Colonel Johnson, whose brigade was in advance, immediately dashed

forward with the 3d and 11th Kentucky to attack the main position.

Artillery could not be used, for the guns could bear upon the abatis

only from the crest of which I have spoken, and if posted there the

cannoneers, at the very short range, would not have been able to serve

their pieces. The position could be won only by direct assault. The men

rushed up to the fallen timber, but became entangled in the network of

trunks and branches, and were shot down while trying to climb over or

push through them. I reinforced Johnson with a part of Smith's regiment,

the 5th Kentucky, but the jam and confusion incident to moving in so

circumscribed an area and through the dense undergrowth broke the force

of the charge. The enemy was quite numerous enough to defend a line so

short and strong and perfectly protected on both flanks. We had not more

than six hundred men actually engaged, and the fighting lasted not

longer than fifteen or twenty minutes. Our loss was about ninety, nearly

as many killed as wounded. Afterward we learned that Colonel Moore's

loss was six killed and twenty-three wounded. When General Morgan

ordered the attack he was not aware of the strength of the position; nor

had he anticipated a resistance so spirited and so skilfully planned. He

reluctantly drew off without another assault, convinced that to capture

the abatis and its defenders would cost him half his command. Among the

killed were Colonel D.W. Chenault and Captain Alexander Treble of the

11th Kentucky, Lieutenant Robert Cowan of the 3d, and Major Thomas Y.

Brent, Jr., and Lieutenants Holloway and Ferguson of the 5th. These

officers were all killed literally at the muzzles of the rifles.

Colonel Moore's position might easily have been avoided; indeed, we

passed around it immediately afterward, crossing the river at a ford

about two miles below the bridge. Morgan assailed it merely in

accordance with his habitual policy when advancing of attacking all in

his path except very superior forces.

On the same afternoon Captain William M. Magenis, assistant

adjutant-general of the division, a valuable officer, was murdered by a

Captain Murphy, whom he had placed under arrest for robbing a citizen.

Murphy made his escape from the guard two or three days subsequently,

just as the court-martial which was to have tried him was convening.

On the morning of July 5th the column reached Lebanon, which was

garrisoned by the 20th Kentucky Infantry, commanded by Colonel Charles

S. Hanson. The 8th and 9th Michigan Cavalry and the 11th Michigan

Battery, under command of Colonel James I. David, were approaching by

the Danville road to reinforce the garrison, necessitating a large

detachment to observe them. Morgan's demand for surrender having been

refused, artillery fire was directed upon the railroad depot and other

buildings in which the enemy had established himself; but, as the

Federals endured it with great firmness, it became necessary to carry

the town by assault. Our loss was some forty in killed and wounded,

including several excellent officers. One death universally deplored was

that of the General's brother, Lieutenant Thomas H. Morgan. He was a

bright, handsome, and very gallant lad of nineteen, the favorite of the

division. He was killed in front of the 2d Kentucky in the charge upon

the depot. The Federal loss was three killed and sixteen wounded, and

three hundred and eighty were prisoners.

Without delay we passed through Springfield and Bardstown, crossing the

Louisville and Nashville Railroad at Lebanon Junction, thirty miles from

Louisville, on the evening of the 6th. At Springfield two companies of

about ninety men were sent toward Harrodsburg and Danville to occupy the

attention of the Federal cavalry in that quarter. From Bardstown,

Captain W.C. Davis, acting assistant adjutant-general of the First

Brigade, was sent with a detachment of one hundred and thirty men to

scout in the vicinity of Louisville, to produce the impression that the

city was about to be attacked, and to divert attention from the passage

of the Ohio by the main body at Brandenburg. He was instructed to cross

the river somewhere east of Louisville and to rejoin the column on its

line of march through Indiana. He executed the first part of the program

perfectly, but was unable to get across the river. Tapping the wires at

Lebanon Junction, we learned from intercepted despatches that the

garrison at Louisville was much alarmed, and in expectation of an

immediate attack.

The detachments I have just mentioned, with some smaller ones previously

sent off on similar service, aggregated not less than two hundred and

sixty men permanently separated from the division; which, with a loss in

killed and wounded, in Kentucky, of about one hundred and fifty, had

reduced our effective strength at the Ohio, by more than four hundred.

The rapid and constant marching already began to tell upon both horses

and men, but we reached the Ohio at Brandenburg at 9 A.M. on the 8th.

Captains Samuel Taylor and H.C. Meriwether of the 10th Kentucky had been

sent forward the day before, with their companies, to capture

steamboats. We found them in possession of two large craft. One had been

surprised at the wharf, and steaming out on her, they had captured the

other. Preparations for crossing were begun; but, just as the first boat

was about to push off, an unexpected musketry fire was opened from the

Indiana side by a party of home-guards collected behind some houses and

haystacks. They were in pursuit of Captain Thomas H. Hines, who had that

morning returned from Indiana to Kentucky, after having undertaken a

brief expedition of his own. This fire did no harm, the river here being

eight hundred or a thousand yards wide. But in a few minutes the bright

gleam of a field-piece spouted through the low-hanging mist on the

farther bank. Its shell pitched into a group near the wharf, severely

wounding Captain W.H. Wilson, acting quartermaster of the First Brigade.

Several shots from this piece followed in quick succession, but it was

silenced by Lieutenant Lawrence with his Parrotts. The 2d Kentucky and

9th Tennessee were speedily ferried over without their horses, and

forming under the bluff they advanced upon the militia, which had

retired to a wooded ridge some six hundred yards from the river-bank,

abandoning the gun. The two regiments were moving across some open

ground, toward the ridge, sustaining no loss from the volleys fired at

them, and the boats had scarcely returned for further service when a

more formidable enemy appeared. A gunboat, the _Elk_, steamed rapidly

round the bend, and began firing alternately upon the troops in the town

and those already across. The situation was now extremely critical. We

could not continue the ferriage while this little vixen remained, for

one well-directed shot would have sent either of the boats to the

bottom. Delay was exceedingly hazardous, affording the enemy opportunity

to cut off the regiments we had already sent over, and giving the

cavalry in pursuit of us time to come up. If forced to give up the

attempt to cross the river, we must also abandon our comrades on the

other side. So every piece of artillery was planted and opened on the

gunboat, and after an hour or two of vigorous cannonading she was driven

off. By midnight all our troops were over.

[Illustration]

About noon of the 9th the column reached the little town of Corydon,

Indiana, which proved not nearly so gentle as its name. Our

advance-guard, commanded by Colonel R.C. Morgan, found a body of militia

there, ensconced behind stout barricades of fence rails, stretching for

some distance on each side of the road. Colonel Morgan charged the

barricade, his horses could not leap it, the militia stood resolutely,

and he lost sixteen men. A few dismounted skirmishers thrown upon the

flanks, and a shot or two from one of the pieces which accompanied the

advance-guard, quickly dispersed them, however, and we entered the town

without further resistance.

Our progress, quite rapid in Kentucky, was now accelerated, and we were

habitually twenty-one hours out of the twenty-four in the saddle, very

frequently not halting at night or going into camp at all. For the first

three or four days we saw nothing of the inhabitants save in their

character as militia, when they forced themselves on our attention much

more frequently than we desired. The houses were entirely deserted.

Often we found the kitchen fire blazing, the keys hanging in the

cupboard lock, and the chickens sauntering about the yard with a

confidence which proved that they had never before seen soldiers.

As the first scare wore off, however, we found the women and children

remaining at home, while the men went to the muster. When a thirsty

cavalryman rode up to a house to inquire for buttermilk, he was

generally met by a buxom dame, with a half-dozen or more small children

peeping out from her voluminous skirts, who, in response to a question

about the "old man," would say: "The men hev all gone to the 'rally';

you'll see 'em soon." We experienced little difficulty in procuring food

for man and horse. Usually upon our raids it was much easier to obtain

meat than bread. But in Indiana and Ohio we always found bread ready

baked at every house. In Ohio, on more than one occasion, in deserted

houses we found pies, hot from the oven, displayed upon tables

conveniently spread. The first time that I witnessed this sort of

hospitality was when I rode up to a house where a party of my men were

standing around a table garnished as I have described, eyeing the pies

hungrily, but showing no disposition to touch them. I asked, in

astonishment, why they were so abstinent. One of them replied that they

feared the pies might be poisoned. I was quite sure, on the contrary,

that they were intended as a propitiatory offering. I have always been

fond of pies,--these were of luscious apples,--so I made the spokesman

hand me one of the largest, and proceeded to eat it. The men watched me

vigilantly for two or three minutes, and then, as I seemed much better

after my repast, they took hold ravenously.

The severe marching made an exchange of horses a necessity, though as a

rule the horses we took were very inferior to the Kentucky and Tennessee

stock we had brought with us, and which had generally a large infusion

of thoroughbred blood. The horses we impressed were for the most part

heavy, sluggish beasts, barefooted and grass-fed, and gave out after a

day or two, sometimes in a few hours. A strong provost guard, under

Major Steele of the 3d Kentucky, had been organized to prevent the two

practices most prejudicial to discipline and efficiency--straggling and

pillage. There were very good reasons, independent of the provost guard,

why the men should not straggle far from the line of march; but the

well-filled stores and gaudy shop-windows of the Indiana and Ohio towns

seemed to stimulate, in men accustomed to impoverished and unpretentious

Dixie, the propensity to appropriate beyond limit or restraint. I had

never before seen anything like this disposition to plunder. Our

perilous situation only seemed to render the men more reckless. At the

same time, anything more ludicrous than the manner in which they

indulged their predatory tastes can scarcely be imagined. The weather

was intensely warm,--the hot July sun burned the earth to powder, and we

were breathing superheated dust,--yet one man rode for three days with

seven pairs of skates slung about his neck; another loaded himself with

sleigh-bells. A large chafing-dish, a medium-sized Dutch clock, a green

glass decanter with goblets to match, a bag of horn buttons, a

chandelier, and a bird-cage containing three canaries were some of the

articles I saw borne off and jealously fondled. The officers usually

waited a reasonable period, until the novelty had worn off, and then had

this rubbish thrown away. Baby shoes and calico, however, were the

staple articles of appropriation. A fellow would procure a bolt of

calico, carry it carefully for a day or two, then cast it aside and get

another.

From Corydon our route was _via_ Salem, Vienna, Lexington, Paris,

Vernon, Dupont, and Sumanville to Harrison, near the Ohio State line and

twenty-five miles from Cincinnati. Detachments were sent to Madison,

Versailles, and other points, to burn bridges, bewilder and confuse

those before and behind us, and keep bodies of military stationary that

might otherwise give trouble. All were drawn in before we reached

Harrison. At this point Morgan began demonstrations intended to convey

the impression that he would cross the Cincinnati, Hamilton, and Dayton

Railroad at Hamilton. He had always anticipated difficulty in getting

over this road; fearing that the troops from Kentucky would be

concentrated at or near Cincinnati, and that every effort would be made

to intercept him there. If these troops lined the railroad and were

judiciously posted, he knew it would be extremely difficult to elude

them or cut his way through them. He believed that if he could pass this

ordeal safely, the success of the expedition would be assured, unless

the river should be so high that the boats would be able to transport

troops to intercept him at the upper fords.

After remaining at Harrison two or three hours, and sending detachments

in the direction of Hamilton, he moved with the entire column on the

Hamilton road. But as soon as he was clear of the town, he cut the

telegraph-wires--previously left intact with the hope that they might be

used to convey intelligence of his apparent movement toward

Hamilton--and, turning across the country, gained the direct road to

Cincinnati. He hoped that, deceived by his demonstrations at Harrison,

the larger part of the troops at Cincinnati would be sent to Hamilton,

and that it would be too late to recall them when his movement toward

Cincinnati was discovered. He trusted that those remaining would be

drawn into the city, under the impression that he meant to attack,

leaving the way clear for his rapid transit. He has been criticized for

not attempting the capture of Cincinnati, but he had no mind to involve

his handful of wearied men in a labyrinth of streets. We felt very much

more at home amid rural surroundings. But if he had taken Cincinnati,

and had safely crossed the river there, the raid would have been so much

briefer, and its principal object to that extent defeated by the

release of the troops pursuing us.

[Illustration: LOOKING FOR THE FOOTPRINTS OF THE VAN.]

We reached the environs of Cincinnati about ten o'clock at night, and

were not clear of them until after daybreak. My brigade was marching in

the rear, and the guides were with General Morgan in the front. The

continual straggling of some companies in the rear of Johnson's brigade

caused me to become separated from the remainder of the column by a wide

gap, and I was for some time entirely ignorant of what direction I

should take. The night was pitch-dark, and I was compelled to light

torches and seek the track of the column by the foam dropped from the

mouths of the horses and the dust kicked up by their feet. At every halt

which this groping search necessitated, scores of tired men would fall

asleep and drop out of their saddles. Daylight appeared after we had

crossed all of the principal suburban roads, and were near the Little

Miami Railroad. I never welcomed the fresh, invigorating air of morning

more gratefully. That afternoon we reached Williamsburg, twenty-eight

miles east of Cincinnati.

The Ohio militia were more numerous and aggressive than those of

Indiana. We had frequent skirmishes with them daily, and although

hundreds were captured, they resumed operations as soon as they were

turned loose. What excited in us more astonishment than all else we saw

were the crowds of able-bodied men. The contrast with the South, drained

of adult males to recruit her armies, was striking, and suggestive of

anything but confidence on our part in the result of the struggle.

At Piketon we learned that Vicksburg had fallen, and that General Lee,

having been repulsed at Gettysburg, had retreated across the Potomac.

Under the circumstances this information was peculiarly disheartening.

As we approached Pomeroy the militia began to embarrass our march by

felling trees and erecting barricades across the roads. In passing near

that town we were assailed by regular troops,--as we called the

volunteers, in contradistinction to the militia,--and forced a passage

only by some sharp fighting. At 1 P.M. on the 18th we reached Chester,

eighteen miles from Buffington's Island. A halt here of nearly two hours

proved disastrous, as it caused us to arrive at the river after

nightfall, and delayed any attempt at crossing until the next morning.

Morgan thoroughly appreciated the importance of crossing the river at

once, but it was impossible. The darkness was intense, we were ignorant

of the ford and without guides, and were encumbered with nearly two

hundred wounded, whom we were unwilling to abandon. By instruction I

placed the 5th and 6th Kentucky in position to attack, as soon as day

broke, an earthwork commanding the ford, and which we learned was

mounted with two guns and manned by three hundred infantry. At dawn I

moved upon the work, and found it had been evacuated and the guns thrown

over the bluff. Pressing on a few hundred yards to reconnoiter the

Pomeroy road, we suddenly encountered the enemy. It proved to be General

Judah's advance. The 5th and 6th Kentucky instantly attacked and

dispersed it, taking a piece of artillery and forty or fifty prisoners,

inflicting some loss in killed and wounded.

The position in which we found ourselves, now that we had light enough

to examine the ground, was anything but favorable. The valley we had

entered, about a mile long and perhaps eight hundred yards wide at its

southern extremity,--the river running here nearly due north and

south,--gradually narrows, as the ridge which is its western boundary

closely approaches the river-bank, until it becomes a mere ravine. The

Chester road enters the valley at a point about equidistant from either

end. As the 5th Kentucky fell back that it might be aligned on the 6th

Kentucky, across the southern end of the valley, into which Judah's

whole force was now pouring, it was charged by the 8th and 9th Michigan

and a detachment of the 5th Indiana. A part of the 5th Kentucky was cut

off by this charge, the gun we had taken was recaptured, and our

Parrotts also fell into the hands of the enemy. They were so clogged

with dust, however, as to be almost unserviceable, and their ammunition

was expended. Bringing up a part of the 2d Kentucky, I succeeded in

checking and driving back the regiments that first bore down on us, but

they were quickly reinforced and immediately returned to the attack. In

the mean time Colonel Johnson's videttes on the Chester road had been

driven in, and the cavalry under Hobson, which had followed us

throughout our long march, deployed on the ridge, and attacked on that

side. I sent a courier to General Morgan, advising that he retreat up

the river and out of the valley with all the men he could extricate,

while Colonel Johnson and I, with the troops already engaged, would

endeavor to hold the enemy in check. The action was soon hot from both

directions, and the gunboats, steaming up the river abreast of us,

commenced shelling vigorously. We were now between three assailants. A

sharp artillery fire was opened by each, and the peculiar formation we

were compelled to adopt exposed us to a severe cross-fire of small arms.

We were in no condition to make a successful or energetic resistance.

The men were worn out and demoralized by the tremendous march, and the

fatigue and lack of sleep for the ten days that had elapsed since they

had crossed the Ohio. Having had no opportunity to replenish their

cartridge-boxes, they were almost destitute of ammunition, and after

firing two or three rounds were virtually unarmed. To this fact is

attributable the very small loss our assailants sustained. Broken down

as we were, if we had been supplied with cartridges we could have piled

the ground with Judah's men as they advanced over the open plain into

the valley. As the line, seeking to cover the withdrawal of the troops

taken off by General Morgan, was rolled back by the repeated charges of

the enemy, the stragglers were rushing wildly about the valley, with

bolts of calico streaming from their saddles, and changing direction

with every shrieking shell. When the rear-guard neared the northern end

of the valley,--out of which General Morgan with the greater part of the

command had now passed,--and perceived that the only avenue of escape

was through a narrow gorge, a general rush was made for it. The Michigan

regiments dashed into the mass of fugitives, and the gunboats swept the

narrow pass with grape. All order lost in a wild tide of flight.

About seven hundred were captured here, and perhaps a hundred and twenty

killed and wounded. Probably a thousand men got out with General Morgan.

Of these some three hundred succeeded in swimming the river at a point

twenty miles above Buffington, while many were drowned in the attempt.

The arrival of the gunboats prevented others from crossing. General

Morgan had gotten nearly over, when, seeing that the bulk of his command

must remain on the Ohio side, he returned. For six more days Morgan

taxed energy and ingenuity to the utmost to escape the toils. Absolutely

exhausted, he surrendered near the Pennsylvania line, on the 26th day of

July, with three hundred and sixty-four men.

The expedition was of immediate benefit, since a part of the forces that

would otherwise have harassed Bragg's retreat and swollen Rosecrans's

muster-roll at Chickamauga were carried by the pursuit of Morgan so far

northward that they were kept from participating in that battle.

But Morgan's cavalry was almost destroyed, and his prestige impaired.

Much the larger number of the captured men lingered in the Northern

prisons until the close of the war. That portion of his command which

had remained in Tennessee became disintegrated; the men either were

incorporated in other organizations, or, attracted by the fascinations

of irregular warfare, were virtually lost to the service. Morgan, after

four or five months' imprisonment in the Ohio penitentiary, effected an

escape which has scarcely a parallel for ingenuity and daring. He was

received in the South enthusiastically. The authorities at Richmond

seemed at first to share the popular sympathy and admiration. But it

soon became apparent that his infraction of discipline in crossing the

Ohio was not forgiven. Placed for a short time in practical command of

the Department of Southwestern Virginia, he was given inadequate means

for its defense, and bound with instructions which accorded neither with

his temperament nor with his situation. The troops he commanded were

not, like his old riders, accustomed to his methods, confident in his

genius, and devoted to his fortunes. He attempted aggressive operations

with his former energy and self-reliance, but not with his former

success. He drove out of West Virginia two invading columns, and then

made an incursion into the heart of Kentucky--known as his last Kentucky

raid--in the hope of anticipating and deterring a movement into his own

territory. Very successful at first, this raid ended, too, in disaster.

After capturing and dispersing Federal forces in the aggregate much

larger than his own, he encountered at Cynthiana a vastly superior

force, and was defeated. Two months later, September 4, 1864, he was

killed at Greeneville, Tennessee, while advancing to attack the Federal

detachments stationed in front of Knoxville.[5]

[Footnote 5: E.W. Doran of Greeneville, Tenn., gives the following

particulars of General Morgan's death:

Famous Adventures and Prison Escapes of the Civil War · 第 8 / 20 段