. Numbers were shot in attempting to reach the river.
Jacobs, his squaw, and a boy called the king's son, were fired upon as
they were attempting to escape out of the window, and were all killed
and scalped. It is computed that between thirty and forty Indians were
destroyed in this attack. Eleven English prisoners were also released.