Emulous of her mistress's activity, Jenny undertook to make "a good

lump" of maple-sugar, with the aid of little Sol, a hired-boy, whom

she grievously cuffed and ill-treated, when he upset the kettle, or

committed other blunders. Every evening during the sugar-making Mrs

Moodie ran up to see Jenny in the bush, singing and boiling down the

sap in front of her little shanty.

"The old woman was in her element, and afraid of nothing under

the stars; she slept beside her kettles at night, and snapped

her fingers at the idea of the least danger."

The sugar-making was a hot and wearisome occupation, but the result

was a good store of sugar, molasses, and vinegar.

"Besides gaining a little money with my pen," writes Mrs Moodie

at about this time, "I practised a method of painting birds and

butterflies upon the white velvety surface of the large fungi

that grow plentifully upon the bark of the sugar maple. These

had an attractive appearance; and my brother, who was a captain

in one of the provisional regiments, sold a great many of them

among the officers, without saying by whom they were painted.

One rich lady in Peterborough, long since dead, ordered two

dozen to send as curiosities to England. These, at one shilling

each, enabled me to buy shoes for the children, who, during our

bad times, had been forced to dispense with these necessary

coverings. How often, during the winter season, have I wept

over their little chapped feet, literally washing them with my

tears. But these days were to end. Providence was doing great

things for us; and Hope raised at last her drooping head, to

regard, with a brighter glance, the far-off future. Slowly the

winter rolled away; but he to whom every thought was turned, was

still distant from his humble home. The receipt of an occasional

letter from him was my only solace during his long absence, and

we were still too poor to indulge often in the luxury."

The spring brought work. Corn and potatoes must be planted, and

the garden dug and manured. By lending her oxen to a neighbour who

had none, Mrs Moodie obtained a little assistance; but most of

the labour was performed by her and Jenny, the greatest jewel of

an old woman the Emerald Isle ever sent forth to toil in American

wildernesses. A short visit from the captain cheered the family.

In the autumn, he expected, the regiment to which he belonged

would be reduced. This was a melancholy anticipation, and his wife

again beheld cruel poverty seated on their threshold. After her

husband's departure, the thought struck her that she would write

to the Governor of Canada, plainly stating her circumstances, and

asking him to retain Captain Moodie in the militia service. She

knew nothing of Sir George Arthur, and received no reply to her

application. But the Governor acted, though he did not write, and

acted kindly and generously. "The 16th of October my third son was

born; and a few days after, my husband was appointed paymaster to

the militia regiments in the V---- district, with the rank and full

pay of captain." The appointment was not likely to be permanent,

and Mrs Moodie and the children remained at their log-cabin in the

woods during the ensuing winter. Malignant scarlet fever attacked

the whole family; a doctor was sent for, but did not come; Mrs

Moodie, herself ill, had to tend her five children; and when these

recovered, she was stretched for many weeks upon a bed of sickness.

Jenny, the most attached of humble friends, and a greater heroine in

her way than many whom poets have sung and historians lauded, alone

kept her suffering mistress company in the depths of the dark forest.

"Men could not be procured in that thinly-settled spot for

love nor money; and I now fully realised the extent of Jenny's

usefulness. Daily she yoked the oxen, and brought down from the

bush fuel to maintain our fires, which she felled and chopped up

with her own hands. She fed the cattle, and kept all things snug

about the doors; not forgetting to load her master's two guns,

'in case,' as she said, 'the ribels should attack us in our

retrate.'"

What says the quaint old song? that--

"The poor man alone, when he hears the poor moan,

Of his morsel a morsel will give,

Well-a-day!"

It were a libel to adopt the sentiment to its full

extent, when we witness the large measure of charity which

the more prosperous classes in this country are ever ready to

dispense to the poor and suffering. But doubtless the sympathy

with distress is apt to be heartiest and warmest on the part of

those who themselves have experienced the woes they witness. It

is very touching to contemplate Mrs Moodie walking twenty miles

through a bleak forest--the ground covered with snow, and the

thermometer far below zero--to minister to the necessities of

one whose sufferings were greater even than her own. Still more

touching is the exquisite delicacy with which she and her friend

Emilia imparted the relief they brought, and strove to bestow their

charity without imposing an obligation. "The Walk to Dummer" is a

chapter of Mrs Moodie's book that alone would secure her the esteem

and admiration of her readers. Captain N. was an Irish settler in

Canada, who had encountered similar mishaps to those Captain Moodie

had experienced--but in a very different spirit. He had taken to

drinking, had deserted his family, and was supposed to have joined

Mackenzie's band of ruffians on Navy Island. For nine weeks his

wife and children had tasted no food but potatoes; for eighteen

months they had eaten no meat. Before going to Mrs Moodie, Jenny

had been their servant for five years, and, although repeatedly

beaten by her master with the iron ramrod of his gun, would still

have remained with them, would he have permitted her. She sobbed

bitterly on learning their sufferings, and that Miss Mary, "the

tinder thing," and her brother, a boy of twelve, had to fetch fuel

from the bush in that "oncommon savare weather." Mrs Moodie was

deeply affected at the recital of so much misery. She had bread for

herself and children, and that was all. It was more than had Mrs N.

But for the willing there is ever a way, and Mrs Moodie found means

of doing good, where means there seemed to be none. Some ladies in

the neighbourhood were desirous to do what they could for Mrs N.;

but they wished first to be assured that her condition really was as

represented. They would be guided by the report of Mrs Moodie and

Emilia, if those two ladies would go to Dummer, the most western

clearing of Canada's Far West, and ascertain the facts of the case.

_If_ they would! There was not an instant's hesitation. Joyfully

they started on their Samaritan pilgrimage. Ladies, lounging on

damask cushions in your well-hung carriages, read this account of

a walk through the wilderness; read the twelfth chapter of Mrs

Moodie's second volume, and--having read it--you will assuredly read

the whole of her book, and rise from its perusal with full hearts,

and with the resolution to imitate, as far as your opportunities

allow--and to none of us, who seek them with a fervent and sincere

spirit, shall opportunities be wanting--her energetic and truly

Christian charity.

_Le diable ne sera pas toujours derrière la porte_, says the French

proverb. The gentleman in question had long obstinately kept his

station behind Mrs Moodie's shanty door; but at last, despairing,

doubtless, of a triumph over her courage and resignation, he fled,

discomfited. The militia disbanded, Captain Moodie's services were

no longer needed. But his hard-saved pay had cleared off many debts,

and prospects were brighter.

"The potato crop was gathered in, and I had collected my store

of dandelion roots for our winter supply of coffee, when one day

brought a letter to my husband from the Governor's secretary,

offering him the situation of Sheriff of the V---- district.

Once more he bade us farewell; but it was to go and make ready

a home for us, that we should no more be separated from each

other. Heartily did I return thanks to God that night for all

his mercies to us."

Short time sufficed for preparation to quit the dreary log-house.

Crops, furniture, farm-stock, and implements, were sold, and as soon

as snow fell and sleighing was practicable, the family left the

forest for their snug dwelling in the distant town of V----. Strange

as it may seem, when the time came, Mrs Moodie clung to her solitude.

"I did not like," she says, "to be dragged from it to mingle in

gay scenes, in a busy town, and with gaily-dressed people. I

was no longer fit for the world; I had lost all relish for the

pursuits and pleasures which are so essential to its votaries;

I was contented to live and die in obscurity. For seven years

I had lived out of the world altogether; my person had been

rendered coarse by hard work and exposure to the weather. I

looked double the age I really was, and my hair was already

thickly sprinkled with grey."

Honour to such grey hairs, blanched in patient and courageous

suffering. More lovely they than raven tresses, to all who prefer

to the body's perishable beauty, the imperishable qualities of the

immortal soul!

FAREWELL TO THE RHINE.

LINES WRITTEN AT BONN.

Fare thee well, thou regal river, proudly-rolling German Rhine,

Sung in many a minstrel's ballad, praised in many a poet's line!

Thou from me too claim'st a stanza; ere thy oft-trod banks I

leave,

Blithely, though with thread the slenderest, I the grateful rhyme

will weave;

Many a native hymn thou hearest, many a nice and subtle tone,

Yet receive my stranger lispings, strange, but more than half

thine own.

Fare thee well! but not in sorrow; while the sun thy vineyards

cheers,

I will not behold thy glory through a cloud of feeble tears;

Bring the purple Walportzheimer, pour the Rudesheimer bright,

In the trellis'd vine-clad arbour I will hold a feast to-night.

Call the friends who love me dearly, call the men of sense and

soul,

Call the hearts whose blithe blood billows, like the juice that

brims the bowl:

Let the wife who loves her husband, with her eyes of gracious

blue,

Give the guests a fair reception--serve them with a tendance

true;

With bright wine, bright thoughts be mated; and if creeping tears

must be,

Let them creep unseen to-morrow, Rhine, when I am far from thee!

Lo! where speeds the gallant steamer, prankt with flags of

coloured pride,

And strong heart of iron, panting stoutly up the swirling tide;

While from fife, and flute, and drum, the merry music bravely

floats,

And afar the frequent cannon rolls his many-pealing notes;

And as thick as flowers in June, or armies of the ruddy pine,

Crown the deck the festive sailors of the broad and German Rhine.

"_Der Rhein! Der Rhein!_" I know the song, the jovial singers too

I know,--

'Tis a troop of roving Burschen, and to Heisterbach they go;

There beneath the seven hills' shadow, and the cloister'd ruin

grey,

Far from dusty books and paper, they will spend the sunny day;

There will bind their glittering caps with oaken wreaths fresh

from the trees,

And around the rustic table sit, as brothers sit, at ease;

Hand in hand will sit and laugh, and drain the glass with social

speed,

Crowned with purple Asmannshausen, drugged with many a fragrant

weed;

While from broad and open bosom, with a rude and reinless glee,

Sounds the jocund-hearted pæan,--_Live the Bursch! the Bursch is

free!_

Thus they through the leafy summer, when their weekly work is

o'er,

Make the wooded hamlets echo with strong music's stirring roar

From young life's high-brimming fulness--while the hills that

bear the vine

Brew their juice in prescient plenty for the Burschen of the

Rhine.

Oft at eve, when we were sated with the various feast of sight,

Looking through our leafy trellis on the hues of loveliest light,

Poured on the empurpled mountains by the gently westering sun;

When at length the blazing god, his feats of brilliant duty done,

Veiled his head, and Güdinghofen's gilded woods again were grey;

When the various hum was hushed that stirred the busy-striving

day,

And the air was still and breezeless, and the moon with

fresh-horned beam

Threw aslant a shimmering brightness o'er the scarcely-sounding

stream;

We with ear not idly pleased would rise to catch the mellow note

Softly o'er the waters wandering from the home-returning boat;

And we saw the festive brothers, sobered by the evening hour,

Shoreward drifted by the river's deep and gently-rolling power;

And our car imbibed sweet concord, and our hearts grew young

again,

And we knew the deep devotion of that solemn social strain.

And we loved the Bursch that mingles truth and friendship with the

wine,

While his floods of deep song echo o'er the broad and murmuring

Rhine.

Fare thee well, thou people-bearing, joy-resounding, ample flood,

Mighty now, but mightier then, when lusty Europe's infant blood

Pulsed around thee; when thy Kaisers, titled with the grace of

Rome,

With a holy sanction issued from hoar Aquisgranum's dome,

And with kingly preparation, where the Alps frost-belted frown,

Marched with German oak to wreathe the fruitful Lombard's iron

crown.

Then the stream of wealth adown thee freely floated; then the

fire

Of a rude but hot devotion piled strong tower, and fretted spire,

Thick as oaks within the forest, where thy priestly cities rose.

Weaker now, and faint and small, the sacerdotal ardour glows

Round the broad Rhine's unchurched billows; but an echo still

remains,

And a fond life stiffly lingers, in the old faith's ghostly veins.

Ample rags of decoration, scutcheons of the meagre dead,

By thy banks, thou Christian river, still, from week to week, are

spread.

Flags and consecrated banners wave around thee; I have seen

Strewn with flowers thy streets, and marching in the gay sun's

noonday sheen

Lines of linen-vested maidens, lines of sober matrons grey,

Lines of feeble-footed fathers, priests in motley grim array;

I have seen the bright cross glitter in the summer's cloudless

air,

While the old brown beads were counted to the drowsy-mutter'd

prayer;

I have seen the frequent beggar press his tatters in the mud,

For the bread that is the body, and the wine that is the blood,

(So they deem in pious stupor,) of the Lord who walked on earth.

Such thy signs of life, thou strangely-gibbering imp of Roman

birth,

Old, but lusty in thy dotage, on the banks of German Rhine:

Though thy rule I may not own it, and thy creed be far from mine,

I have loved to hear thy litany o'er the swelling waters float,

Gently chaunted from the crowded, gaily-garnished pilgrim-boat;

I have felt the heart within me strangely stirred; and, half

believer,

For a moment wished that Reason on her throne might prove deceiver.

Live, while God permits thy living, on the banks of German Rhine,

Fond old faith!--thou canst not live but by some spark of power

divine;

And while man, who darkly gropes, and fretful feels, hath need of

thee,

Soothe his ear with chiming creeds, and fear no jarring taunt from

me.

Fare ye well, ye broad-browed thinkers! pride of Bonn upon the

Rhine,

Patient teachers, in the rock of ancient lore that deeply mine;

Men, with whom in soul lives Niebuhr, and loves still to glean

with them,

From huge piles of Roman ruin many a bright and human gem;

Oft with you, beneath the rows of thickly-blooming chestnut trees,

I have walked, and seen with wonder how ye flung with careless

case

Bales of treasured thought about ye, even as children play with

toys.

Strange recluses! we who live 'mid bustling Britain's smoke and

noise,

Ill conceive the quiet tenor of your deeply-brooding joys;

How ye sit with studious patience, and with curious travelling

eyes

Wander o'er the well-browned folio, where the thoughtful record

lies;

Musing in some musty chamber day by day, and hour by hour,

Dimly there ye sit, and sip the ripest juice from Plato's bower;

Each fair shape that graceful floateth through the merry Grecian

clime,

Each religious voice far-echoed through the galleries of time,

There with subtle eye and ear ye watch, and seize the airy booty,

And with faithful ken to know the rescued truth is all your duty.

Souls apart! with awe I knew your silent speculative looks,

And the worship that ye practise in the temples of your books;

And I felt the power of knowledge; and I loved to bridge with you

Gulfs of time, till oldest wisdom rose to shake hands with the

new;

May the God of truth be with you, still to glean, with pious

patience,

Grains of bright forgotten wisdom for the busy labouring nations;

And, while books shall feed my fancy, may I use the pondered line,

Grateful to the broad-browed thinkers, pride of Bonn upon the

Rhine!

Fare ye well, old crags and castles! now with me for ever dwells,

Twined with many a freakish joy, the stately front of Drachenfels.

O'er thy viny cliffs we rambled, where the patient peasant toils,

Where the rugged copse scarce shelters from the sun that broadly

smiles,

And the fresh green crown is plaited from the German's oaken

bower:

Here we wandered, social pilgrims, careless as the sunny hour,

Gay and free, nor touched with horror of the legendary wood,

Harnessed priests and iron knights, and dragons banqueting on

blood.

Praise who will the mail-clad epoch, when the princes all were

reivers,

Every maundering monk a god, and all who heard him dumb believers;

Me, the peaceful present pleases, and the sober rule of law,

Quiet homes, and hearths secure, and creeds redeemed from

idiot-awe;

Peopled cities' din; and where then tolled the cloister's languid

chime,

Now the hum of frequent voices from each furthest human clime,

Every form of various life beneath the crag that bears the vine,

Borne upon the steam-ploughed current of the placid-rolling Rhine.

Fare thee well, thou kingly river! while the sun thy vineyards

cheers,

I will not behold thy glory through a cloud of feeble tears.

Bring the purple Walportzheimer, pour the Rudesheimer clear,

In the green and vine-clad arbour spread the goodly German cheer;

Call the friends who love me dearly, call the men of sense and

soul,

Call the hearts whose blithe blood billows like the juice that

brims the bowl;

With free cheer free thoughts be wedded; high as heaven, deep as

hell,

Wide as are the dark blue spaces where the starry tenants dwell.

Let the German hymn, that echoes from the Sound to Adria's Sea,

Ring damnation to the despot, peal salvation to the free;

And when I from vine-clad mountains and from sunny woods am far,

By the cold bleak coast of Buchan, where wild Winter loves to war,

In my memory crag and castle, church and learned hall, shall shine

Brightly, with the seven hills glorious of fair Bonn upon the

Rhine.

J. S. B.

FAHRGASSE BONN,

_August 1851_.

THE REFORM MEASURES OF 1852.

Lord John Russell's new measure of Representative Reform has

resolved itself into the shape of a negation. It is, perhaps, the

most abortive and unsatisfactory scheme that was ever presented to

the nation. It is not good enough to be accepted by one section

of politicians, at least as a permanent gift--not so utterly bad

as to excite the anger of another, though it may well challenge

their contempt. It is not based upon any new principle--it hardly

even professes to alter or improve any principle at present

acknowledged. It amounts to little more than an arbitrary lowering

of the electoral qualification. Small boroughs are to retain their

privileges, submitting only to an infusion of new blood from

villages in their respective neighbourhoods. Large towns remain as

they were, but with a lower scale of voters. So with counties. Every

man paying 40s. a-year of direct taxes is to have a vote. This seems

to be the whole measure of reform as regards constituencies. It is

an alteration in towns from £10 to £5, and in counties from £50 to

£20. For the future, no property qualification is to be required

from members; and the Parliamentary oaths are to be qualified, so

that every kind of unbeliever may enter. The legislature ceases to

be Christian.

Considering that the scheme has been brought forward by the Whigs

purely for party purposes, and to postpone, if possible, their

expected ejection from office, we are surprised that it is not more

democratical. We leave others to inquire why no second crusade has

been made against the close boroughs--why Calne, for example, and

Arundel, and Tavistock, are not to figure in a new schedule of

disfranchisement. We can conjecture sufficient reasons, without

pushing speculation far. But--putting aside the religious question,

which Lord John Russell has most indecorously mixed up with a mass

of electoral details--we should really like to know what party,

or what class of men, this measure is intended to satisfy. That

is, we must maintain, a consideration of primary importance. All

are agreed that it is not for the benefit of the nation that the

constitution should be perpetually tinkered. Even Lord John does not

broadly avow his predilection for annual repairs; though, in the

true spirit of an itinerant metallurgist, he proposes, in 1852, a

new solder for the constituencies of Ireland, in place of that which

he gratuitously applied in 1851. If Parliaments are habitually to

reform themselves, whether at the instigation or against the will of

ministers, it is quite evident that all hope of discharging the real

business of the nation is at an end. If repairs are needed, let them

by all means be made; but let the work be done in such a substantial

manner that it shall last for a given time, and not subject us to

the perpetual annoyance of new experiments.

Now, we think it must strike every one that the projected measure

of the present session is so far from being a permanent settlement,

that, if carried, it must lead to an immense deal of future

agitation. The Radicals do not even affect to deny this. They

express themselves disappointed with the limited amount of the

scheme. They wish for the suppression of the smaller boroughs,

the enlargement of the urban constituencies, electoral divisions,

household suffrage, vote by ballot, and triennial, if not annual,

parliaments. These are their avowed objects--for what ultimate

purpose we need not inquire; and they very candidly state that

they will not rest satisfied until they obtain them. They will

accept Lord John Russell's measure as an instalment, but nothing

more. They think that the lowering of the franchise is a step in

the right direction, because they calculate that it will give them

more immediate power, but they will not take it as a settlement.

Next year, if this bill should be carried, though we hardly think

the Ministry will survive long enough to reach it, they are again

to be in the field, busy, warlike, and active as ever; and the

agitation is not to cease until their demands are satisfied. But

will it cease even then? Hardly. The Chartists have the next turn,

and they, too, doubtless, will insist upon _their_ schemes, all the

more practicable because the intervening barriers have been taken

down. So that, if the peace and quiet of the nation, and the real

efficiency of Parliament as a working and legislative body, are

worthy to be taken into account, it appears that Lord John Russell's

measure will, if enacted, neither promote the one nor the other.

Looking simply at the broad features of the measure, with the

reservation which we have already made, and without investigating

the details, a shallow observer might conclude that it is calculated

to do much immediate mischief. We cannot style it a revolutionary

measure, simply because it lowers the franchise from a point which,

twenty years ago, was arbitrarily assumed, without any shadow of

reason, as the correct one. The five-pounder may be, and often is,

quite as intelligent a person as the ten-pounder. But where is the

line of demarcation to be drawn? If property or rent is to be the

qualification and criterion, it must be drawn somewhere, else there

is no answer to the Chartist; and if you once begin the system

of diminishment, there is no possibility of any stoppage. Tile

electoral shillings are like King Lear's hundred knights: they will

be beaten down until the final question is asked, "What needs one?"

and then the triumph will be complete.

Is this desirable? In the name of everything sacred and dear to

us--in the name of intelligence, education, and common sense, we

answer, No! We have but to look across the Channel to see what are

the effects of universal suffrage; and surely there is no man in

this country infatuated enough to wish that our free constitution

should be exchanged for alternate anarchy and despotism. That is

not the wish of the nation--nay more, we venture to say that it

is not the wish of the nation that any experiment should be made

tending in the least degree towards any such consummation. We have

watched--most attentively--for the last two years, the movements of

the so-called reformers; and we are satisfied that, had they been

left to themselves, their agitation must have died out as surely as

a fire expires for want of fuel. The faggot-master, in the present

instance, has been her Majesty's Prime Minister.

The electoral franchise is a privilege which, for its own sake,

is very little coveted by the people of this country. Even in the

towns, men who possess the qualification are exceedingly backward to

enrol themselves; and often, when enrolled, they positively decline

to vote. A rush to the poll, as every electioneering agent knows,

is seldom a spontaneous movement--indeed, the general difficulty is

to overcome the _vis inertiæ_. We think this feeling may be carried

too far, but undoubtedly it exists; and the proof of it is, that

in most large constituencies, but a small portion of those who are

qualified to vote appear at the poll, except under circumstances and

on occasions of peculiar excitement. Nay, more than this, unless a

case of very strong grievance can be made out and established, it

is difficult to prevail upon the men of the middle classes to lend

their countenance to or attend public meetings for any political

object.

The last general election did, in reality, cause little excitement.

The conduct of Sir Robert Peel--we shall not now call it his

manoeuvre--had disposed of the question of Free Trade for the time;

and no one, whatever might be his secret thoughts or forebodings,

wished for an immediate reversal of that policy, until the effects

of the experiment became apparent. Therefore a Free-Trade House

of Commons was returned, and the Ministry had it all their own

way. Undoubtedly they have declined in influence, since then.

But why? Simply because their policy was then undergoing the

test of experience, and the result has proved adverse to their

anticipations. There is no other reason. If it should be said

that their unpopularity is owing to the continuance of the hated

Income-tax, we can only reply that Free-Trade and the Income-tax are

inseparable; and that, so long as Sindbad chooses to call himself

a Free-Trader, he must submit to carry the Old Man of the Sea

upon his shoulders. But the constituencies were quiet. Except when

accidental elections took place, which generally terminated in the

defeat of the ministerial candidates, the electoral view could not

be ascertained. But there were held in every county, and in the

metropolis itself, immense meetings of those who thought themselves

wronged by the chicanery of a former Minister--not demanding a

readjustment of the franchise, but simply requiring that the general

voice of the electoral body might be taken on the subject of their

complaint. Thus the only classes in the country who could allege a

specific and substantial grievance, were utterly silent upon the

subject of a reform in the constitution. They had faith in the

justice of their cause, and believed that, sooner or later, that

cause must prevail, without the intervention of any violent remedy.

It was only in one or two of the large towns that any attempt

at agitation for an increase of the suffrage was made. For such

agitation it was difficult to find even a tolerable pretext.

According to the political and commercial views of the reformers,

the system established in 1832 had worked wonderfully, nay,

marvellously well. They could, in fact, point to no practical

grievance affecting life, liberty, or property, such as could only

be remedied by a strong organic change. They could not accuse the

House of Commons of turning a deaf ear to the representations of

the urban population. But as, in the absence of reason, a pretext

was necessary, they reared one up in the cry for economy and

retrenchment. Supposing that there had been any grounds for such

a demand, that our national expenditure was too great, and our

finances unduly squandered, it is difficult to understand the chain

of reason which connects the cure of these things with a change

in the representative body. But, in truth, nothing could be more

monstrous than such an allegation. When forced to specify and

particularise the nature of their proposed reductions, the agitators

could only refer to our military and naval establishments, and the

expense of our colonial empire. If any doubt at all existed in the

minds of men as to such points, that doubt has since been removed.

After all the trash that has been uttered at Peace Congresses and

Manchester gatherings, it has become clear, even to the meanest

capacity, that our establishments, instead of being too large, are

in reality too small, and insufficient even for our defence! We have

no desire now to discuss such matters. We allude to them simply

for the purpose of showing that the one pretext of the would-be

agitators for a representative reform has given way under their feet.

If the anticipations of those agitators had been fulfilled--if they

had carried, as they proposed, a sweeping measure of reform, based

upon household or universal suffrage--and if, in consequence, the

majority of the House of Commons had consisted of men professing

the opinions of Mr Cobden, and resolute to put them into practice,

into what a state of anarchy and abject terror would this country

now have been thrown! Without a fleet to scour the Channel, without

an army to defend our shores, we should have been at the mercy of

almost any assailant. Yet such were the results which Mr Cobden and

his friends distinctly contemplated, and which they proposed to

bring about by lowering the franchise, and giving a large accession

of political power to the manufacturing towns.

It is creditable to the sense of the country that the agitation

totally failed--in fact, there never was any agitation at all. The

electors generally abstained from giving countenance to any meetings

on the subject of reform. Sir Joshua Walmsley and Mr Joseph Hume

undertook journeys for the purpose of stirring up the embers, but

they nowhere could create a blaze. Delegates, who represented nobody

but themselves, assembled at Manchester, in the vain hope of hoaxing

the country into the belief that there was a very general feeling

in favour of radical reform. They might have spared themselves the

trouble. Never was there so ludicrous a failure. The central English

meeting was held under such sorry auspices that even Messrs Muntz

and Scholefield, the members for Birmingham, declined to attend it.

The conduct of the whole scheme reflected no credit on the strategy

of Mr John Bright, who acted as generalissimo on this occasion. The

Edinburgh meeting, held shortly afterwards, was, in every sense of

the word, contemptible. With hardly any exceptions, it was avoided

and abjured by every man of station, intelligence, wealth, and

respectability within the city. In fact, the movement broke down.

The Radicals wished to demonstrate that public feeling was with

them; and their demonstration resulted in a clear proof that public

feeling was against them.

Radical reform, therefore, is clearly not wanted, and would not

be tolerated by the nation. Lord John Russell's measure, however,

not being violently radical in itself, though convenient for the

ulterior designs of Radicalism, will doubtless be supported by

those who now perceive that they cannot at present hope to carry a

broad scheme of democracy. It is, therefore, proper that we should

consider whether any of the objections that can be urged to the

larger scheme apply equally to the lesser one.

In our opinion, it will be impossible for Lord John Russell to

prove the preamble of his bill. He certainly has not established,

as yet, the necessity, or even the policy, of such a change in our

representative system; nor can he hope to show that this measure

of his has been called for by, or is calculated to meet, the

requirements of the great bulk of the community. It is a gratuitous

offering on his part: no one has asked it at his hand. Let us see,

then, how he attempts to justify his introduction of this measure.

To preface any measure with a justification is impolitic, because it

implies the existence of a serious doubt in the mind of the speaker.

He begins with one of these rhetorical commonplaces which has always

a counterpart or opposite, either of which may be selected, as

Aristotle tells us, according to the option of the speaker. We shall

quote his own words:--

"The state of affairs in which I bring forward this motion ought

to be satisfactory to Parliament and to the country. During four

years we have seen the continent of Europe torn by convulsions;

during that period the aspect of this country has been tranquil,

and any threatened danger has been averted by the general spirit

and unanimous feeling of the people. It appears to me that this

is a proper time for considering whether any further extension

can be given to the right of voting, consistently with the

principles of the constitution, by which the prerogatives of

the Crown, the authority of both Houses of Parliament, and the

rights and liberties of the people, are equally secured."

So far good. But we are almost old enough to recollect the time

when the same speaker, on the occasion of moving a previous measure

of reform, had recourse to the counterpart of this commonplace.

_Then_ a reform in the constitution was necessary because the people

were discontented; _now_, a reform is necessary because the people

are contented. State the proposition in any mode you please, the

argument resolves itself into that; alter the argument, and you must

subtract from the present instance the plea of necessity, and fall

back immediately upon the minor one of expediency. But as neither

the satyr of the fable, nor the ventilating Dr Reid, can compete

with Lord John Russell in the art of blowing hot or cold as occasion

requires, we need hardly dwell upon this evident self-contradiction.

It is, however, not a little remarkable, that he cautiously abstains

from averring that there has been anything like a general demand

for an extension or alteration of the suffrage. We confess that we

were not prepared for this abstinence. The Whigs are not usually

so scrupulous in their statements, at least since they began to

enlist prosperity as a standing argument on their side; therefore it

was with an agreeable surprise that we marked Lord John's implied

admission, that nobody had thought it worth their while to solicit

that boon which he was so gracious as to accord. It is beyond a

doubt that he was wise in limiting himself thus. The right and

practice of petitioning Parliament against any existing grievance

is well known to the people, and is held _in viridi observantia_.

Can any man believe that, if reform was really and substantially

the wish of a large section of the community, the tables of both

Houses of Parliament would not be groaning under the weight of the

accumulated mass of petitions? Nothing of the kind has happened.

Such petitions as have been presented to the House of Commons do not

pray for moderate and gradual reform, but for universal suffrage,

vote by ballot, annual parliaments, electoral districts, and all

the other abominations dear to the hearts of the in-dwellers of

Marylebone. The extension they require is specific, not couched

in general terms. Lord John's measure will receive from them just

the same consideration which would be bestowed upon a cup of milk

and water, by an inveterate gin drinker whose soul was bent upon a

dram. We are decidedly of opinion, and will remain so until we have

proof to the contrary, that the class which Lord John Russell now

proposes to enfranchise is supremely indifferent to the privilege.

We used to be told that one particular reason for fixing the limit

of the franchise at ten pounds, was the hope that the possession of

that right would be so strongly desired, as to act as a wholesome

spur and incentive to industry. That view seems to have been given

up. The people will not work up to the franchise, so the standard

of the franchise is to be lowered to their reach! Very convenient

legislation this, but somewhat slovenly withal.

If, then, we are correct in our premises, Lord John Russell is

volunteering a measure, which is asked for by nobody, which will

satisfy nobody, and which, so far from settling the question

permanently, must be regarded as a stimulus to farther agitation. He

is, although he may not know it himself, on the highway to universal

suffrage. People had begun to consider the ten pound clause in

the old Reform Bill as something equivalent to a principle--now,

her Majesty's chief adviser unsettles that faith, descends fifty

per cent, and proclaims to the world that a further discount may

probably be expected, if a material increase shall take place in the

circulation of newspapers and periodicals, thereby, as supposes,

testifying the augmented intelligence of the nation! It is really

no laughing matter. Such was one of the leading arguments of the

Prime Minister of Great Britain in justification of his scheme,

and we can only hope that it was founded upon intense ignorance of

the state of our present periodical literature. That the elements

of education--that is, the power of reading and writing--are more

generally diffused among the lower orders than formerly may be

true, though we greatly doubt it; but that has nothing to do with

the question at issue. No argument is required to convince us that

some of the class which the noble Lord intends to admit to the

franchise, possess much more than the mere rudiments of education;

the question ought to be, whether what they do read is likely to fit

them for discharging the important duty of selecting and sending

proper representatives to Parliament. Let Lord John Russell, or any

other legislator who may be of his way of thinking, but take the

trouble to send to Manchester or Birmingham for weekly sets of the

political, religious, literary, and moral miscellanies, which are

most eagerly bought up and perused--let them read those carefully

through, and consider well their tenor--and we are satisfied that

the sturdiest advocate for progression would shudder to commit

the fate of his country to men who were daily and weekly imbued

with the principles inculcated by such publications. It is utterly

absurd to talk of the mere increase of schools, as if such increase

implied education in the proper sense of the word. At the schools

a boy is taught to read and write, but he is not taught, and never

can be taught, what he ought to read, and what he ought to abstain

from reading hereafter. His mind is simply made photographic. He

can take in and retain the ideas of others; and, unfortunately,

the expressed ideas which come most naturally, easily, and perhaps

most palatably within his reach, are precisely those which are most

dangerous to his morals, and most likely to give him false views of

society, and to unfit him for a proper discharge of his duties alike

as a Christian and a subject. Lord John Russell, we are thoroughly

convinced, is at this moment entirely ignorant of the kind of

literature which is current among, and greedily devoured by the

operative classes. It is no wonder that such should be the case. We

confess, quite frankly, that our attention was drawn to the subject,

not much more than two years ago, by certain representations made

by publishers on the subject of the paper duty as affecting popular

publications. Being unable to reconcile their statements with

certain facts which came under our own knowledge, we thought it

advisable to institute an inquiry, and in the course of that we

collected copies of such works as were most generally circulated

among the working classes. We are most happy to admit that some of

them were entirely unexceptionable in their tone and doctrine. Many

men are working among the operative classes with a true knowledge

of their calling, and a sincere and devout intention to dedicate

themselves to the task of raising the minds of the people, by

inculcating sound principles of economy, morality, and healthful and

religious feelings. But these constitute the exceptions, not the

rule. The political journals which have the largest circulation are

something more than Radical; they are, if not avowedly, at least in

spirit, republican. The Peerage and the Established Church are the

institutions which they assail with the most undisguised ferocity;

and no means which falsehood can suggest are left unemployed to

turn both into contempt, and to inflame the minds of the people

against the aristocracy and the clergy. Personality, vituperation,

and ignorance, are the characteristics of those journals. Lord John

Russell, we suspect, would hardly have ventured to lay so much

stress upon this educational argument, had he been aware of the

manner in which he is habitually mentioned by those oracles of the

lower orders. We have read descriptions of and commentaries upon

himself, his character, and his measures, which assuredly were the

reverse of flattering, as they were clearly calumnious and wicked.

Several of the works of fiction, which are most greedily bought up,

are utterly loathsome and depraved. The public appetite is not to be

sated, as in days gone by, with mere melodramic romance, and tales

of the wild and wonderful--there must be a relish of cantharides

in the dish in order to make it palatable. We seldom hear anything

nowadays of our old friends, the benevolent robber, the mysterious

monk, the misanthropical count, or the persecuted damsel--these

characters belonged to past times; our caterers for the public

taste deal exclusively with the present. The nobleman of these

fictions, whether he be old or young, is invariably a profligate

and a seducer. No imaginable combinations of vice are too revolting

for him--no villany too hideous to deter him. The heroine usually

is "a daughter of the people," who sometimes successfully resists

and sometimes falls a victim to the arts of the noble miscreant.

But in either case, she is compelled to go through various stages

of temptation and trial, which are described in glowing colours.

Brothels, both public and private, are represented with an

abominable minuteness of detail. So are clubs and gambling-houses,

in which the aristocracy are represented as squandering the hard-won

earnings of the poor. Compared with such writers, Eugene Sue appears

almost a pattern of austere morality; and we believe that no man

who has had the curiosity to inspect his works can misunderstand

the force of that observation. Then there are biographies, in which

the modern Plutarch gives a detailed and circumstantial account of

such worthies as O'Connor who was murdered by the Mannings, giving

due prominence to his personal intrigues from boyhood downwards.

For the younger portion of the community there are cheap editions

of pickpocket prowess, both in the narrative and the dramatic form,

and enticing details of the exploits of divers other ruffians and

burglars. All of these publications are illustrated by woodcuts,

some of which, though not by any means the majority, display a

considerable degree of artistical accomplishment.

Such is the favourite reading of the lower orders--such the

practical application of their boasted educational powers. Unless

education can go beyond this, we regard it not as a blessing, but

as a curse. This is not the kind of liberty of the press which was

contended for by Milton--it is a base license, calculated to deprave

the morals, and pervert the understanding of the people. If the case

be as we have stated it--if it is an undeniable fact that such are

the doctrines and views inculcated by some of those publications

which have an immense sale in the manufacturing districts--surely

we may be excused if we hesitate to admit that the education of the

lower orders is such that they can be safely intrusted with the

franchise. It is not true that they are compelled to take this kind

of literary diet for lack of better food. With them it is absolute

choice. There are, as we have already said, many cheap journals

and publications of an unexceptionable character, but, unless our

information is altogether erroneous, these are neglected and put

aside for the others of a vicious tendency.

Now, it does appear to us, though we shall be glad to be informed

to the contrary, that the qualification which Lord John Russell

proposes to establish in the towns and boroughs will admit a large

proportion of the class for which such publications are intended, to

the possession of the franchise. We are sure, at all events, that

it will bring in a large mass of those whose political opinions

are represented by the _Weekly Despatch_. Indeed, it seems to us

very like household suffrage under another name. If we take a house

rated at the annual value of £5, we shall find that the tenant of

it is paying only 2s. 6d. per week, which appears to be very nearly

the minimum of rent in large towns. If the reader will look at

Mr Mayhew's interesting and instructive work, _London Labour and

the London Poor_, he will find in the 42d. number, at page 231, a

statement of the rent usually paid by the operative scavengers of

the metropolis. Mr Mayhew gives us two estimates of the rent of

those who have regular work and pay--the one being 3s., and the

other 3s. 6d. per week. Now, it must be obvious that a qualification

which admits the scavenger, can hardly exclude any one else; so

that, in reality, in so far as regards towns, it would be difficult

to push democracy further. We should like to ask Lord John Russell

if he really and sincerely believes that the scavengers, as a

class, are proper, fit, and competent persons to return members

to Parliament? It is very easy to talk in general terms about the

growing intelligence and increasing education of the people; but

we should much prefer, in a matter of this sort, to be instructed

by actual facts. We are not of opinion that the lower classes in

this country are better educated or more enlightened than they were

formerly; and we have been unable to find any evidence at all to

justify such an assertion. What evidence does exist upon the subject

leads us to form a conclusion directly opposite; and we beg to draw

the attention of our readers to the following tables. The first

shows the number of criminals throughout England and Wales who could

neither read nor write. The investigation embraces a period of ten

years--from 1839 to 1848 inclusive--the average annual number of

criminals being 27,542:--

NUMBER OF CRIMINALS IN ENGLAND AND WALES UNABLE TO READ OR WRITE.

Year. Number.

1839, 8,196

1840, 9,058

1841, 9,220

1842, 10,128

1843, 9,173

1844, 7,901

1845, 7,438

1846, 7,698

1847, 9,050

1848, 9,691

Here, certainly, there are no signs of educational improvement; on

the contrary, the last year, with but one exception, exhibits the

greatest amount of ignorance. But in case this list should not be

thought a fair one, it being quite possible that education may not

yet have penetrated so low as the class of society which affords the

largest contribution to crime, let us adopt another, which is liable

to no such exception. The following is an abstract of the number

of persons in England and Wales who at their marriage signed the

register by marks, in consequence of their being unable to write;

and it extends over precisely the same period. The average annual

number of persons married was 261,340:--

NUMBER OF PERSONS MARRIED IN ENGLAND AND WALES UNABLE TO WRITE THEIR

NAMES.

Year. Number.

1839, 100,616

1840, 104,335

1841, 99,634

1842, 94,996

1843, 101,235

1844, 107,985

1845, 118,894

1846, 117,633

1847, 104,306

1848, 105,937

The result of the whole is, that out of every hundred persons

married during the above years in England and Wales, _forty could

not write their names_; and the ignorance in 1848 was much greater

than in 1839!

Really, with these facts before us, we cannot but wonder at the

temerity of Lord John Russell in using the following language on the

occasion of the introduction of his measure:--

"But there is another ground which I confess has great influence

on my mind, and it was that ground which formed a case for the

original proposition of reform in 1822, namely, the growing

intelligence and education of the people. _I could prove,

if I were not afraid of wearying the House by going into

statistics--I could show_ by the number of newspapers and of

books, by the great number of schools established since 1831,

that a great increase has taken place in intelligence among

the people. _But I do not think the proof necessary_, as the

experience of every honourable member is sufficient to induce

him to concur in my statement, and to say that the franchise

given in 1831 might be made more extensive at the present time."

Why did he not prove it? Certain we are of this, that the House of

Commons would neither have shown nor felt any weariness at listening

to statistics which could satisfactorily establish that the people

of this country were rising in the scale of intelligence. But it was

utterly impossible for Lord John Russell, dexterous as he is, to

prove facts which have no foundation. He durst not appeal to such

tests as that afforded by the register of marriages; and therefore

he calmly assumes "intellectual improvement," just as his colleagues

were in the habit of assuming "prosperity," without any substantial

proof; and he applies for corroboration to that most unsatisfactory

source, "the experience of every honourable member"! We say,

however, that this is a matter in which no juggling or evasion can

be allowed. The question of lowering the suffrage is one of the

deepest importance to the nation; and if Lord John Russell rests, as

he undoubtedly does, the greater part of his case upon the increased

intelligence of the nation, he must prove that, if he can, to the

entire satisfaction of the country, and we challenge him to do it.

But it is quite evident that the noble lord has no confidence in his

own statement. Towards the close of his speech we find him using the

following language, which we cannot regard as altogether consistent

with the passage which we have already quoted:--

"Sir, I trust that when this enlarged franchise is given, we

shall next see the government of this country, in whosesoever

hands it be, consider most seriously and earnestly the great

question of the education of the people. _This question of the

franchise is not alien from that other one of providing that the

instruction, the education of the people, should be in a better

state than it now is._ I am convinced that if, after a measure

of this kind, in another session of Parliament, this House shall

consider the means of establishing a really national system

of education, they will confer one of the greatest blessings

which can be conferred upon this country; a measure for which,

I believe, the people are now almost prepared, and which, after

further discussion, I do trust might be carried with very nearly

a general assent."

Surely it must occur to every one to ask why the noble

philanthropist, entertaining such strong and generous views on the

subject of national education, has delayed so very long reducing

them to a practical form? Instead of consuming the last session in

fruitless debates to carry through the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill,

the provisions of which have already become a dead letter, to the

gross scandal and positive detriment of the cause of Protestantism,

Lord John Russell might have occupied himself wisely and profitably

by promoting the general advancement of education throughout the

country. We fear, however, that his present educational zeal is not

one whit more earnest and real than his indignation against Papal

aggression. We are getting used to these promissory notes of the

noble lord, as also to his accommodation bills, which sometimes

are drawn to supersede them. We know quite well what purpose is

intended to be served by his hints of grand national improvements

to be proposed "in another session of Parliament." The purpose is

Whig supremacy, and the perpetuation of that family and oligarchical

alliance which is the sole principle of the present Ministry.

But, supposing him to be in earnest, what sort of a logician does

he prove himself? If education is, or ought to be, one of the

conditions of the franchise, what shall we say to the man who first

gives the franchise and then proposes to educate? This certainly

is the most notable instance which we have seen in our day of that

process which is properly expressed by the metaphor of "putting the

cart before the horse." Undoubtedly the question of the franchise is

not alien from that of the education of the people--knowledge and

power may very well go hand in hand together; but in this instance

Lord John Russell proposes to give the power first, and to impart

the knowledge at some more convenient season. In our view, it would

be quite as rational a proceeding to intrust the conduct of a

railway engine and train, to a party wholly ignorant of the nature

of the machinery, on the understanding that, at some future period,

he was to acquire a knowledge of its working!

May we be allowed to express, with all humility--although in doing

so we may be subjected to the charge of being behind the march

of modern intellect--our very serious doubts whether the class

which Lord John Russell proposes to enfranchise, is, on the whole,

adequate to the proper discharge of the electoral duties? It may be

a prejudice upon our part, but we cannot think that a scavenger or

a dustman is as likely to form a correct opinion of the qualities

which ought to recommend a candidate as the man who has enjoyed

the advantages of a superior education. We hesitate to put the

costermonger on an exact political equality with the philosopher.

We think, for the sake of the general welfare and security, that

he should not be so placed; because it is very obvious that, if

this bill passes into a law, the general average intelligence of

the electors will be greatly lowered, and a fearful preponderance

given to the unlettered over the lettered classes. Below a certain

point you cannot expect to find generally such a degree of imparted

intelligence--though you may find much natural shrewdness--as

ought to prevail among those who are intrusted with political

power. Therefore we cannot but regard the urgent and admitted

necessity for general education as a direct argument against the

arbitrary lowering of the franchise; and we further think, that

the franchise, if conferred in this way, will, in many cases, be

morally detrimental to the people who receive it. We all know

that, under the present system, corrupt practices have prevailed

to a very odious extent. The late disclosures at St Albans show

us that bribery is more common and widely diffused than any one

would willingly believe; and there are good grounds for suspecting

that even the metropolis of England is not altogether untainted.

The mischief has become chronic. There are places, possessing

the privilege of returning members to Parliament, in which the

vote of almost every man is rated at a certain sum; and unless a

candidate is willing to satisfy these demands, he may as soon hope

to stop the Thames as to succeed in the object of his ambition.

This is a monstrous evil; but we cannot see how it is to be cured

by the admission of a new class of electors, more straitened in

circumstances, and therefore more liable to be swayed by pecuniary

influence, than even the older one. The bribery will continue; the

number of the bribed will be enlarged; but the dividend per head

will be smaller. Now, we entertain very strong opinions upon this

same matter of bribery. We hold it to be the foulest blot in the

working of the British Constitution; and we say advisedly, that

nothing can be done to purify the system, short of an enactment

enforcing rigorous pains and penalties, both on those who are proved

to have tendered, and on those who are proved to have accepted, a

bribe. There is no other way of dealing with corruption. Under the

ballot--which many of the Radical reformers represent as a sure

and certain check, but which we hope, for the sake of manhood and

truth, will never be enacted--bribery could most easily be reduced

to a system of organised betting. What could be simpler than for

an agent, if the ballot were in operation--thus, be it remarked,

precluding the possibility of an after inquiry--to offer bets

of a certain amount to every man on the roll, that Mr So-and-so

would _not_ be returned, naming the opponent of his employer,

and paying these, very honourably, whenever the event came off?

The present bill does nothing whatever to prevent bribery; and

although the "Corrupt Practices at Elections Bill," which has

also been introduced, may facilitate an inquiry into the peculiar

circumstances of any suspicious case, we greatly doubt the soundness

of the principle upon which it professes to be based. Lord John

Russell's view seems to be shortly this, that when it can be

shown that corrupt practices prevail, the offending borough or

constituency is to be disfranchised, and its privileges transferred

to some other place which is not at present represented. He assumes

that bribery prevails only in small boroughs, and he looks upon

these as a fund which, some time or other, will become available

for the supply of towns which ought, from their importance, to have

a further share in the representation. We doubt both the accuracy

and the morality of this view. Bribery is not confined to small

constituencies; it has been practised largely in others. The only

constituency in Scotland known positively to be tainted, numbers

between 1800 and 1900 electors. Is London itself so virginal that no

suspicion has been raised as to the purity of its electoral fame?

We can hardly believe that it was made the subject of an unfounded

calumny. Now, if justice is at all to be observed in matters of

this sort, it is difficult, nay impossible, to understand why

small corrupt constituencies are to be disfranchised, while larger

ones are to be allowed to escape unpunished. And what is to be

the criterion for disfranchisement? Let us suppose the case of a

constituency of 2000, whereof one-half are proved to be bribed--a

number more than sufficient to pervert the true expression of that

constituency's opinion--are the remaining thousand electors, who

have not participated in such practices, to be deprived of their

privilege on account of the sins of their neighbours? This, we

apprehend, would be neither just, politic, nor practicable; yet,

if we understand him aright, Lord John Russell proposes to adopt

this method with regard to small constituencies. Then again, it is

alleged that there are places which, from their growing importance,

ought to have representatives. If so, surely the present was the

proper time to have supplied that want. There would have been but

Petty regret for the extinction of Calne and divers other places,

which, by some miracle or other, escaped disfranchisement twenty

years ago, and which do not represent any interest, public or

private, entitled to Parliamentary consideration. As it is, the

"places of growing importance"--we wish we had been favoured with an

accurate list of these--must wait until the corruption alleged to

exist in the smaller boroughs shall extend itself to the villages

which are now hung on as pendants, and until the taint is no longer

endurable by a human nostril. Is there not something grossly absurd

and unstatesmanlike in the proposition, which would make places of

admitted importance dependent for their chance of representation on

the possible increase of corruption?

We do not deny that there are several anomalies in the present

distribution of representation, but not one of these is touched by

the provisions of this measure. We are clearly of opinion that it

would have been far better for the interests of the country had

matters been allowed to remain undisturbed. It is plain that there

was no general call for such a measure; and we have already pointed

out several most serious objections to the proposed lowering of

the franchise in the burghs. But if the question of reform of the

representation is really to be taken up, it should be approached in

a very different spirit from that which seems to have dictated this

slovenly and imperfect scheme. The whole system should be considered

and examined from its very foundation; and, in particular,

the soundness of the principle which makes the possession of

the suffrage depend upon a property qualification ought to be

deliberately discussed. Several schemes, which have been proposed

during the last year or two, are deserving of serious thought.

One of these, suggested by Mr Stapleton,[20] formerly the private

secretary of Mr Canning, is, at all events, worth consideration,

and is certainly much preferable to a plan for bestowing power upon

ignorance. He proposes that a considerable number of members of the

House of Commons, from eighty to a hundred, should be returned by

the different learned professions, and large public institutions,

just as is presently done in the case of the universities. He says,

with much show of truth,--

"Is it not then a matter of extreme wonder that, in a

legislature consisting of six hundred and fifty-six members,

only six should be returned by the _learning_ and _education_

of the nation? Is it not unaccountable, that when the body of

the old House of Commons was thrown by the Medeas of the day

into their seething cauldron of reform, in order to infuse into

its aged limbs livelier and more vital powers, it should never

have occurred to these daring men to create some constituencies

composed exclusively of educated persons above the suspicion of

bribery, who would select their representatives for no other

motives than that they believed them to be the best men at

once to understand and to promote the imperial interests of

Britain's almost boundless dominions? But is not this still

more extraordinary when there existed no need for the creation

of such bodies, seeing that they existed already made to their

hands; seeing that they are to be found in all the professions

to which English gentlemen belong?"

[20] _Suggestions for a Conservative and Popular Reform in the

Commons House of Parliament._ By AUGUSTUS G. STAPLETON, B.A.

Hatchard, London.

Mr Stapleton then proceeds to give an outline of his plan, which we

need not discuss, because, under present circumstances, we deprecate

any change whatever, on the general ground that no change is wanted

by the nation. It is impossible that any kind of constitution can be

made absolutely perfect; and therefore, when we have a constitution

which, at all events, is satisfactory to the majority, we see no

reason to disturb it. We have no objection to amendments which

do not infringe upon a principle already laid down, and tacitly

acquiesced in by all parties; indeed, we shall presently have to

notice some amendments which might advantageously be introduced

with regard to the representation of Scotland; but we do so solely

because Ministers have insisted upon making themselves agitators,

and have, therefore, in a manner, forced the discussion upon us. We

do not think a new Reform Bill necessary; and we very much doubt

whether this one will be read a second time; nevertheless, as it

has been introduced, we are justified in pointing out such obvious

improvements as might be made without any lowering of the franchise.

We do not pretend to possess that degree of information which would

justify us in criticising the details of the English Reform Bill,

introduced specially by the Premier. We shall say nothing of the

tinkering process which he proposes to apply to the lesser boroughs,

or of the curious selection of the places which are set down in

the schedule by way of additions to them. We are not qualified

from personal knowledge to speak of those matters, but we rejoice

to observe that the subject is in the hands of that practised

anatomist, _The Times_, whose dissection, so far as it has gone,

is an exposition of insufferable corruption. But we have a word or

two to say regarding the new Reform Bill for Scotland, to which we

earnestly entreat the attention of our countrymen, whatever may be

their shade of political opinion. We regard the matter as a national

one of the utmost importance; and we shall try to approach it

without any feeling of prejudice.

Of late years there has been a prevalent feeling in Scotland, that

this portion of the United Kingdom did not receive full justice in

the distribution of representatives which was made in 1832. That

view has been over and over again stated and illustrated in journals

widely differing from each other in general politics, but agreeing

as to that particular point; and we shall presently have occasion to

notice some of the leading arguments which were employed. We think

it, however, right to say, that the entire change which was made in

the Scottish representative system by the act of 1832, rendered it

very difficult for the framers of that measure to calculate with

certainty on its results. They had few data from which they might

calculate the probable amount of the constituencies; and it is quite

possible that they thought it safest, in the case of a population

hitherto unused to open elections, to be parsimonious rather than

liberal in the allotment of the members.

But twenty years have since then gone by. The people of Scotland

are now as well used to elections as their southern neighbours; and

it is admitted on all hands that intelligence and education are at

least as widely diffused in this country as elsewhere. Therefore,

now that the question of reform has been again brought forward,

and a new bill introduced for amending our representation, it is

incumbent upon us to consider whether the allotment of members

made to Scotland is a just one; and that we can only ascertain by

instituting a comparison with certain constituencies of England.

We must be very cautious in doing so, to avoid exaggeration of

any kind, and not to leap at rash conclusions by contrasting the

constituency of this or that small English borough with a large

Scottish one, possessing the same amount of political power. We

must remember that there are many anomalies even in the English

representation; and we must not try to make out a stronger case

than we really have, by setting, for example, Calne, with its 159

electors, against the populous county of Perth with 4806 on the

roll. We have overwhelming arguments on our side for an increase

of the representation, if it should be determined that any kind of

change is to be made, without having recourse to extremes.

We shall consider this matter simply on its own merits, without

any reference whatever to the proposed increase of the franchise;

our observations upon that point being applicable alike to the

constituencies of England and of Scotland. We shall take the

electoral rolls as they stand at present, and state our case from

them.

By the Reform Act of 1832, every English county returns at least

two members to Parliament--many of them possess a larger privilege.

Yorkshire has six members; twenty-five counties, being divided, send

four each; seven have the privilege of three.

No Scottish county returns more than a single member to Parliament;

the number of the whole being precisely that which was fixed by the

Act of Union.

Now, if, in 1832, no addition had been made to the English county

representation, we should perhaps have no reason to complain.

But such addition was made, to a very large extent; and now that

a period of accounting has come, at the instance of the Prime

Minister, it is our duty to see that, if there is to be a change at

all, we are at least allowed something like a measure of justice.

Let us take the case of ten Scottish counties returning only _ten_

members:--

Scottish Counties. No. of Constituency.

Perthshire, 4806

Aberdeenshire, 4022

Ayrshire, 3823

Lanarkshire, 3785

Fife, 3211

Forfarshire, 2882

Dumfriesshire, 2520

Renfrewshire, 2450

Stirlingshire, 2257

Mid-Lothian, 2071

------

Constituency of ten Scottish}

counties returning }

_ten_ members, } 31,827

Let us now contrast that table with another containing the electoral

statistics of ten English counties, or divisions of counties,

returning _twenty_ members to Parliament:--

English Counties. No. of Constituency.

Notts, N. D., 3817

Notts, S. D., 3539

Cambridge County, 3757

Hants, N. D., 3580

Salop, S. D., 3445

Sussex, W. D., 3289

Northumberland, 3063

Huntingdon County, 2892

Wilts, S. D., 2539

Rutland, 1908

------

Constituency of ten English }

counties returning } 31,829

_twenty_ members, }

Here is an aggregate constituency, almost exactly equal in amount;

and yet the number of members returned by the English is precisely

double of that returned by the Scottish counties.

This is a monstrous inequality; and it cannot be defended by

reference to other anomalies. There can be no reason why Perthshire

should not stand at least on an equality with Rutland, or why the

metropolitan county of Scotland should not be put upon an equality

with it. If the Tweed is to be an imaginary boundary, not separating

two distinct nations, but flowing through one cordially united--and

if, again, we are called upon, even partially, to remodel the

constitution--let this enormous discrepancy in political power be

immediately remedied, as remedied it can be, if Lord John Russell

chooses to deal with the trash of small English boroughs as he

ought to do. We, on our side, would have no objection whatever to

make concessions. One or two of our Scottish counties are, in point

of population and constituency, hardly worthy of the name. Bute,

which was separated from Caithness in 1832, and which has only a

constituency of 491, principally derived from the little town of

Rothesay, might conveniently be incorporated with Dumbartonshire.

Sutherland, with a wretched constituency of 207, ought certainly

to be annexed to its nearest neighbour, Caithness; and, if further

consolidation were required, Selkirk might be annexed to Peebles. In

this way, only seven additional seats would be required to satisfy

the just claims of the leading Scottish counties--claims which,

if not satisfied just now, since the Whig Ministry have chosen

to unsettle existing arrangements, will certainly be preferred

hereafter, with possibly less temperance of tone than would be

proper on the present occasion.

If the case needs further elucidation, we shall be glad to elucidate

it. Without descending to the small English boroughs which return

one member each, here is a list of twenty, each of which returns

_two_ members. The number of the constituency in none of them

reaches 400; and we do not believe that any man in the country will

maintain that the best of them is entitled to the same consideration

which should be given to Perthshire or Mid-Lothian.

English Boroughs

with two members each. No. of Constituency.

Bodmin, 381

Tewkesbury, 378

Buckingham, 376

Ripon, 365

Devizes, 358

Totness, 362

Marlow, (Great) 357

Evesham, 352

Wycombe, 346

Tavistock, 336

Cockermouth, 332

Chippenham, 314

Lymington, 287

Harwich, 272

Richmond, 262

Marlborough, 254

Andover, 252

Honiton, 240

Knaresbro', 230

Thetford, 210

----

Constituency of twenty }

English boroughs returning } 6264

_forty_ members, }

It cannot, even on the ground of other existing anomalies in the

representation, be considered fair that twenty English boroughs,

none of which are of any separate importance, should, with an

aggregate constituency of only 6264, return to Parliament _ten

members more than are allowed to the whole counties of Scotland_,

the constituency of which amounts to 50,943.

With regard to the Scottish burghs, fewer changes are required; but

three at least, whose constituency is above 2000, ought to possess

the same privilege as Edinburgh and Glasgow, of returning two

members each. These are--

Burghs. Constituency.

Aberdeen, 4547

Dundee, 2964

Leith, &c., 2027

Surely this is a reasonable demand. The great importance of these

towns, as seats of manufacture and commerce, cannot be denied; and

it is not just that their interests should be disregarded for the

sake of maintaining intact a few nomination boroughs in the South.

Since the passing of the Reform Bill of 1832, two manufacturing

towns in the south of Scotland have greatly increased in importance.

These are Hawick and Galashiels. We would propose that these towns,

along with Peebles and Innerleithen, should be erected into a

new group of burghs, with the privilege of returning one member

to Parliament. In this way, the constituency of Roxburghshire,

now amounting to 2033, would be reduced below the point of 2000,

which we have assumed, both in counties and burghs, as the number

entitling us to demand an increase of representation; and the

principal objections to the amalgamation of Peebles and Selkirk

counties would at once be removed.

Finally, we would urge upon the legislature, in the event of any

organic change being seriously discussed in Parliament, as a

measure not less of expediency than of justice, the propriety of

giving a fair representation to the Scottish universities. It is

not creditable to the learning of this country, and not conducive

to the welfare of these important national institutions, that

they should be placed on a lower footing than the universities of

the other kingdoms. As a proof of the detrimental effects of this

neglect, we may state the notorious fact, that so far back as the

year 1826, a Royal Commission was issued for the inspection and

visitation of the Scottish universities. The visitation was held;

an immense mass of information was collected; and, after an inquiry

of unusual duration, the whole proceedings of the Commissioners,

along with detailed reports, were printed and laid before

Parliament. Since then, not the slightest notice has been taken of

these reports, nor any effect given to the recommendations of the

Commissioners--a circumstance which we can only attribute to the

utterly unrepresented state of the universities. Let the Scottish

universities, therefore, be adequately represented; St Andrews

being combined for electoral purposes with Edinburgh, and the two

Colleges of Aberdeen with the University of Glasgow. In this way, by

the addition of two members, the learning of Scotland would have a

direct voice in the legislature.

Such is the nature of the Reform Bill which, in our humble opinion,

ought to have been introduced for Scotland, supposing that any

change in the existing system was really advisable. It would be

a very perilous experiment indeed to lower the franchise here,

especially in the burghs. Our constituencies, we are glad to say,

have hitherto, with scarcely any exception, maintained their

character for purity, a circumstance which we attribute very much

to the non-existence among them of a class corresponding to the

freemen and potwallopers. But to descend lower in the scale would be

to invite the very evil from which Lord John Russell professes to

recoil in horror. We need not, however, again enforce that division

of our argument. If there is to be any reform at all, it should be a

substantial, not a theoretical one; and in dealing with the Scottish

measure we have attempted to point out the real improvements which

ought to be made on the existing arrangements, without departing in

any way from the spirit or principles of the Reform Act of 1832.

Let us shortly recapitulate our views with regard to Scottish Reform.

We would give to ten counties, the constituency of each of which is

at present above 2000, an additional member each.

We would give to three burghs, with the same amount of constituency,

an additional member each.

We would erect a new group of burghs, with the privilege of

returning one member.

We would give the Scottish universities the right of returning two

members.

This would imply an addition of sixteen members to Scotland; but

there are three counties which, from their proximity to others, and

the smallness of their constituencies, might well be amalgamated,

just as Ross is at present with Cromarty, Clackmannan with Kinross,

and Elgin with Nairn. The numbers of the amalgamated constituencies

would stand as follows:--

Dumbarton and Bute, 1805

Caithness and Sutherland 49

Peebles and Selkirk, 905

with some slight deduction in the latter case for the

small towns separated from the counties, and erected into a group of

burghs along with Hawick.

Thus, only thirteen new members would be required for Scotland; and

surely, when we limit our demand so far as to desire no additional

representation for any existing constituency which does not exceed

2000, we cannot be charged with extravagance. Lord John Russell,

if he must needs unsettle his own handiwork, and assume, for the

future, the part of a mere political cobbler, can very easily spare

us the required number: at all events, if he does not, his bills

should be summarily rejected. Hitherto we have not asked for reform,

or for any increase in the number of our national representatives.

We were contented to leave matters as they were, so long as no

change was proposed. But now that the proposal for a change has been

made, and made on the part of Ministers, the people of Scotland

will be strangely wanting in duty to themselves, and in fidelity to

their country, if they do not insist upon a fair measure of justice.

And they must do it early. Upon the arrangement made with regard to

the English boroughs, depends our sole chance of increased Scottish

representation. If we wait until the English bill has passed into a

law, we need not hope to extort from the ministry the concession of

a single member.

We ought, perhaps, to say--for it is as well to exhaust the

subject--that we have no objection to make to the minor measures of

detail contained in the Lord Advocate's Scottish bill. He stated,

very truly, that the manufacture of fictitious votes was a system

which ought to be put an end to; and also, very fairly, that no one

political party was more chargeable than another with blame in this

matter. Without, then, inquiring too curiously into the origin of

the system, we shall simply express our entire concurrence in the

sentiments of the learned lord, and our acquiescence in the remedy

which he proposes.

We cannot, however, regard the Scottish measure otherwise than

as entirely subsidiary to that proposed by Lord John Russell

for England. In our opinion, the noble lord has brought an old

house about his ears. He wants to do two things which are hardly

reconcilable. He seeks to retain the nomination boroughs, with such

change only as may give a colour for their retention; and, at the

same time, in other places, to increase the popular franchise; and

this he has managed in so clumsy a way, that he has only succeeded

in unsettling what was fixed, without providing for stability for

the future. Even if the Radical party were contented with his

measure--which they are not--and if they religiously abstained

from urging their peculiar panaceas on our acceptance, it is quite

plain that sufficient matter of discord must arise out of this

bill, to give full employment to the Legislature for several years

to come. It is an inflammatory, not a sedative prescription: it

is rather a blister than an opiate. In the Reform Bill of 1832,

a distinct principle can be traced, though the details are not

always consistent with it. In this measure there is no principle

at all. It is on all hands allowed that, in one respect at least,

the Reform Act has not improved the character of the Legislature.

Under its operation, a class of men decidedly inferior to their

predecessors in talent, training, sagacity, and mental acquirement,

have found their way into Parliament. Questions of national import

are less considered--certainly less thoroughly understood, than

formerly; and class interests, too often antagonistic to sound

general policy, are advocated, with a selfish and pertinacious

zeal. It may be said that this is an evil inseparable from popular

representation; and so it is, to a certain extent: but the evil will

be greater or less according to the prejudice or the enlightenment

of the representatives. It is a huge mistake to suppose, though it

is constantly assumed by public writers, and even made matter of

boast by orators upon the hustings, that men are sent to the House

of Commons to represent this or that class, community, or interest,

without reference to any other consideration. They are sent there

for no such purpose. The whole tenor of their deliberations ought

to be directed towards the general wellbeing of the community; and

if this principle is disregarded, public debate degenerates into a

contest of classes. We shall find, on observation, that very large

constituencies rarely send distinguished statesmen to Parliament;

the reason for which, as we take it, is, that the representative is

expected to identify himself entirely with the peculiar interests of

the electors. We require from judges, who administer the laws, an

entire absence of any personal interest in the suit which is brought

before them. We cannot exercise the same strictness in the case of

those who make the laws; but this at least is clear, that the higher

the representative standard can be raised in point of intelligence,

the better. And how is this to be secured? Not, certainly, by

lowering the franchise, as Lord John Russell proposes, so as to let

in a flood of ignorance and prejudice upon the existing electoral

body--not certainly by increasing the number of those who estimate

every measure solely by the effect which it is calculated to have

upon themselves. We all know that, in addressing popular assemblies,

the first and most effective appeal which the demagogue can make,

is directed to the self-interest of his audience. It must always be

so--for this plain reason, that ill-educated men, who have neither

the leisure nor the capacity for reflection, invariably act upon the

motive of self-interest. They know, or think they know, what would

be good for themselves; and very seldom, indeed, do they take pains

to investigate further. Hence the popularity with the lower orders

of such subjects as the reduction of taxation, no matter by what

means accomplished--as the demolition of the Established Church, as

the cheap loaf, and many others. They will not listen to--or, if

they do, they cannot understand--any arguments to the contrary; and

they measure out their favour to the speaker or candidate, precisely

according to the degree in which he coincides with their own

prejudices. Orators, ancient and modern, who understood their art,

have invariably attempted to reconcile their conclusions with the

self-interest of their audiences, rather than appeal to the higher

motives of truth, justice, or moral obligation. It is on account of

this natural tendency that, after such deliberation as Lord John

Russell has mercifully allowed us, we are forced to express our

conviction that his proposed measures are eminently mischievous and

impolitic. Being so, and entertaining very serious doubts whether

he really expected to carry them, they seem to us eminently stupid,

and, when taken in conjunction with other recent exhibitions, we can

hardly resist the conclusion that, as a political leader, Lord John

Russell has very nearly fulfilled his mission.

Such are the views which have occurred to us on perusing the

draughts of the contemplated measures. Some points we could well

desire to have reconsidered, had the necessary time been allowed us;

on others--such, for example, as the changes which ought to be made

on the existing system of Scottish representation--we have long ago

formed a calm, deliberate, and dispassionate opinion. The haste with

which Lord John Russell seems inclined to force on his incongruous

measures, argues but little confidence, on his part, of their actual

wisdom, or of their fitness to withstand scrutiny. It is, of course,

desirable that no measure should be unnecessarily delayed; but there

is a wide difference between the fair and proper determination of a

Minister to have his project discussed with all convenient speed,

and that indecent hurry which deprives the country at large, and the

organs of public opinion, of the opportunity of duly considering

his plan, and weighing it as its importance deserves. Lord John

Russell, in this instance--we are sorry that we cannot use a milder

expression--has attempted a discreditable _coup-de-main_. Up to the

last moment the nature of his proposed measures was not divulged

to the public, although he had ample means within his power of

affording general information. Yet no sooner was the bill brought

in--it not even having been printed or tabled when leave was given

to introduce it--than a single fortnight was arbitrarily fixed

as the intervening period before the second reading, upon which,

in the general case, the principle of a bill depends! We do not

profess to be adepts in Parliamentary lore and precedent, but it

does strike us that, when no urgency can be alleged, a measure of

this sort, affecting as it does the whole interests of the Empire,

and involving a change which, if not organic, is certainly enormous,

ought most assuredly to be submitted to the public for a reasonable

time before it is forced through the House of Commons. However late

examples on the other side of the Channel may have prepossessed Lord

John Russell in favour of long secresy and rapid subsequent action,

we cannot as yet allow him to assume the functions of a dictator.

Were he a wiser man than he has shown himself to be, his schemes

might require less deliberation; but he cannot now expect, after

his many failures and abortive devices, that any party will take

him on trust; or repose, without full investigation, confidence

in his powers of statesmanship. What is worse, there is a general

impression abroad that the Cabinet has not been at unity regarding

the nature of the measure to be proposed. We can readily believe

it. In a junta so constituted, there must have been considerable

clashing of private and of public interests; and if it should turn

out that the former have prevailed, it needs, we think, little

argument to show that the greater was the necessity for giving

the public time to deliberate seriously upon a question of such

paramount importance. We have outlived the days of "_sic volo, sic

jubeo_." We recollect the time when Lord John Russell assumed the

bearing of a Tribune of the people; and if his memory is defective

on that point, we refer him to Mr Roebuck's lately published

_History of the Whig Ministry_. He may now, if he chooses, disown

the part; but if so, he must submit to the fate which has overtaken

all lapsed Tribunes. He is not now without competitors. The modern

Sicinius Velutus and Junius Brutus, genuine Tribunes of the people,

are watching him as closely as their prototypes did Coriolanus;

and he is not the less selected for their victim, because, at the

present moment, they appear to b, favourably disposed. What urgency

was there on the present occasion? If for twenty years it has not

been thought necessary to make any violent change on the working

of the constitution, surely a longer period than a fortnight ought

to have been granted, in order that men, both within and without

the Houses of Parliament, might consider the principle and master

the details of a measure which is entirely to alter the electoral

arrangements of the empire. We cannot help thinking that, if Lord

John Russell could have calculated upon any considerable degree of

public support--if he had expected to see monster-meetings held in

the towns for the purpose of backing up his schemes--he would not

have exhibited such unmistakable symptoms of hurry. If the coin

which he tenders is a good one, and of sound metal, it will bear

inspection; if, on the contrary, it is a mere counterfeit, there is

the more need of scrutiny. That it is counterfeit, we have not the

least shadow of a doubt. It is not always our fortune to coincide

in the political opinions advocated by the _Times_; but we are glad

that, in the present instance, there is no difference in our views

as to the practical working of the measure, one certain result

of which would be the continual introduction of new elements of

strife into the Legislature. "We have not alluded," says a late

writer in the _Times_, "to a tithe of the evils incident to the

protracted and detailed operation now recommended by the Premier.

Every Parliament, every Session, every election--and we have, on

the average, a new member once a fortnight--the fires of party

spirit would be fed with a new politico-judicial process. Borough

would be dragged into Parliament in requital for borough, and the

result would be a series of angry retaliations, or of disgraceful

compromises. We do not hesitate to avow our belief, that the

operation of gradual reforms, advised by Lord John Russell, would

take up at least one-third of the time of the House of Commons for

the next twenty years, and, after all, disappoint the intentions

of its author, by driving Parliament to some much larger measure

than any it has yet seriously entertained. The last Reform Act

was a summary, a severe, and, in some respects, a final measure.

Accordingly, the wounds it inflicted were soon healed, and in two

or three years everybody acquiesced in it. The present measure is

expressly made not to be final. The ship leaves the port with the

fire already smouldering in its cargo, the leak already gaping in

its timbers; and, instead of an end of controversy, we have only the

beginning of the end."

Our old acquaintance, the Jew Bill, now figures as a clause in

the new measure of reform. It seems as if the introduction of a

vast flood of electoral ignorance would not altogether satisfy the

noble lord. The House of Commons, in order to approach his ideas of

perfection, must also cease to be Christian. Is this a bill which

ought, in any shape, to receive the support of the people of England?

POSTSCRIPT.

Just as our last sheets were passing through the press, we learn

that the Ministry have resigned. We are not surprised by the

intelligence. We are exceedingly glad, however, to think that they

cannot draw upon the country for any fund of credit on account of

their proposed reform measures, which clearly was their object;

and that, by general acquiescence, their scheme, even before

discussion, was condemned. We do not claim for the author of "Cupid

in the Cabinet," which appeared in our last Number, the possession

of _clairvoyance_; nevertheless, his vaticination has been most

signally and literally fulfilled.

_Printed by William Blackwood & Sons, Edinburgh._

* * * * *

Transcriber's note:

Minor typographical and punctuation errors have been corrected

without note. Irregularities and inconsistencies in the text have

been retained as printed.

Mismatched quotes are not fixed if it's not sufficiently clear where

the missing quote should be placed.

The cover for the eBook version of this book was created by the

transcriber and is placed in the public domain.