No attempt to settle Virginia had succeeded up to the year 1607. The

ill-advised schemes of the company or their controversies, and the

suspicions and hatred of the Indians, had defeated every enterprise

hitherto. But one man, Captain Smith, by his sagacity and heroism, at

length accomplished the object. Of his adventures, no particular account

needs to be given here, as these have been narrated in another part of

this work. But his connection with Powhatan affords the occasion of

bringing the latter more especially into view in this place. This chief

is described as being tall and well-proportioned, wearing an aspect of

sadness--exceedingly vigorous, and possessing a body fitted to endure

great hardships. At the time of the settlement of Jamestown, he was

about sixty years of age, and rendered the more majestic by the grayness

of his hair. He inspired the awe of beholders as he was seated on his

wooden form, and adorned with his robe of racoon skins, and his

headdress of various feathers having the appearance of a crown. He

governed many nations, and many of them by the right of conquest. The

place of his residence, at first, was at Powhatan, near the falls of

James river; but, afterwards, when he had extended his conquests north,

it was at a place called Werowocomoco. His dominion included the country

upon James river, from its mouth to the falls, and all its tributary

streams. This was the boundary of his country southerly, and thus across

the territory, "nearly as high as the falls of all the great rivers over

the Potowmack, even to Patuxet in Maryland."

[Illustration: SMITH SELLING BLUE BEADS TO POWHATAN.]

He usually kept a guard, consisting of forty or fifty of his bravest

men, especially when he slept, but this number was four-fold after the

arrival of the English. His wives were numerous, and taken or

dismissed at his pleasure. When he slept, one sat at his head and

another at his feet. His places for temporary residence, or at certain

seasons of the year, were numerous. At these places he had victuals

provided against his coming, in spacious wigwams thirty or forty yards

in extent. His manner of attack upon his neighbors, was stealthy and

fiercely cruel. An instance is given, in his surprisal, on one

occasion, of the people of Payankatank, who were his neighbors and

subjects. To effect his barbarous purpose, he sent several of his men

to lodge with them the night on which he designed an attack; then,

secretly surrounding them in their wigwams, commenced a horrid

massacre. Many of the men were killed, their scalps taken, and the

women and children made prisoners. The scalps were exhibited upon a

line between two trees as a trophy, and the chief of Payankatank and

his wife Powhatan became servants to the emperor.

Through Captain Smith's address, this prince was now brought completely

into the English interest; although eventually, through the imprudent

conduct of Newport, who soon after arrived from England, he was induced

to practice deception upon his new friends, in the way of trade. Smith,

however, in his turn, took advantage of the emperor, to the no great

credit of his moral principles. The revenge was complete, as the

following example shows; Smith gained his end fully, by pretending to

set a great value on a few blue beads, which he had exposed to Powhatan

as if by accident, and which he professed to be very unwilling to part

with, as they were worn, according to his account, only by great kings.

This fired the emperor with the wish to secure them, at whatever

sacrifice on his part. In the infatuation produced, he parted with two

or three hundred bushels of corn, for a pound or two of beads. Thus the

intercourse of the whites with these simple children of nature, in the

early period of our history, was not always marked with that delicate

regard of right and veracity, with which every transaction of this

nature should be attended. The consequences very naturally appeared in

the many plots and counter-plots which were contrived to embarrass one

another, or to effect unlawful objects.

On one occasion Powhatan became offended with Smith, because he could

not procure swords from him in the manner in which he procured them from

Newport. When the latter was about leaving the country, Powhatan sent

him twenty turkeys, for which he demanded and obtained twenty swords in

return. He supposed that he could do the same with Smith, but was

disappointed; and, accordingly he ordered his men to seize the English

wherever they could find them. The consequence was, that many of the

latter, in the vicinity of the forts, were robbed of their swords. These

depredations were continued until Smith surprised a number of the

Indians, from whom he learned that Powhatan was endeavoring to get all

the arms in his power, with a view to massacre the whites. When the

chief found that his plot was discovered, he sent Pocahontas, his

daughter, with gifts, in order to apologize for his conduct, and

pretended that the mischief was done by some of his chiefs. He directed

her to use her influence in effecting the release of his men, in which

she succeeded, and thus the parties became at peace again.

The friendship which Powhatan manifested towards the English at any

time, was short-lived, and seems not to have been at all sincere.

Constant deceptions were practised by him to gain his ends; and, so long

as he lived, difficulties existed between him and the English. The noble

Pocahontas was a sort of mediator between them, and often brought

important intelligence, as seasonable aid, to the latter. On one

occasion, after a long conference, in regard to a trade in provisions,

in which deceptions were employed on both sides, and in which Powhatan

endeavored to persuade Captain Smith and his men to treat with him in a

friendly manner, and to throw aside their arms, Smith was about to

resort to force in order to effect his object. Powhatan, however,

succeeded in escaping from the conference, and in conveying his women,

children, and effects into the woods. Even then he attempted to allure

Smith into his presence unarmed, if possible, by sending him a present.

Finding, at last, all artifices without effect, Powhatan resolved to

fall upon the English in their cabins on the following night. But here

Pocahontas interposed her kind offices, and was the means, most

probably, of saving the life of Smith and his attendants. She came

alone, in a dark night, through the woods, and apprised Smith of her

father's design. For such a favor, Smith offered her whatever articles

she would please to accept; but she declined taking any thing, and, with

tears in her eyes, remarked, that if her father should see her with any

thing, he would suspect what she had done, and instantly kill her. She

then retired as she came, through the dismal forest.

[Illustration: Pocahontas coming in the night to tell Smith of the

intended Massacre.]

After Smith's final departure from Virginia, the emperor's animosity

against the whites was confirmed, as the English successor in the

government, Lord De la War, was much less cautious and moderate in his

measures with the Indians, severe as Smith's treatment of them was at

times. The new governor, finding Powhatan not disposed to yield to his

demands, proceeded to an act of horrid barbarity. Having got into his

power an Indian prisoner, his lordship caused his right hand to be

cut off. In this shocking condition he sent the poor creature to

Powhatan. At the same time he gave the sachem to understand, that he

would serve all the Indians in that manner, if they refused obedience

any longer, and that he would destroy all the corn, which was then

near to the harvest. Powhatan, consequently, could not but feel the

most burning indignation against the Englishman.

Two years after Smith left Virginia, that is, in 1611, Captain Argal

treacherously took the king's daughter prisoner, with a view to

prevent him from doing injury to the English, as also to extort a

large ransom from him, and such terms of peace as they should

prescribe. On being informed of the captivity of Pocahontas, connected

with the demand that he should restore to the English their men, guns,

and tools, taken at different times by the Indians, the stern and wary

chief became greatly embarrassed, and knew not what to do. They did

not hear from him until at the expiration of three months, when he

complied with their demand only in part. This did not satisfy Argal;

the demand in full was reiterated; but Powhatan was again, for a long

time, silent. The result was, that, in a year or two, Sir Thomas Dale

took Pocahontas to the residence of her father, in hopes to effect an

exchange, and bring about a peace. Powhatan was absent from home, and

the party met with no kindly reception from the Indians, who seemed to

take the presence of the English in dudgeon. The latter burned many of

their Indian habitations, and gave out threats of other vengeance.

This had the effect of inducing some of the Indians to come and make

peace, as they called it. Pocahontas had then an opportunity of seeing

two of her brothers, which gave her unbounded joy. After the marriage

of this excellent Indian woman to Mr. Rolfe, the whites experienced

less trouble from Powhatan; though it is believed that they were never

entirely exempt from the effects of his policy or his power.

The successors of Powhatan were, first, Opitchapan, and, next,

Opecancanough, both brothers of the emperor. Such was the law of the

succession. The first-named chief seems never to have been noted for

any distinguishing quality, but is spoken of as being feeble and

decrepid. He compared unfavorably with his brother, who, in the

council and in the field, was the most conspicuous personage among the

Powhatans. He had, during the life-time of the late emperor, procured

from the free tribe of the Chickahominies the title of their king.

It was Opecancanough who figured so disastrously in the great massacre

of the whites, on the 22d March, 1622, which has been narrated in

another place. It was kept a profound secret during four years, and

burst upon the settlement like a bolt from heaven. In the vengeance,

with which the English followed this act of treachery and blood, it was

for some time supposed that Opecancanough was among the killed; but if

history does not misguide us, the same sachem, twenty-two years

afterwards, executed a still greater massacre upon the English. It is

not known how long he had been plotting the extirpation of the whites,

but in 1644, all the Indians over the space of country six hundred miles

in extent, were joined in the enterprise. The governor and council had

appointed a fast-day to be kept through the country upon Good-Friday for

the success of the king. On the day before the intended fast,

Opecancanough, borne in a litter, led his warriors forward, and

commenced the work of death. He was supposed to be near one hundred

years old at this time. The massacre commenced in the out-parts of the

circumjacent country, and continued two days. The Indians fell suddenly

upon the inhabitants, and killed all indiscriminately, to the number of

three hundred. Their progress was checked by the arrival of Sir William

Berkley, at the head of an armed force.

[Illustration: Opecancanough borne in a litter to the Massacre of the

Whites.]

Subsequently to this massacre (the date has not been ascertained),

this bloody chief was taken prisoner. Sir William intended to send him

as a present to the king of England. He was, however, prevented from

doing it, by the assassination of Opecancanough. The soldier who was

appointed to guard him, fired upon him, and inflicted a mortal wound,

it having been, as was supposed, an act of private revenge. Just

before the old chief expired, hearing a great noise and crowd around

him, he ordered an attendant to lift up his eye-lids, as from age and

fatigue the elasticity of his muscles was in a great degree impaired,

when he discovered a multitude pressing around him, to gratify the

morbid desire of beholding a dying sachem. Aroused with indignation,

and little fearing death, he seemed to disregard the crowd; but

raising himself from the ground in the spirit of his wonted authority,

commanded that the governor should be called to him. When the latter

came, the chief uttered in his hearing the impassioned remark: "Had it

been my fortune to have taken Sir William Berkley prisoner, I would

not meanly have exposed him as a show to my people," and soon after

expired. An Indian, whom they afterwards had seized as prisoner,

confessed that they attempted this destruction of the English,

because they saw the latter "took up all their lands from them, and

would drive them out of the country, and they took this season, for

that they understood that they were at war in England, and began to go

to war among themselves." These intrusions upon the Indian territory

were, however, conformable to the grants of the proprietors, the

Indians. Opecancanough could hardly have expected an entire conquest,

as his people had already begun to melt away, and the villages of the

English planters were springing up over an extent of country of over

five hundred miles, with a comparatively large population.

Nickotawance succeeded Opecancanough as a tributary to the English. In

1648, he came to Jamestown in company with several other chiefs, and

brought a number of beaver-skins to be sent to the English king. He

delivered a prolonged address, which he concluded with the protestation,

"that the sun and moon should first lose their glorious lights and

shining, before he or his people should ever more wrong the English."

The successor of this chief is supposed to have been Totopotomoi, as

he was king of Pamunkey in 1656. In that year, a body of western or

inland Indians, to the number of six or seven hundred, came down from

the mountainous country, and took possession of the territory about

the falls of James river. This fact coming to the knowledge of the

legislature of Virginia, which was then in session, it was resolved to

dislodge the Indians from their new location, as their situation and

proximity were considered dangerous to the whites. The war seems not

to have been attended with any success on the part of the colony. The

English leader, with one hundred men, and Totopotomoi with one hundred

of his warriors, suffered extremely in an engagement. It appears,

however, that a peace was not long after concluded with the Indians.

A renowned warrior, Nemattanow, not having been mentioned in the proper

order of time, may be introduced here. He was supposed to have had an

agency in bringing about the great massacre of 1622. He was, however,

an object of jealousy to Opecancanough, the leader in that tragedy, on

account of his popularity among his countrymen. He is said to have been

an eccentric and vain person, being wont "to dress himself up in a

strange attire and barbaric fashion with feathers," on which account he

obtained the name of Jack-of-the-feather. As he had been engaged in many

fights with the English, and, though particularly exposed, had never

received a wound, he was considered by the Indians to be invulnerable.

The cause and manner of his fate were the following: "Only about

fourteen days before the massacre, Jack-of-the-feather went to the house

of one Morgan, where he saw many such articles exhibited as were

calculated to excite admiration in such people. Jack, perhaps, had not

the means to purchase, but it seems he was resolved some how or other to

possess them. He therefore told Morgan that if he would take his

commodities to Pamunkey, the Indians would give him a great price for

them. Not in the least mistrusting the design of Nemattanow, the simple

Englishman set out for Pamunkey, in company with this Indian. This was

the last the English ever heard of Morgan. However strange it may seem,

Jack's ill-directing fate sent him to the same place again; and, what

was still more strange, he had the cap of the murdered Morgan upon his

head. Morgan's servants asked him where their master was, who very

deliberately answered that he was dead. This satisfied them that he had

murdered him. They therefore seized him, in order to take him before a

magistrate at Berkley; but he made a good deal of resistance, which

caused one of the captors to shoot him down. The singular part of the

tragedy is yet to be related. Though mortally wounded, Nemattanow was

not killed outright, and his captors, which were two stout young men,

got him into a boat to proceed to Mr. Thorp's, the magistrate. As they

were going, the warrior became satisfied that he must die, and with the

most extraordinary earnestness, besought that two things might be

granted him. One was, that it should never be told to his countrymen

that he was killed by a bullet; and the other, that he should be buried

among the English, so that it should never be discovered that he had

died, or was subject to death like other men. Such was the pride and

vanity exhibited by an Indian at his death."[18]

From the preceding brief notices of the hostile bearing of the savage

tribes towards the early Southern planters, it will be apparent that

the colonization of that portion of America was no easy matter. The

jealousy of the Indians towards their new neighbors was soon excited;

nor did the conduct of the colonists serve to allay, but rather to

increase it. The cruelty and vindictiveness of the Indians cannot be

justified; but in their circumstances may be found, perhaps, some

small apology. This was their country: they were proprietors of the

soil. Here they lived: here were their altars: here their fathers'

sepulchres; and they regarded them with the veneration and love of

which they were capable. Who can blame them? Who censure those

feelings--that patriotism--that love of liberty, which, when found

among civilized nations, are highly extolled? Among the Indian chiefs,

there were men of no small sagacity; who, foreseeing the consequences

to themselves and people of the thrift and extension of the

English--can it be deemed strange that their anticipations were most

sad? or that they should adopt every expedient which seemed likely to

avert calamities to them most fearful?

[Illustration]

[Illustration: N.E. INDIAN WARS.]

FOOTNOTE:

[18] Book of the Indians.

IV. PLYMOUTH COLONY AND THE INDIANS.

EARLY Rencontre at Plymouth--Friendly intercourse established by

means of Samoset--Kindness of Squanto--Intercourse with

Massasoit--Contemplated Massacre defeated--Jealousy of

Caunbitant--Notice of Hobomok.

In the early period of the settlements of New England, the

difficulties with the Indians were of less frequent occurrence, than

those which took place in the Virginia colony. The providence of God

had prepared the way for the pilgrims to enter upon their wilderness

inheritance. The power of the Indians had been weakened by sickness,

or their dispositions softened, perhaps, in some cases, by their

adversities. There were instances, certainly, of singular friendship

toward the whites, on the part of these children of nature, as was

manifested in Samoset, Massasoit, and others. But the character,

objects, and policy of the pilgrims will account, in part, for the

comparative freedom from Indian hostility which marked the early era

of their settlement in this land. As they came to enjoy and

disseminate their religion, they had no motive to irritate or disturb

the aboriginal inhabitants. Wealth was not sought from them, nor any

greater portion of the soil than would suffice for their wants, at the

same time leaving to the Indian behind the boundless wilderness, which

alone he cared for. They would have reclaimed him from heathenism, and

taught him religion, science, and the arts of civilised life, had he

been pleased to learn them. This was attempted, in some instances, but

the success, though a matter of gratitude, was not at any time very

considerable. The policy of the fathers was to cultivate peace with

all the Indian tribes; and during many years, so far as the settlement

of the eastern shore was concerned, the object generally was effected.

Still occasionally difficulties would occur, and at length, under a

new set of chiefs, the notes of savage warfare rung loud and long over

the hills and vales of New England. But we will here speak more

particularly of the earliest colony, Plymouth.

The first encounter had with the Indians, preceded the disembarkation

of the company of adventurers. It was a select party of some fifteen

or sixteen, who had landed with a view to explore the country.

Overtaken by night, they set their watch, hoping doubtless to pass the

night unmolested; but about midnight they heard a hideous cry. The cry

then ceased, and it was then supposed that it had been the noise only

of wolves and foxes. About five o'clock, however, they again heard a

sudden and strange noise, which they knew to be the same voices,

though they varied their notes. One of the company being abroad, came

running in, and cried, "They are men, Indians! Indians!" and with this

announcement came a shower of arrows. The whites ran out with all

speed to recover their arms. The cry of the enemy was terrific,

especially when they perceived what the whites were about to do. Their

arms being secured, the Indians were ready to make an assault. One,

who appeared to be the leader of the latter, a stout athletic man,

stood behind a tree within a musket-shot, and there let his arrows fly

at the English. Three several shots were poured in upon him without

touching him--at length, one seemed to take effect, as he bounded off,

and his company with him, yelling most hideously. It is not known that

any blood was shed in this encounter, though the probability is, that

the chief was wounded. Of the arrows that were left on the field,

several were picked up, and sent as a curiosity to friends in England.

Some of them were ingeniously headed with brass, some with harts'

horn, and some with the claws of eagles.

An intercourse of an agreeable character between the pilgrims and the

natives soon commenced, by means of _Samoset_, whose manner of

introducing himself to the settlement has been mentioned in another

portion of this work. The hospitality with which he was treated, secured

his friendship and confidence, and he communicated to the settlers, in

answer to their inquiries, whatever information he possessed respecting

the Indians and the country. He is described by an early historian as

having been a tall, strait man, the hair of his head black, long behind,

and short before, none at all on his face. He ate and drank freely of

that which was offered him; and, although they wished his absence at

night, yet he was unwilling to leave, and they could not do otherwise

than keep and watch him. This visit of the kind Samoset was an augury of

good to the colony. It seemed purely a providential event.

The visit continued only until the next morning, but was repeated in the

course of a day or two. His return then brought to the acquaintance of

the colony other Indians who accompanied him. They were some of

Massasoit's men, whose object was to trade with the English. As Samoset

was charged not to let any who came with him bring their arms, these,

therefore, left their bows and arrows at a distance from the place. They

were entertained in a fitting manner; they ate liberally of the English

victuals, and appeared very friendly; "sang and danced after their

manner like antics." They were dismissed as soon as it could be done

conveniently, without effecting any trade. Samoset, either being sick,

or feigning himself so, would not depart, and contrived to continue

several days longer. In this visit, some stolen articles were returned

by the Indians, through Samoset's influence.

Great Events in the History of North and South America · 第 9 / 69 段