III

M. Vaillant, the French gentleman who lacked a “good opinion of the

law,” but was singularly rich in the faith that by means of gunpowder

and flying nails humanity could be brought into a nearer relation

with reason, righteousness and the will of God, is said to have been

nearly devoid of nose. Of this privation M. Vaillant made but slight

account, as was natural, seeing that for but a brief season did he need

even so much of nose as remained to him. Yet before its effacement by

premature disruption of his own petard it must have had a certain value

to him—he would not wantonly have renounced it; and had he foreseen

its extinction by the bomb the iron views of that controversial

device would probably have been denied expression. Albeit (so say the

scientists) doomed to eventual elimination from the scheme of being,

and to the anarchist even now something of an accusing conscience, the

nose is indubitably an excellent thing on man.

We have grown so accustomed to the presence of this feature that we

take it as a matter of course; its absence is one of the most notable

phenomena of our observation—“an occasion long to be remembered,” as

the society reporter hath it. Yet “abundant testimony sheweth” that

but a few centuries ago noseless men and women were so common all

over Europe as to provoke but little comment when seen and (in their

disagreeable way) heard. They abounded in all the various walks of

life: there were honored burgomasters without noses; wealthy merchants,

great scholars, artists, teachers. Amongst the humbler classes nasal

destitution was almost as frequent as pecuniary—in the humblest of all,

the most common of all. Writing in the thirteenth century, a chronicler

mentions the retainers and servants of certain Suabian noblemen as

having hardly a whole ear among them—for until a comparatively recent

period man’s tenure of his ears was even more precarious than that

of his nose. In 1436, when a Bavarian woman, Agnes Bernaurian, wife

of Duke Albert the Pious, was dropped off the bridge at Prague, she

persisted in rising to the surface and trying to escape; so the

executioner gave himself the trouble to put a long pole into her hair

and hold her under. A contemporary account of the matter hints that her

disorderly behavior at so solemn a moment was due to the pain caused

by removal of her nose; but as her execution was by order of her own

father it seems more probable that this “extreme penalty of the law”

was not imposed. Without a doubt, though, possession of a nose was an

uncommon (and rather barren) distinction in those days among “persons

designated to assist the executioner,” as the condemned were civilly

called. Nor, as already said, was it any too common among persons not

as yet consecrated to that service: “Few,” says the chronicler, “have

two noses, and many have none.”

Man’s firmer grasp upon his nose in this our day and generation is

not altogether due to invention of the handkerchief. The genesis and

development of his right to his own nose have been accompanied with a

corresponding advance in possessory rights all along the line of his

belongings—his ears, his fingers and toes, his skin, his bones, his

wife and her young, his clothes and his labor—everything that is (and

that once was not) his. In Europe and America to-day these things can

not be taken away from even the humblest and poorest without somebody

wanting to “know the reason why.” In every decade the nation that is

most powerful upon the seas incurs voluntarily a vast expense of blood

and treasure in suppressing a slave trade which in no way is injurious

to her interests, nor to the interests of any but the slaves.

To-day even the lowliest incapable of all Nature’s aborted has a nose

that he dares to call his own and bite off at his own sweet will.

Unfortunately, with an unthinkable fatuity we permit him to be told

that but for the very agencies that have put him in possession he could

successfully assert a God-given and world-old right to the noses of

others. At present the honest fellow is mainly engaged in refreshing

himself upon his own nose, consuming that comestible with avidity

and precision; but the Vaillants, Ravechols, Mosts and Hearsts are

pointing his appetite to other snouts than his, and inspiring him with

rhinophagic ambition. Meantime the rest of us are using these imperiled

organs to snore with.

’Tis a fine, resonant and melodious snore, but it is not going to last:

there is to be a rude awakening. We shall one day get our eyes open to

the fact that scoundrels like Vaillant are neither few nor distant.

We shall learn that our blind dependence upon the magic of words is a

fatuous error; that the fortuitous arrangement of consonants and vowels

which we worship as Liberty is of slight efficacy in disarming the

lunatic brandishing a bomb. Liberty, indeed! The murderous wretch loves

it a deal better than we, and wants more of it. Liberty! one almost

sickens of the word, so quick and glib it is on every lip—so destitute

of meaning.

There is no such thing as abstract liberty; it is not even thinkable.

If you ask me, “Do you favor liberty?” I reply, “Liberty for whom to

do what?” Just now I distinctly favor the liberty of the law to cut

off the noses of anarchists caught red-handed or red-tongued. If they

go in for mutilation let them feel what it is like. If they are not

satisfied with the way that things have been going on since the wife of

Duke Albert the Pious was held under water with a pole, and since the

servitors of the Suabian nobleman cherished their vestigial ears, it is

to be presumed that they favor reversion to that happy state. There is

grave objection, but if we must we will. Let us begin (with moderation)

by reverting _them_.

I favor mutilation for anarchists convicted of killing or inciting to

kill—mutilation followed by death; for those who merely deny the right

and expediency of law, plain mutilation—which might advantageously take

the form of removal of the tongue. Why not? Where is the injustice?

Surely he who denies men’s right to make laws will not invoke the laws

that they have wickedly made! That were to say that they must not

protect themselves, yet are bound to protect him. What! if I beat him

will he call the useless and mischievous constabulary? If I draw out

his tongue shall he (in the sign-language) demand it back, and failing

of restitution (for surely I should cut it clean away) shall he have

the law on me—the naughty law, instrument of the oppressor? Why, that

“goes neare to be fonny!”

The Collected Works of Ambrose Bierce, Volume 11 Antepenultimata · 第 10 / 92 题