THE OPPOSING SEX

Emancipation of woman is not of American invention. The “movement,”

like most others that are truly momentous, began in Europe and has

broken through and broken down more formidable barriers of law,

custom and tradition there than here. It is not true, as dogmatically

affirmed by a noted American writer, that the English married woman

is “virtually a bondwoman” to her husband; that “she can hardly go

and come without his consent, and usually he does not consent;” that

“all she has is his.” If there is such a thing as “the bitterness of

the English married woman to the law,” underlying it there is such a

thing as ignorance of what the law is. The “subjection of woman,” as it

exists to-day in England, is customary and traditionary—a social, not

a legal, subjection. Nowhere has law so sharply challenged that male

dominion whose seat is in the harder muscles, the larger brain and the

coarser heart. And the law, it may be worth while to point out, was

not of woman born; nor was it handed down out of Heaven engraved on

tables of stone. Learned English judges have decided that virtually,

even the term “marital rights” has no longer a legal signification. As

one writer puts it, “The law has relaxed the husband’s control over his

wife’s person and fortune, bit by bit, until legally it has left him

nothing but the power to prevent her, if he is so disposed and arrives

in time, from jumping out of the window.” He will find it greatly to

his interest to arrive in time when he conveniently can, and to be so

disposed, for the husband is still liable for the wife’s torts; and if

she make the leap he may have to pay for the telescoping of a subjacent

hat or two.

In England it is Tyrant Man himself who is chafing in his chain. Not

only is a husband still liable for the wrongs committed by the wife

whom he has no longer the power to restrain from committing them, but

in many ways—in one very important way—his obligation to her remains

intact after she has had the self-sacrifice to surrender all obligation

to him. Moreover, if his wife has a separate estate he has to endure

the pain of seeing it hedged about from her creditors (themselves not

altogether happy in the contemplation) with restrictions which do

not hamper the right of recourse against his own. Doubtless all this

is not without a softening effect upon his character, smoothing down

his dispositional asperities and endowing him day by day with fresh

accretions of humility; and that is good for him. I do not say that

woman’s autonomy is not among the most efficacious agencies for man’s

reclamation from the sin of pride; I only say that it is not indigenous

to this country, the sweet, sweet home of the assassiness, the happy

hunting ground of the whiplady, the paradise of the vitrioleuse.

If the protagonists of woman suffrage are frank they are shallow; if

wise, uncandid. Continually they affirm their conviction that political

power in the hands of women will give us better government. To proof of

that proposition they address all the powers that they have and marshal

such facts as can be compelled to serve under their flag. They either

think or profess to think that if they can show that women’s votes will

purify politics they will have proved their case. That is not true;

the strongest objection to woman suffrage would remain untouched. Pure

politics is desirable, certainly, but it is not the chief concern of

the best and most intelligent citizens. Good government is devoutly

to be wished, but more than good government we need good women. If all

our public affairs were to be ordered with the goodness and wisdom

of angels, and this state of perfection were obtained by sacrifice

of any of those qualities which make the best of our women, if not

what they should be, nor what the mindless male thinks them, at least

what they are, we should have purchased the advantage too dearly. The

effect of woman suffrage upon the country is of secondary importance:

the question for profitable consideration is, How will it affect the

character of woman? He who does not see in the goodness and charm

of such women as are good and charming something incalculably more

precious than any degree of political purity or national prosperity may

be a patriot; but also he has the distinction to be a pig.

I should like to ask the gallant gentlemen who vote for removal of

woman’s political disability if they have observed in the minds and

manners of the women in the forefront of the movement nothing “ominous

and drear.” Are not these women different—I don’t say worse, just

different—from the best types of women of peace who are not exhibits

and audibles? If they are different is the difference of such a nature

as to encourage a hope that activity in public affairs will work an

improvement in Woman? Is “the glare of publicity” good for her growth

in grace and winsomeness? Would a sane and sensible husband or lover

willingly forego in wife or sweetheart all that the colonels of her

sex appear to lack, or find in her all that they appear to have and to

value?

A few more questions—addressed more particularly to veteran observers

than to those to whom the world is new and strange. Do you think that

when all women are armed with the ballot they will compel a return to

the old _régime_ of reverence and delicate consideration—extorting

by their power the tribute once voluntarily paid to their weakness?

Is there any known way by which women can at the same time be our

political equals and our social superiors, our competitors in the sharp

and bitter struggle for glory, gain or bread, and the objects of our

unselfish and undiminished devotion? The present predicts the future;

of the foreshadow of the coming event all sensitive female hearts feel

the chill. For whatever advantages, real or illusory, some women enjoy

under this _régime_ of partial “emancipation” all women pay. Of the

coin in which payment is made the shouldering shouters of the sex have

not a groat and can bear the situation with tranquillity. They have

either passed the age of masculine attention or were born without the

means to its accroachment. Dwelling in the open bog, they can afford to

defy eviction.

While men did nearly all the writing and public speaking of the world,

setting so the fashion in thought, women, naturally extolled with

true sexual extravagance, came to be considered, even by themselves,

a very superior order of beings, with something in them of divinity

which was denied to man. Not only were they represented as better,

generally, than men, as indeed anybody could see that they were, but

their goodness was supposed to be a kind of spiritual endowment and

more or less independent of environmental influences. We are changing

all that. Women are beginning to do much of the writing and public

speaking, and they are sure to disclose, even to the unthinking,

certain defects of character in themselves which their silence had

veiled. Their competition, too, in the several kinds of affairs will

slowly but certainly provoke resentment, and moreover expose them to

temptations that will distinctly lower the morality of their sex. All

these changes, and many more having a similar effect and significance,

are occurring with rapidity, and the stated results are already visible

to even the blindest observation. In accurate forecast of the new order

of things conjecture fails, but so much we know: the woman-superstition

has already received its death wound and must soon expire.

Everywhere, and in no reverential spirit, men are questioning the

dear old idolatry; not “sapping a solemn creed with solemn sneer,”

but dispassionately applying to its basic doctrine the methods

of scientific criticism. In the various movements—none of them

consciously iconoclastic—engaged in overthrowing this oddest of modern

superstitions there is something to deprecate, and even deplore, but

the superstition can be spared. It never had much in it that was either

creditable or profitable, and all through its rituals ran a note of

insincerity which was partly Nature’s protest against the rites, but

partly, too, hypocrisy. There is no danger that good men will ever

cease to respect and love good women, and if bad men ever cease to

adore them for their sex when not beating them for their virtues the

gain in consistency will partly offset the loss in religious ecstasy.

Let the patriot abandon his fear, his betters their hope, that only

the low class woman will vote—the unlettered wench of the slums, the

raddled hag of the dives, the war-painted _protégée_ of the police.

Into the vortex of politics goes every floating thing that is free to

move. The summons to the polls will be imperative and incessant. Duty

will thunder it from every platform, conscience whisper it into every

ear; pride, interest, the lust of victory—all the motives that impel

men to partisan activity will act with the same power upon women as

upon men; and to all the other forces flowing irresistibly toward the

polls will be added the suasion of men themselves. The price of votes

will not decline because of the increased supply, although it will in

most instances be offered in currencies too subtle to be counted. As

now, the honest and respectable elector will habitually take bribes

in the invisible coin of the realm of Sentiment—a mintage peculiarly

valued by woman. For one reason or another all women will vote, even

those who now view the “right” with aversion. The observer who has

marked the strength and activity of the forces pent in the dark drink

of politics and given off in the act of bibation will not expect

inaction in the victim of the “habit,” be he male or she female. In the

partisan, conviction is compulsion—opinions bear fruit in conduct. The

partisan thinks in deeds, and woman is by nature a partisan—a blessing

for which the Lord has never made her male relatives and friends

sufficiently thankful. Not a mere man of them would have the effrontery

to ask her toleration if she were not.

Depend upon it, the full strength of the female vote will eventually be

cast at every election. And it would be well indeed for civilization

and the interests of the race if woman suffrage meant no more than

going to the polling-place and polling—which clearly is all that it

has been thought out to mean by the headless horsemen spurring their

new hobbies bravely at the tail of the procession. That would be a

very simple matter; the opposition based upon the impropriety of the

female rubbing shoulders at the polls with such scurvy blackguards

as ourselves may with advantage be retired from service. Nor is it

particularly important what men and measures the women will vote for.

By one means or another Tyrant Man will have his way; the Opposing

Sex can merely obstruct him in his way of having it. And should that

obstruction ever be too pronounced, the party line and the sex line

coinciding, woman suffrage will then and thenceforth be no more, and

the “majority” will again rule. In the politics of this bad world

majorities are of several kinds. One of the most “overwhelming” is made

up of these simple elements: (1) a numerical minority; (2) a military

superiority.

If not a single election were ever in any degree affected by it, the

introduction of woman suffrage into our scheme of manners and morals

would nevertheless be one of the most momentous and mischievous events

of modern history. Compared with the action of this destructive

solvent, that of all other disintegrating agencies concerned in our

decivilization is as the languorous indiligence of rosewater to the

mordant fury of nitric acid.

Lively Woman is indeed, as Carlyle would put it, “hell-bent” on

purification of politics by adding herself as an ingredient. It is

unlikely that the injection of her personality into the contention

(and politics is essentially a contention) will allay any animosities,

sweeten any tempers, elevate any motives. The strifes of women are

distinctly meaner than those of men—which are out of all reason mean;

their methods of overcoming opponents distinctly more unscrupulous.

That their participation in politics will notably alter the conditions

of the game is not to be denied; so much, unfortunately, is obvious;

but that it will make the player less malignant and the playing more

honorable is a proposition in support of which one can utter a deal of

gorgeous nonsense with a less insupportable sense of its unfitness than

in the service of almost any other delusion.

The frosty truth is that except in the home the influence of women is

not elevating, but debasing. When they stoop to uplift men who need

uplifting, they are themselves pulled down, and that is all that is

accomplished. Wherever they come into familiar contact with men who

are not their relatives they impart nothing, they receive all; they

do not affect us with their notions of morality; we infect them with

ours. In the last forty years, in this country, they have entered a

hundred avenues of activity from which they were previously debarred

by unwritten law. They are found in the offices, the shops, the

factories; like Charles Lamb’s fugitive pigs, they have run up all

manner of streets. Does any one think that in that time there has

been an advance in professional, commercial and industrial morality?

Are lawyers more scrupulous, tradesmen more honest? When one has been

served by a “saleslady” does one leave the shop with a feebler sense

of injury than was formerly inspired by a transaction at the counter—a

duller consciousness of being oneself the commodity that has changed

hands? Have actresses elevated the stage to a moral altitude congenial

to the colder virtues? In studios of artists is the “sound of revelry

by night” invariably a deep, masculine bass? In literature are the

immoral books—the books dealing with questionable “questions”—always,

or even commonly, written by men?

There is one direction in which “emancipation of woman” and enlargement

of her “sphere” have wrought reform: they have elevated the _personnel_

of the little dinner party in the “private room.” Formerly, as any

veteran man-about-town can testify if he will, the female contingent of

the party was composed of persons altogether unspeakable. That element

now remains upon its reservation; among the superior advantages enjoyed

by the man-about-town of to-day is that of the companionship, at his

dinner _in camera_, of ladies having an honorable vocation. In the

corridors of the “French restaurant” the swish of Pseudonyma’s skirt

is no longer heard; she has been superseded by the Princess Tap-tap

(with Truckle & Cinch), by my lady Snip-snip (from the “emporium” of

Boltwhack & Co.), by Miss Chink-chink, who sits at the receipt of

customs in that severely un-French restaurant, the Maison Hash. That

the man-about-town has been morally elevated by this emancipation of

Girl from the seclusion of home to that of the “private room” is too

obvious for denial. Nothing so uplifts Tyrant Man as the table talk of

good young women who earn their own living.

I do not wish to be altogether ironical about this rather serious

matter—not so much so as to forfeit anything of lucidity. Let me say,

then, in all earnestness and sobriety and simplicity of speech, what

is known to every worldly-wise male dweller in the cities, to every

scamp and scapegrace of the clubs, to every reformed sentimentalist

and every observer with a straight eye—namely, that in all the several

classes of young women in our cities who support, or partly support,

themselves in vocations that bring them into personal contact with

men, female chastity is a vanishing tradition. In the lives of the

“main and general” of these, all those _desiderata_ which have their

origin in personal purity, and cluster about it, and are its signs

and safeguards, have almost ceased to cut a figure. It is needless to

remind me that there are exceptions—I know that. With some of them I

have personal acquaintance, or think I have, and for them a respect

withheld from any woman of the rostrum who points to their misfortune

and calls it emancipation—to their need and calls it a spirit of

independence. It is not from these good girls that you will hear the

flippant boast of an unfettered life, with “freedom to develop;” nor is

it they who will be foremost and furious in denial and resentment of my

statements regarding the morals of their class. They do not know the

whole truth, thank Heaven, but they know enough for a deprecation too

deep to find relief in a cheap affirmation of woman’s purity, which is,

and always has been, the creature of seclusion.

The fitness of women for political activity is not in present question;

I am considering the fitness of political activity for women. For

women as men say they are, wish them to be and try to think them,

it is unfit altogether—as unfit as anything else that “mixes them

up” with us, compelling a communication and association that are not

social. If we wish to have women who are different from ourselves in

knowledge, character, accomplishments, manners; as different mentally

as physically—and in these and in all other expressible differences

reside all the charms that they have for us—we must keep them, or they

must keep themselves, in an environment unlike our own. One would think

this obvious to the meanest capacity, and might even hope that it would

be understood by the Daughters of Thunder. Possibly the Advanced One,

hospitably accepting her karma, is not concerned to be charming to

“the likes o’ we”—would prefer the companionship of her blue gingham

umbrella, her corkscrew curls, her epicene audiences and her name in

the newspapers. Perhaps she is content with the comfort of her raucous

voice. Therein she is unwise, for self-interest is the first law. When

we no longer find women charming we may find a way to make them more

useful—more truly useful, even, than the speech-ladies would have them

make themselves by competition. Really, there is nothing in the world

between them and slavery but their power of interesting us; and that

has its origin in the very differences which the colonels of their sex

are striving to abolish. God has made no law of miracles and none of

his laws is going to be suspended in deference to woman’s desire to

achieve familiarity without contempt. If she wants to please she must

retain some scrap of novelty; if she desires our respect she must not

be always in evidence, disclosing the baser side of her character, as

in competition with us she must do—as we do to one another. Mrs. Edmund

Gosse, like “Ouida,” Mrs. Atherton, and all other women of brains,

thinks that the taking of unfair advantages—the lack of magnanimity—is

a leading characteristic of her sex. Mrs. Gosse adds, with reference to

men’s passive acquiescence in this monstrous folly of “emancipation,”

that possibly our quiet may be the calm before the storm; and she

utters this warning, which, also, more strongly, “Ouida” has uttered:

“How would it be with us if the men should suddenly rise _en masse_ and

throw the whole surging lot of us into convents and harems?”

It is not likely that men will “rise _en masse_” to undo the mischief

wrought by noisy protagonists of woman suffrage working like beavers

to rear their airy fad upon the sandy foundation of masculine tolerance

and inattention. No rising will be needed. All that is required for

the wreck of their hopes is for a wave of reason to slide a little

farther up the sands of time, “loll out its large tongue, lick the

whole labor flat.” The work has prospered so far only because nobody

but its promoters has taken it seriously. It has not engaged attention

from those having the knowledge and the insight to discern beneath its

cap-and-bells and the motley that is its only wear a serious menace to

all that civilized men hold precious in woman. It is of the nature of

men—themselves cheerful polygamists, with no penitent intentions—to set

a high value upon chastity in woman. (We need not point out why they

do so; those to whom the reasons are not clear can profitably remain

in the valley of the shadow of ignorance.) Valuing it, they purpose

having it, or some considerable numerical presumption of it. As they

perceive that in a general way women are virtuous in proportion to the

remoteness of their lives and interests from the lives and interests of

men—their seclusion from the influences of which men’s own vices are

a main part—an easy and peaceful means will doubtless be found for

repression of the shouters.

In the orchestration of mind, woman’s instruments might have kept

silence without injury to the volume and quality of the music; efface

the impress of her touch upon the world, and by those who come later

the blank must be diligently sought. Go to the top of any large city

and look about and below. It is not much that you will see, but it

represents an amazing advance from the conditions of primitive man.

Nowhere in the wide survey will you see the work of woman. It is all

the work of men’s hands, and before it was wrought into form and

substance, existed as conscious creations in men’s brains. Concealed

within the visible forms of buildings and ships—themselves miracles of

thought—lie such wonder-worlds of invention and discovery as no human

life is long enough to explore, no human understanding capacious enough

to hold in knowledge. If, like Asmodeus, we could rive the roofs and

see woman’s part of this prodigious exhibition—the things that she has

actually created with her brain—what kind of display would it be? It is

probable that all the intellectual energy expended by women from first

to last would not have sufficed, if directed into one channel, for the

genesis and evolution of the modern bicycle.

“There is no sex in brain,” says the Female Militant. I beg her pardon:

there is sex in every organ, every tissue, every cell and atom of

the human body; but in nothing do men and women differ so widely, so

conspicuously, so essentially as in mind. They think after altogether

different methods; their mental processes are to a clear and competent

observation without resemblance to ours. So different is the mental

constitution of the two sexes that whereas all see not mainly with the

eye, but with the judgment, the understanding, even the outer aspect of

things is, I am persuaded, not the same to a woman that it is to a man.

I have taken some trouble to test this theory, with results of the most

interesting character, which I purpose giving to the world some day. It

is my conviction that if a man who had lived all his life in New York

were to become a woman while passing along Broadway she would be unable

to find her way home without inquiry.

I once heard a woman who had playfully competed with men in a jumping

match gravely attribute her defeat to the trammeling of her skirt.

Similarly, women are pleased to explain their penury of mental

achievement by repressive education and custom. But even in regions

where they have ever had full freedom of the quarries they have not

builded themselves monuments. Nobody, for example, is holding them from

greatness in poetry, which needs no special education, and music, in

which they have always been specially educated; yet where is the great

poem by a woman? where the great musical composition? In the grammar of

literature what is the feminine of Homer, of Shakspeare, of Goethe, of

Hugo? What female names are the equivalents of the names of Beethoven,

Mozart, Chopin, Wagner? Women are not musicians—they “sing and play.”

In short, if woman had no better claim to respect and affection than

her brain; no sweeter charms than those of her reason; no means of

suasion but her power upon men’s convictions, she would long ago have

been “improved off the face of the earth.” As she is, men accord her

such homage as is compatible with contempt, such immunities as are

consistent with control; but whereas she is not altogether filled with

light, and is, moreover, imperfectly reverent, it is but right that in

obedience to scriptural injunction she keep silence in our churches

while we are worshipping Ourselves.

She will not have it so, the good, good girl; as moral as the best of

us, she will be as intellectual as the rest of us. She will have out

her little taper and set the rivers of thought all ablaze, legging it

over the land from stream to stream till all are fired. She will widen

her sphere, forsooth, herself no wider than before. It is not enough

that we have edified her a pedestal and perform impossible rites in

celebration of her altitude and distinction. It does not suffice that

with never a smile we assure her that she is the superior sex. That she

is indubitably gifted with pulchritude and an unquestionable genius for

its embellishing; that Nature has endowed her with a prodigious knack

at accroachment, whereby the male of her species is lured to a suitable

doom—this does not satisfy her. No; she has taken unto herself in these

evil days that “intelligent discontent” which giveth its beloved fits.

To her flock of graces and virtues she must add our one poor ewe lamb

of brains. Well, I tell her that intellect is a monster which devours

beauty; that the woman of exceptional mind is exceptionally masculine

in face, figure, action. And so, with a reluctant farewell to Lovely

Woman, I humbly withdraw from her presence and hasten to overtake the

receding periphery of her “sphere.”

One moment more, mesdames: I crave leave to estop your disfavor—which

were affliction and calamity—by “defining my position” in the words

of one of yourselves, who has said of me (though with reprehensible

exaggeration, believe me) that I hate woman and love women—have an

acute animosity to your sex, adoring each individual member of it. What

matters my opinion of your understandings so long as I am in bondage to

your charms? Moreover, there is one service of incomparable utility and

dignity for which I esteem you eminently fit—to be mothers of men.

The Collected Works of Ambrose Bierce, Volume 11 Antepenultimata · 第 70 / 92 题