THE TURN OF THE TIDE

In the year 1890 I wrote in the San Francisco _Examiner_, _àpropos_ of

Chinese immigration:

“There is but one remedy—I do not recommend it: to kill the Chinese.

That we shall not do: the minority will not undertake, nor the majority

permit. It would be massacre now; in its own good time (too late) it

will be war. We could kill the Chinese now, as we have killed the

Indians; but fifty years hence—perhaps thirty—the nation that kills

Chinamen will have to answer to China.”

Twenty-one years later a Chinese warship steamed into the port of Vera

Cruz, Mexico, to back up a demand of the Chinese government for an

indemnity for a massacre of Chinese subjects. She was a little warship,

but she bore a momentous mandate, performed it and steamed away, the

world as inattentive to the event as it had been to the prophecy.

Perhaps our national indifference to the portentous phenomenon came of

“use and wont;” already an American president had been made to grovel

at the feet of a Japanese emperor, and had truculently threatened a

state of the union with war if it did not adjust its municipal laws

to the will of that Asian sovereign. Clearly, as the hope was then

expressed, “we have reached the end of Asiatic dictation”—the hither

end, unfortunately.

All Asia is astir, looking East and West. Its incalculable multitudes

are learning war and navigation; and Caucasian powers—“infatuate,

blind, selfsure!”—are their tutors. Their armies are taught by European

officers, their warships are built in European and American ports. All

the military powers unite in maintaining “the integrity of China” and

in awakening her to aggression and dominance.

Even if it were to our immediate interest to preserve the integrity of

the Chinese Empire a long look ahead might disclose a greater one that

would be best subserved by partition. In a single generation Japan has

performed the astonishing feat of changing civilizations. It has been,

for her, retrogression, for the civilization that she has discarded

was superior to that which she has adopted; but in one important

particular she has been the gainer by the exchange; in the matter,

namely, of military power, and therefore political consequence. As by

a leap, she has advanced from nowhere to the position of a first-rate

power. What she has done China is doing, with this difference: China’s

advance will be to a position that will dominate the world and reduce

the foremost nations of to-day to second place. Trained by European

officers to European methods of warfare, such an army as she can

raise and equip from her four hundred millions of population will be

invincible. It may overrun Europe and extinguish Christian civilization

on that continent, which would not be a very good thing for it on this.

It was only yesterday—a little more than two hundred years ago—that

Europe came within a single battle-hazard of being an Islam dependency.

If John Sobieski had been defeated under the walls of Vienna, that

city, Berlin, Paris and London would to-day be Mohammedan capitals.

History has not exhausted its reserve of astounding events, nor have

civilizations learned the secret of stability.

It is easy to affirm, in the case of China, the impossibility of any

such racial transformation as the one supposed, but fifty years ago

it would have been easy to point out its impossibility in the case

of Japan—if any human being had had the imagination and hardihood to

suggest it. Japan has made the impossible possible, the possible a

thing to be feared. As a measure of precaution, the partition of China

merits the profoundest consideration.

Actual forces at the back of a great movement are seldom apparent to

those engaged in directing it. Statesmanship is mostly a matter of

temporary expedients for accomplishment of small purposes, but if

there is to-day a really great statesman of the Caucasian race he

is considering the partition of China among European nations as an

alternative to the partition of European nations among the Chinese.

Meantime we occupy ourselves with laws and treaties to “exclude”

Chinese and other inevitable Asians from our continent. Successive

relays of American statesmen wreck themselves upon the problem and go

down smiling. To some of us it is given to see that the Asian can not

be excluded—that the course of empire, having taken its way westward

until it has reached its point of departure, is turning backward, an

irresistible “tide in the affairs of men.” But what can we do but

propose further and futile measures of “exclusion”? We supplicate our

Government to forbid us to employ our destroyers, to deny us the fruits

of our cupidity and prohibit us from bringing the hateful race here

in our own ships. Our courts, minded madwise, make in good faith the

monstrous assumption that the writ of _habeas corpus_ is a right which

we, having invented it, are bound to share with races that never heard

of it. Our churches, gone clean daft in pursuit of souls never caught

and not worth the catching, pull the strings of their God to a gesture

of injunction and bid us respect the brotherhood of man. Every moment

and at all points we feel the baffling hand thrusting us roughly down

and back, while this awful invasion pours in upon us with augmenting

power.

Not for an instant has the refluent wave been stayed. Every American

city has its “Chinatown,” every American village its scouts and

pioneers of the movement. On the Pacific Coast the Japanese have

a foothold everywhere, monopolizing entire industries in cities

and valleys, owning the lands that once they leased and charitably

employing their former employers. And all along the line of every

growing railway in the west may be seen the turbaned Hindu bending to

his work and biding his time to be a “shipper.”

As it is, it will be: the Oriental races are in motion westward, and

this continent is doomed to their occupancy. A higher, sterner law than

any of man’s devising is in action here. Fate has exercised the right

of eminent domain and condemned this New World to the use of ancient

races. For four hundred years the European has been wresting it from

the Indian; within one-half the time the Asian will have accomplished

its conquest from the European. There is no help for us: as we did unto

others it shall be done unto us, and the Asian shall be master here. It

is comforting to know that we shall have had a hand in our undoing; one

does not like to be a “dead-head” in any enterprise.

No; we shall not kill the Chinese, nor will they “go” without

killing—nor cease to come. As surely as the sun shall rise each day,

so surely each day will his beams gild the ever advancing flag of this

irresistible migration. Beneath the feet of that mighty host the arts

and sciences of the Aryan, his laws and letters, his religions and

languages, the very body and soul of his civilization will be trampled

out of record, out of memory, out of tradition. It is not a sunny

picture; what need to look upon it? I invite to despair; but there

stands the dear American statesman, parchment in hand—a new exclusion

law! His face shines in the dawning of another hope; in his eyes is the

morning of a new era. Between the two of us—him and me—all patriots may

be united: each with a prophet of his choice. It is clear whom ye will

choose, but I hope I don’t intrude.

The Collected Works of Ambrose Bierce, Volume 11 Antepenultimata · 第 87 / 92 题