Though we dissent from the summary mode of procedure which many people

recommend, and conceive that it would be a perilous innovation on the

prerogative of the Public Prosecutor to say, that in this instance, his

pledge of immunity shall be disregarded, unless some new charge can

be substantiated, we view the detestation so unaffectedly expressed

by the public towards the whole gang, as consolatory to humanity.

Had criminals, with hands so deeply dyed in blood, found even one

commiserator or advocate beyond the walls of the Court of Justice--had

any man ventured to whisper that the crimes which they have perpetrated

are not worthy of death--nay, had not the whole nation lifted up

its voice, and declared, that even death itself was but a miserable

atonement for crimes so monstrous, we should have regarded it as a

national disgrace. It is to be hoped, however, that this laudable

spirit will not degenerate into tumultuary violence. The authorities,

we are satisfied, will not relax their efforts to develope the whole

of these sanguinary atrocities; and, if the correspondence which is

at present carrying on between the Lord Advocate and the teachers of

anatomy should, in conjunction with other investigations in progress,

lead to the inculpation, in the remotest way, of any individual, we

are satisfied that nothing will shield the culprit from the vengeance

of the law, be his rank or previous respectability what it may. As yet

only one individual of that body has been in any way implicated in

these horrible transactions; and we know that a feeling is prevalent

that he has been treated with greater delicacy than he deserves;

but the culpability of one man must not be received as condemnatory

evidence against a whole tribe. An earnest desire is entertained by the

teachers of anatomy that the fullest investigation should take place;

and if criminal laxity in the receipt of subjects can be traced to any

particular quarter, an ample exposition will follow. This exposition

they are entitled to demand; for the reputation of the whole fraternity

is perilled by the revolting suspicions which the crimes of their

caterers have engendered.

* * * * *

_The Caledonian Mercury._

THE PUBLIC PROSECUTOR AND HIS APOLOGISTS.

_Mieux cents ennemis qu’un imprudent ami._--French Proverb.

The remarks which appeared in our Monday’s publication, on the defence

of the Lord Advocate inserted in a contemporary Journal of Friday

last, have been reviewed, not answered, in the columns of the same

paper of Tuesday; and were it not of the very greatest importance,

at the present moment, that the public should be accurately informed

respecting some of the points at issue, we should have been well

content to leave the subject to the decision of all competent persons,

upon our first and somewhat hurried statement. We trust that we shall

be excused for proceeding at once to deal with the only matters of law

and fact to which the writer has thought proper to advert.

And, in the first place,--(for the sake of perspicuity, we shall

take the different topics in the same order as formerly)--the writer

reluctantly admits the validity of the argument which we adduced

“to show that had not the Lord Advocate moved for judgment against

Burke, when found guilty of the last of the three murders charged

against him, it would have been competent to have led evidence of the

circumstances attending the other two.” But he asks, _cui bono?_ “What

good effect could have resulted from the leading of it?” We answer,

first, that it would have redeemed the Lord Advocate’s pledge; and,

secondly, that it would have satisfied the country. Both in replying

to the arguments of the prisoner’s Counsel on the relevancy, and in

addressing the Jury for the Crown, his Lordship distinctly pledged

himself to probe and sift the _whole_ of these murders to the bottom.

In the former case, while contemplating being under the necessity of

deserting the diet against M‘Dougal, owing to the view taken of the

indictment by the Court as containing a _cumulatio actionum_, and the

exercise of their discretionary power in separating the charges, he

said, “The question is now reduced to one of time and trouble; for if

I do not proceed against her to-day, she will be proceeded against ten

days hence. In such circumstances I shall not certainly insist now on

that woman’s being tried on this indictment. I shall proceed against

her alone, since she now says that being tried on this indictment will

prejudice her case.” And again, almost immediately after, he added,

“No motive shall induce me, for one moment, to listen to any attempt

to smother this case; to tie me down to try _one single charge instead

of all the three_. I am told that the mind of the public is excited;

if so, _are they not entitled to know from the first to the last of

this case_; and _is it not my duty to go through the whole of these

charges_? I would be condemned by the country if I did not, and what to

me is worse _I should deserve it_.” The Court, in giving judgment on

the relevancy, fully recognised the propriety of this most distinct

and articulate pledge; for Lord Pitmilly unequivocally held, that it

was competent to try Burke on all the three charges, and that the

Public Prosecutor should proceed with the first and then with the

others. Lord Meadowbank, entirely concurring in this view, expressed

his opinion, that while their Lordships sustained the indictment, they

should “direct the Lord Advocate to proceed separately in the trial

of the different charges.” Lord Mackenzie and the Lord Justice Clerk

acquiesced in this suggestion, and, in fact, it ultimately became the

judgment of the Court. Fortified by such authority, the Lord Advocate

accordingly reiterated his pledge in his address to the Jury, and in

terms equally emphatic and unequivocal. Now, we would simply ask the

writer before us, Was this sacred and solemn pledge redeemed? Were

“all the three” charges tried? Were they gone through from first to

last? Did the Prosecutor do his duty according to his own view of it,

by going “through the whole of these charges?” He cannot answer in

the affirmative. By moving for, and obtaining judgment against Burke

on the conviction under the first charge, he rendered it impossible

for himself to redeem his pledge; and two of the charges were, in

consequence, dismissed without investigation. Now, was this not an

error in judgment, which is all we ever alleged? Nay, was it not

an error calculated to place the Prosecutor in a very embarrassing

position in reference both to his own pledge and to the public? It is

true the apologist says that trying Burke upon the first and second

charges, after he had been convicted on the third, would have been

“like pouring water on a drowned mouse.” But we cannot say we admire

either the elegance or the felicity of this illustration. The question

is not one that concerned Burke, whose fate was in fact determined by

the conviction under the third charge. It concerned the Lord Advocate

and the country alone; the former as having become bound to try “all

the three” charges; and the latter as, by his Lordship’s admission,

“entitled to know them from first to last,”--a knowledge which his

Lordship conceived it to be his “duty” to afford, and which he would

be deservedly condemned by the country if he did _not_ afford. But

the writer adds, that taking any further proceedings was calculated

“to excite the feelings of the public unnecessarily and without

object.” We are really surprised that any person could have been found

short-sighted and ignorant enough to hazard such an assertion. What!

was the exposure of one murder, and the quashing of all investigation

into the circumstances of other two, calculated to _allay_ the

excitement of the public mind; or rather, was it not calculated to

produce the very opposite effect? A corner of the veil only had been

lifted up; a glimpse merely had been given of crimes which this very

writer himself describes as “destined in point of atrocity, to stand

alone, and in advance of every other that man has hitherto been known

to commit,” and as covering up from the view “the very outposts and

limits of human wickedness;” and then the curtain was suffered to drop

on others which it was equally necessary that the public should know,

and which they were equally “entitled” to have fully and thoroughly

brought to light: this was the course pursued; ample scope was given

for the imagination to work, under the influence of an undefined

apprehension; and yet we are gravely told that this was the most

approved mode which could have been adopted to prevent an unnecessary

excitation of public feeling! Has it been attended, we would ask, with

any such results?

Next, as to the unquestionable title of Daft Jamie’s mother to

prosecute Hare for the murder of her son, with concourse of the Lord

Advocate, which concurrence his Lordship may be compelled to give,

our learned opponent remarks, that “this seems very novel doctrine.”

We certainly do not hold ourselves bound to instruct our opponent in

the first principles of criminal law; but, for the sake of a public

purpose, we shall endeavour to show that the doctrine we maintain,

so far from being “novel,” is _tritissimi juris_, one of the most

common and most thoroughly settled principles in our criminal code.

To entitle a private party to prosecute, he must have an _interest_,

not remote or feeble, but immediate and powerful in the cause; the

wrongs alleged must be wrongs done to the _person_, and “of a high

and aggravated kind, such as may naturally excite strong feelings of

anguish and resentment in the minds of the _kindred_ of the sufferer;”

an oath of calumny must be taken by the prosecutor, if required by the

party accused; caution must be found to insist in the prosecution; and

the law also subjects the private prosecutor in expenses, and even in

penalties, if he insist in a groundless or malicious accusation. Now

has not the mother of Daft Jamie an _interest_ in the prosecution we

point at? Was there not a wrong done to the _person_ of her innocent

child who was foully murdered? May she not with perfect safety take

the oath _de calumnia_, if required? And is it impossible for her to

find caution to insist, and to find means to defray the expense of

the prosecution? The public, with their usual generosity, will, we

doubt not, give a practical answer to the last of these queries; and

as to the others, we profess ourselves unable to discover that we have

proponed any “novel doctrine.”

Again, we said the Lord Advocate might be compelled to grant his

concurrence in such circumstances; and we think Mr. Burnett and Mr.

Baron Hume will amply bear out our assertion. The former, after

stating at length the conditions above briefly indicated, says, it is

perfectly understood “that his Majesty’s Advocate _cannot refuse_ his

concourse, and _may be compelled to give it_, in all cases where the

complaint of a private party is founded on a known and relevant _point

of dittay_, (murder for example) and as to which he has _prima facie_

a _title_ to insist.” pp. 306–7.--And Mr. Baron Hume is, if possible,

still more explicit on the point. After stating that the Lord Advocate

may refuse his concourse, if it be asked to a charge of witchcraft,

which a statute has expunged from the list of crimes, or of treason

for which no private party can prosecute, or of murder at the instance

of some stranger, who does not even allege that he is anywise related

to the deceased, he goes on to say, “On the other side, certainly

the Lord Advocate is not the absolute and accountable judge on such

occasions; but is subject to the control and direction of the Court,

_who will oblige him to produce and justify the grounds of his refusal

to concur_. Nay more; except in such extraordinary situations as those

above supposed, _he shall not even be allowed to engage in any inquiry

concerning the merits of the case, the propriety of the prosecution,

the form of the action, the sufficiency of the title, or the like_, BUT

SHALL BE ORDAINED TO COMPLY STRAIGHTWAY; _leaving the discussion of

these matters for the proper place and season, after the libel shall

be in Court_.” Vol. II. pp. 123–24. Lord Alemore’s opinion, given on

the complaint of Sir John Gordon against his Majesty’s Advocate, June

21, 1706, is equally precise: “Had the Advocate refused his concourse,

_he might have been compelled to give it_, for everyone is entitled to

justice; but he cannot be forced to prosecute.” Maclaurin, p. 298. Is

there any “novel doctrine” in all this?

But our opponent endeavours to complicate the matter by most

disingenuously attributing to us a statement which we never made, or

even so much as dreamt of, namely, that the mother of Daft Jamie,

“_taking advantage of the disclosures made by the infamous Hare, under_

PROMISE _of pardon_,” is entitled to prosecute him with the concurrence

of the Lord Advocate. The artifice is paltry enough; but our answer is,

that the rights of the private party, who, as such, “is entitled to

justice,” cannot be in any manner of way læsed or impaired, far less

destroyed by any previous proceedings of the Prosecutor, in his public

capacity; especially when these proceedings are in the eye of the law

illegal, and only winked at upon a principle of utility or general

expediency. What, in the name of common sense, of reason, and of law,

had the mother of Daft Jamie to do with the disclosures made by Hare

to the Lord Advocate “under _promise_ of pardon?” That “promise” may

be good against his Lordship himself; but it is utterly monstrous to

pretend that it can in any way affect the rights of a private party who

comes forward to prosecute; which it would unquestionably do, in the

most serious manner, were his Lordship to be held entitled, in virtue

of that most injudicious promise, to refuse his concurrence. Nay, we

maintain, on the authority of Mr. Baron Hume, that it would be illegal

in the Lord Advocate, when his concourse was applied for, to take any

such circumstance into his consideration at all; for it is expressly

laid down in the passage already quoted, that his Lordship “shall not

even be allowed to engage in any inquiry concerning the _merits_ of

the case; the _propriety_ of the prosecution, the _form_ of the action,

the _sufficiency_ of the title, or _the like_; all these are _jus

tertii_ to him;” and, accordingly, the Court would “ordain him to comply

straightway; leaving the discussion of these matters for the proper

place and season, after the libel shall be in Court.” This, we should

think, is not very “novel doctrine;” and as no man, we are assured,

“would be more happy to think our reasoning without flaw, than the Lord

Advocate,” (which we well believe,) we humbly hope that the exposition

we have now given will be found to answer that condition.

These then are the main points of our case; and we flatter ourselves

that we have made them out. But as we are resolved to engage in no

further controversy on the subject, and therefore wish to clear off

our score at once, we shall take the liberty of adverting, before we

conclude, to one or two points of secondary importance, on which our

opponent strenuously insists.

And, in the first place, he persists in maintaining that “had Hare

and his wife not been witnesses, there is the _best reason for

supposing_ that the conviction of none of the four would have been

obtained.” We would have been much better pleased, however, had this

incurious apologist condescended to inform us in what this “best reason

for supposing” consisted; as we confess our own inability to discover

a shadow of “reason” for the “supposition” so gratuitously made.

The point, we are well aware, is an important one for our opponent;

because, unless he can make out that there was no case against Burke,

without the evidence of Hare and his wife; in other words, disprove our

argument that there was sufficient testimony to convict without the

evidence of the accomplices at all, then our conclusion is inevitable,

that Hare and his wife ought to have been at the bar, and not in the

witness-box. But, strange to say, although the point at issue is so

important to the justification which our adversary labours to make

out, he has not ventured to bring forward a single argument, or show

a vestige of “reason” or authority, for the opinion he so strenuously

asserts. We shall not, however, follow his example in this respect,

but state as shortly as possible the grounds upon which we hold that

Hare and his wife ought to have been placed at the bar beside Burke and

M‘Dougal.

The testimony of a _socius criminis_ is good in law only in so far

as it is corroborated by other testimony perfectly unexceptionable,

or by circumstances of real evidence; and where it stands alone and

unsupported, it is the duty of the presiding Judge to direct the

Jury to pay no attention whatever to it. Let us apply this test to

the evidence of Hare and his wife, and observe to what conclusion it

will lead. The former, wherever he spoke to circumstances which fell

within the knowledge of unexceptionable witnesses, differed from, or

rather was flatly contradicted by them; and consequently his evidence

in regard to these was of no avail whatever, except to impeach his

own credibility. Again, he was contradicted by his wife in respect to

several of the occurrences in Burke’s and Connaway’s on the evening

of the murder; and both were contradicted in regard to other matters

in which they agreed, by the unexceptionable witnesses. As to what

they said in regard to matters concerning which no other person could

speak, they stood alone and unsupported, and of course were not in law

entitled to be believed; while they were farther discredited by the

want of all corroboration in regard to circumstances spoken to equally

by them, and by the unexceptionable witnesses. How then was it possible

that any weight whatever could be attached to such evidence, either

by the Court or the Jury, particularly the latter? Two miscreants,

whose only title to be believed was their having been engaged in the

commission of three murders, are adduced as witnesses to speak to

one of them, and wherever their testimony is susceptible of being

corroborated, it is flatly and pointedly contradicted by persons who

are above all suspicion; and where it stands alone and unsupported, it

is in the eye of the law worth nothing. Why, then, were such witnesses

adduced at all? They were not necessary, because their testimony was

not and could not be believed; and, in point of fact, their depositions

served no other purpose, except to enable the Dean of Faculty to plead

what would have been otherwise nearly an unpleaded case, and to point

out such a formidable array of flagrant contradictions as to shake

the minds of the Jury in regard to the effect of the unchallenged and

unchallengeable testimony. The case, therefore, was, in point of fact,

made out against Burke by other evidence than that of Hare and his

wife; and as the same evidence which led to the conviction of Burke,

would have also led to the conviction of Hare at least, we have again

to submit that that hideous wretch, if not also his wife, ought to have

been placed at the bar beside his brother murderer.

We are accused of having blamed the Lord Advocate “for not having

possessed the gift of second-sight;” and various other follies which

seem to have entered the imagination of our opponent, when heated

with his subject, are also laid to our charge. To these, however, we

disdain to offer any reply. We can well believe that the case opened

upon his Lordship gradually, and that, had he now to retrace his steps,

he would, in many respects, act differently from what he has done. With

the very best intentions in the world, a Prosecutor may be placed in

such circumstances as almost inevitably to lead him to bungle a case:

but surely it can be no very heinous offence to point out such errors

as a warning for the future, and at the same time to show how even

at present they may be in a great measure remedied.--“The very head

and front of our offending hath this extent--no more.” It is true,

we called for further investigation, and we did our best to indicate

what channels ought to be explored. That call has been answered, and

inquiries have been set on foot which can scarcely fail to lead to

important results. In regard to the nature of these inquiries, or the

facts which have been elicited, we are for the present dumb. Our object

is to aid, not to thwart, the progress of judicial investigation; and

no wish to gratify the public curiosity, or any other motive indeed

shall induce us to breathe a whisper calculated to defeat the great

and necessary purpose which the Public Prosecutor is now labouring so

zealously to accomplish.

In order to give a connected account of the preliminary legal

proceedings respecting the contemplated trial of Hare, we shall delay

introducing the subject at present. In a future number a detail of the

whole proceedings will be given.

We now proceed to detail the particulars which we have carefully

collected, with respect to the lives and characters of the several

individuals who have been concerned in these nefarious transactions. Of

these, the first we shall notice is,

WILLIAM BURKE.

We can pledge ourselves that every circumstance that is here narrated,

has been obtained from such sources as to leave no doubt of its

authenticity; it will be seen that while this memoir is a great deal

fuller than any one that has appeared, it is also dissimilar, in many

particulars, to the disjointed fragments that have been from time to

time published; how these have been obtained, we cannot say, but we

can aver that this account has been received from sources which may be

relied on, and much of it from the unhappy man himself, indeed so much

as to entitle us to say that it is almost his own account.

WILLIAM BURKE, whose crimes have condemned him to an ignominious death

on the scaffold, describes himself, in his judicial declaration,

emitted before the Sheriff-substitute of Edinburghshire, in relation

to the cause for which he was tried, as being thirty-six years of

age. He was born in the parish of Orrey, near Strabane, county of

Tyrone, in Ireland, about the year 1792. His parents were poor, but

industrious and respectable in their station, which was that of

cottiers, occupying, like the most of the peasantry of Ireland, a

small piece of ground. The Irish are remarkable for the avidity with

which they seek education for their children, under circumstances

in which it is not easily attainable. The parents of Burke seem to

have been actuated by this laudable desire, as both William and his

brother Constantine, must have received the elements of what, in their

condition, may be called a good education, and superior to what usually

falls to the lot of children in their rank in Ireland. He was educated

in the Roman Catholic faith, which he has ever since nominally adhered

to, though with little observance of its doctrines or ceremonies. He

is by no means, however, a person of the brutal ignorance or stupid

indifference that his callously continuing in a course of unparalleled

wickedness, apparently without compunction, would betoken. He has

sinned deeply, but it has not been altogether against knowledge, as he

could at times put on a semblance of devotion; and during the fits of

hypocrisy, or it may be, starts of better feeling, before he became

so miserably depraved, his conversation was that of a man by no means

ignorant of the truths of Christianity, and such even as to lead

some to imagine him seriously concerned about his eternal salvation.

During one of these temporary ebullitions about five years ago, he

became an attendant on a prayer-meeting held on the Sabbath evenings

in the Grassmarket. He was, for some time, remarked as one of its most

regular and intelligent members. He never omitted one of its meetings,

and expressed much regret when it was discontinued. As a Catholic, he

was considered wonderfully free from prejudice, frankly entering into

discussions upon the doctrines of his church, or those of other sects,

with whose tenets he showed some acquaintance.

He read the Scriptures, particularly the New Testament, and other

religious books, and discussed their merits. On a Sabbath, especially

though he never attended a place of worship, he was seldom to be seen

without a Bible, or some book of devotion in his hands.

At that time no one of his acquaintances would have admitted the idea

for a moment that he was capable of committing such infamous crimes,

and probably his own mind would have revolted at the contemplation of

such enormities; but a continued indulgence in sin produced in him its

never failing consequences in hardening and deadening the heart, and

fitting it for the perpetration of deeds, which a little before the

sinner would have shuddered at.

West Port Murders Or an Authentic Account of the Atrocious Murders Committed by Burke and His Associates; Containing a Full Account of All the Extraordinary Circumstances Connected With Them. Also, a Report of the Trial of Burke and M'Dougal. With a Description of the Execution of Burke, His Confessions, and Memoirs of His Accomplices, Including the Proceedings Against Hare, &c. · 第 14 / 29 段