the world, is the most filthy and uncomfortable of all cities. With the
exception of the Grande Rue, at Pera, there is scarcely a single decent
European business street. Every thoroughfare is crowded to excess by a
motley throng of Mohammedans, both European and Asiatic, and every form
of costume and physiognomy, from the Tartar to the Syrian, may be seen.
The pilgrimages were leaving for Mecca while I was there, and the whole
city was filled with the Faithful from every part of the great Moslem
world. The bridge at Galata was daily a perfect panorama of costume as
the pilgrims assembled to embark.
Though I spent a little time in the great Bazaar—which is always
attractive to the traveller from the West—and revisited Saint Sophia and
other of the big mosques, my days in Constantinople were mostly occupied
in having interesting chats with the heads of the Turkish Government.
I carried letters of introduction to His Excellency Tewfik Pasha, the
Sultan’s Minister of Foreign Affairs; to the Grand Vizier of the Sultan;
to d’Aristarchi Bey, the Grand Logothete; to His Excellency Noury Pasha,
Under-State Secretary for Foreign Affairs; to the British Chargé
d’Affaires, Mr. Geo. H. Barclay—the Ambassador being absent on leave; to
His Excellency Monsieur George Simitch, the Servian Minister; to M.
Dimetri Vlastari, the well-known banker; to Mehemed Ali Pasha; to Riza
Pasha, Minister of War; and to many other of the leading people in the
Turkish capital.
Thus I was enabled to go thoroughly into the present state of affairs. I
was granted an audience of His Majesty the Sultan, as well as by the
Grand Vizier, by Tewfik Pasha, the Khardjie-Naziri, and had many
interviews with the persons named above.
My inquiries were mainly directed to ascertaining—first, what attitude
Turkey was assuming towards Macedonia; secondly, whether the Turks were
alive to the firm intention of Bulgaria for the protection of her
subjects, and in what manner they viewed the prospect of hostilities;
thirdly, the truth about the Macedonian reforms; fourthly, the extent of
German intrigue in Constantinople; fifthly, the Turkish policy towards
Austria; and sixthly, the policy towards Great Britain.
I went to the Porte in order to penetrate the veil of mystery
surrounding diplomacy there, and to get at the true state of affairs.
The task was very difficult, for in the East one is hardly ever told the
real facts about anything. Nevertheless, unique opportunities were
afforded me to obtain knowledge by the absolute facts and the future
aims of both Turkey and Germany—opportunities of which, as will be shown
in the following pages, I was not slow in taking advantage.
In view of the present situation in Turkey, the proclamation of the
“Ottoman Committee of Union and Progress,” which was found posted upon
all the walls of the Pera quarter of Constantinople on January 1 of this
present year, is of great interest in showing the present state of
public feeling in the Turkish capital.
This proclamation, which was issued by a very strong and formidable
party in Turkey, began by stating that Abdul Hamid, after thirty years
of impunity, was now on the verge of death. The fact that now and then
he gives audience of a few minutes’ duration to an Ambassador, or that
at the weekly Selamlik he drives to the mosque, a few yards from his
palace, proves nothing. The Sultan Mahmud fell dead from his horse,
returning from the Selamlik; while the Sultan Medjid was on his feet up
to the very last. In reality Abdul Hamid, knowing the profound effect
which his failure to attend the Selamlik would have upon the people, is
expending all the energies that remain to him in fulfilling this
religious observance and in granting an occasional interview to a
foreign Ambassador.
The proclamation proceeded:—
“During the thirty years of his reign Abdul Hamid has brought ruin on
the land; one half of our patrimony he has delivered to the enemy; he
has destroyed our fleet, disorganised our army; he has reduced the
people to misery; he has annihilated our governmental system, and has
left nothing to the civil organisation or the civilisation of the
past. He has concentrated the whole government into his own hands, and
has dismissed all his tried and experienced Ministers, transferring
the reins of office to self-seekers and traitors willing to become his
tools.”
Grave troubles are predicted after his death, and the Committee urges
the population of the Empire, Christian and Mussulman, to be on their
guard and to consider seriously the following facts:—
“(1) Abdul Hamid and his accomplices are conspiring to hand over the
sovereignty and the Caliphate to his fourth son, the youth,
Burhaneddin, in defiance of the tradition and the civil and religious
law of the Empire. The success of this stratagem would be a mortal
blow to the aspirations of the nation.
“(2) To prevent the enemies of the country from provoking disorders in
order to bring about foreign intervention, guarantees must be given to
the Christian populations and, if necessary, written assurances to the
Embassies.
“(3) The happiness and the future of the country being dependent upon
the suppression of the despotic régime and the enforcing of the
Constitution, which was recognised in 1876 as an inalienable right of
the nation, and after being two years in operation was perfidiously
abrogated by Abdul Hamid, our fellow-countrymen, Christian and
Mussulman, must of one accord exact the application of that
Constitution, which will restore to the country its vitality and
safeguard the liberties of the people. United in heart and mind, the
Ulemas, the notables of the capital and the provinces, must, through
the intermediary of the Grand Vizier and the Valis, demand of the new
Sultan that he proclaim and bring into force without delay the clauses
of the Constitution.
“(4) The duty of preserving the essential rights of the nation
belongs, above all, to the members of the guild of the Ulemas and to
the high civil and military officials; the ceremony of the Biat, when
the chosen of the people demonstrate the popular sovereignty by
recognising and accepting the new Sultan, is the most propitious
occasion for the exercise of that duty. It is an obligation that lies
upon every Turkish subject to exact a pledge from the delegate he
sends up to do his duty on that occasion.”
The Manifesto ended with an appeal to the Christian and non-Christian
populations to prepare for the coming crisis.
CHAPTER II
IN SEARCH OF THE TRUTH
His Excellency Noury Pasha—A quiet chat at his home—Turkish view of
European criticism—The Turk misunderstood—The massacres in
Macedonia—My visit to the Sublime Porte—His Excellency Tewfik Pasha
tells me the truth—A great diplomatist—The fashion to denounce
Turkey—The attitude of the Porte towards Bulgaria—Significant words.
The first visit I paid was to His Excellency Mehmed Noury Pasha,
Secretary-General of the Imperial Ministry of Foreign Affairs, who is
one of the most advanced and progressive of Turks, and who, next to
Tewfik Pasha, the Sultan’s Foreign Minister, is one of the most powerful
men in Turkey.
As such, it may be interesting to note that he was born in
Constantinople, and having made his early studies in that city, was sent
by the Sultan to Paris, where he underwent a long course of training,
returning to occupy the post of Inspector in the Ministry of Public
Works. Afterwards, he became Director-General, and subsequently his
perfect knowledge of French brought him again before the notice of the
Sultan, who appointed him to the office of Secretary-General in the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, a position which he has held for the past
eighteen years.
Through his hands all diplomatic correspondence passes, and to him is
mainly due the clever and tactful diplomacy of the Porte. His is,
indeed, a delicate and laborious task.
[Illustration: HIS EXCELLENCY NOURY PASHA.]
He is a slim, fair-bearded, middle-aged man of very charming manner, and
a delightful companion; shrewd, full of tact and clear discernment.
Times without number he has given proof of assiduous work for his
country’s advancement, and no one knows better than he the defects of
Turkish rule.
By no means bigoted, he is, on the contrary, broad-minded and eager for
reform. He was sent by the Sultan to represent him at Rome at the silver
wedding of the King and Queen of Italy in 1893, and later, was one of
the Peace delegates at the Conference after the Greco-Turkish War. He
acted as second delegate of the Ottoman Empire at the Conference at Rome
against the Anarchists, and also at the Peace Conference at The Hague.
At this latter Conference he won golden opinions from all the delegates
of the other Powers for his politeness, his charm of manner, and the
clever tact with which he performed his somewhat difficult mission.
Few, if any, of the dignitaries of Constantinople possess such a wide
knowledge of Europe, European ways, and European politics. Enjoying the
full confidence of the Sultan and of the Sublime Porte, he is recognised
by the foreign missions as the working head of the Department of Foreign
Affairs. He is the right hand of his chief, Tewfik Pasha, whom he aids
with all his intelligence in the incessant difficulties which beset
Turkish diplomacy. As a mark of their esteem he has been decorated by
nearly every sovereign in Europe, while the Sultan has given him the
plaque in brilliants of the Orders of Osmanie and the Medjidie.
Noury Pasha being well known to me as one of the cleverest men in
Turkey, it afforded me great pleasure to obtain a chat with him one
evening in the quiet of his own home.
He received me in a cosy room on the ground floor, a room that was more
European than Turkish, and where I noticed many signed photographs of
the chief diplomatists of Europe who are his friends.
When we were seated, a man-servant brought us the inevitable tiny cup of
excellent coffee, and delicious cigarettes, and then we fell to
chatting.
I gave him a message from a notable foreign ambassador who was our
mutual friend, and told him the reason I was in Constantinople.
“Ah! So you wish to see His Majesty, and also His Excellency Tewfik
Pasha! Well, I will see what can be done,” was his reply.
“But I want your Excellency to tell me, if you will, what is the present
situation in Turkey, and what are her future aspirations?” I said
boldly.
The question was rather a poser. He hesitated. I pressed him to tell me
the truth as far as he was able, without being injudicious; and at last,
after some reluctance, he consented.
“You Europeans,” he laughed, “are under a great misconception as regards
Turkey. My sovereign, His Imperial Majesty, is often portrayed as a
bloodthirsty brute, who has no regard for human life, and whose reign is
one of terror and terrible injustice. Now the exact opposite is the
truth. You will meet His Majesty, and judge for yourself. I have good
opportunities of seeing how deeply he has the welfare of his people at
heart. Is it not he, for instance, who out of his own pocket supports
some six hundred schools in Turkey? It is he, personally, who has more
than once prevented a declaration of war. I know we Turks have many
defects. But what nation has not? Even you English are not—well, exactly
perfect,” he laughed. “Foreigners come here to Constantinople and hold
up their hands that we do not sweep our streets, as is done in other
capitals. The fact is, Turkey is not a rich country, and we have no
money to expend on scavengers. I and every Turk would only welcome
cleanliness. But how can we do it when we have no funds? Again, the very
people who criticise us, the foreigners, can come and live here for
twenty years and not pay one piastre of municipal tax. Can they do that
in any other country?”
I admitted that they could not.
“Then why should they criticise us? All we want to be allowed to do is
to carry on our government in our own way. Our population is of
different race and different creed from Europeans, and therefore
necessitates a totally different method of government. England does not
understand Turkey, or Turkish methods. I readily grant that our
government would not suit England, but neither would British ideas be
tolerated here. For many years all the diplomatic correspondence of the
Sublime Porte has passed through my hands, hence I know what I am
speaking about when on the topic of Turkish diplomacy. Abroad, we are
told that our word is not our bond, that we give promises that we do not
fulfil, and that we are a century or so behind the times. Well, I admit
that we are not a twentieth-century nation. I admit that our Sublime
Porte is not so imposing as your Foreign Office in Whitehall, or the
Ministère des Affaires Étrangères in Paris, or in Vienna. But I do
maintain that the government of my sovereign, the Sultan, is a
beneficent one for Turkey, and that our foreign policy has for its base
the peace and welfare of the Balkans.”
“But Macedonia?” I remarked.
He shrugged his shoulders.
“The question of Macedonia is, I admit, an extremely difficult one,” he
answered. “We have to govern a population so varied, both in nationality
and in creed, that there must of necessity be constant aggressions and
outbreaks. It is said that we aid and abet the Greek bands in massacring
the Christians. I totally deny this. We do not. Surely it is to our own
interest to maintain peace and order in Macedonia, and not to allow
outsiders to create disorder and dissension!”
“And the protests of Bulgaria?”
His Excellency smiled.
“We hear from time to time threats of war,” was his answer. “But when we
hear them, we remember that we are sixteen million Turks; and when we
sleep, we sleep quite undisturbed by any war rumours from Sofia.”
“Then you do not anticipate armed reprisals from Bulgaria?”
He laughed, but said nothing except—
“Turkey is well informed, I assure you, of all that transpires in
Sofia.”
Noury Pasha’s son, a smart lad of sixteen, entered and chatted with us
in French. He is going to Paris for his education, and is destined for
the Turkish Diplomatic Service. He is a bright, intelligent youth, who,
like his father, is imbued with Western ideas, and yet is naturally full
of patriotism for his own country.
Another cup of excellent coffee, another cigarette over a chat upon
private matters, and I took leave of my host—after I had begged the
photograph which appears in these pages—feeling that I had met one of
the most charming and most intelligent men in the great Ottoman Empire.
Next day I called at the palace of Tewfik Pasha, and on being ushered
into a gorgeous reception-room—very French, but by the way lit by
candles in high glass chimneys—the usual cup of coffee upon a golden
tray and cigarette were brought me. The secretary of the Greek Embassy
was waiting to see His Excellency upon an urgent matter concerning a
massacre by a Greek band in Macedonia which had taken place near Seres
the day previously. This meant, I saw, a long interview, and not caring
to wait, I left a message for His Excellency to the effect that I would
call and see him at the Sublime Porte on the following morning.
Next to His Imperial Majesty the Sultan, Tewfik Pasha is certainly the
most powerful man in the Ottoman Empire. A quiet-mannered, quiet-spoken,
grey-bearded gentleman with kindly eyes and a fatherly manner, he is
entirely the opposite that one would expect of “the terrible Turk.” Born
in Constantinople in 1845, the son of a General of Division, Ismail
Hakki Pasha, he was destined for the army, and prosecuted his studies
with great diligence. Unfortunately, owing to feeble health, he was
compelled to abandon the idea of a military career—not, however, before
he had passed his examination and obtained his diploma. He then chose a
new career, one in which he has certainly rendered his country signal
services. In 1866 he joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as attaché,
six years later being nominated as second secretary at the Ottoman
Legation at Rome, whence he went to Vienna, to Berlin, and, later on, to
Athens. He was transferred to St. Petersburg as first secretary at the
moment when there arose those grave complications which resulted in the
war between Russia and Turkey. Then, during the war, he was appointed
diplomatic agent to the Turkish Commander-in-Chief. In 1879, after the
war, he was sent back to the Russian capital, but on this occasion in
the capacity of Minister Plenipotentiary.
At the early age of forty-one Tewfik Pasha found himself Ambassador at
Berlin, a post which he occupied for ten years, namely, till 1895. His
personal charm, his uprightness, and his frankness of manner endeared
him to his colleagues in the German capital, as well as to the German
Court, and it was he, indeed, who laid the foundation of the present
cordial friendliness between the sovereigns at Berlin and
Constantinople.
Finally, in 1895, the Sultan recalled him to Turkey and promoted him to
be Minister of Foreign Affairs, a powerful position which he still
holds. For the past eleven years he has directed the destinies of the
Ottoman Empire with broad-mindedness, tact, and patience, that have,
without doubt, been highly beneficial to his country’s interests. His
post is no sinecure, as recent history has shown us. Yet he is a
conscientious man of Western ideas and Western views; one of the
cleverest diplomatists in the whole of Europe, and yet at the same time
just and honourable in his dealings. However much we in England may
criticise the policy of the Sublime Porte, we can have only admiration
for Tewfik Pasha, both as a man and as the faithful servant of his
Imperial master.
In Turkey fresh diplomatic difficulties arise every minute, yet with
Noury Pasha’s assistance he grapples with them and deals with them in a
manner which the diplomatists of few other nations could ever hope to
do. Honoured by the most complete confidence of his sovereign, who
possesses for him a particular esteem, Tewfik Pasha is universally known
and liked. The diplomatic corps in Constantinople are ever loud in their
praises of his extreme kindness and courtesy and his readiness to accede
to all requests that are in reason.
His Excellency’s courtesy towards myself was very marked. Hardly had I
been ushered into his anteroom at the Sublime Porte—a very shabby,
unimposing building of long dreary corridors with broken windows and
broken wooden flooring—when the usual coffee was brought, and I signed
his big visitors’ book. In that book I noticed the signatures of all the
diplomatic world of Constantinople. Then there entered the Russian
Ambassador, who, with a cheery “_Bon jour, m’sieur_,” crossed, and also
signed the book.
A moment later the secretary came, and presenting His Excellency’s
regrets to the Ambassador, pointed out that he already had an
appointment with me, and asked whether he would call later. The
representative of the Tzar said he would call the following morning, and
I was then ushered into Tewfik’s private room, a big, cheerful apartment
with splendid Persian carpets, long windows and a large writing-table at
one end, where sat the grey-bearded Minister in frock-coat and fez. He
rose and greeted me with a hearty hand-shake. With him was seated the
Grand Vizier and Noury Pasha, both of whom also greeted me.
We four had a long and very interesting conversation in French, its
drift, however, being such as would be injudicious to print in these
pages. The chat was of a purely private character, although it closely
concerned the present political situation in the Near East.
“The fact is,” remarked His Excellency presently, smiling as he sat back
in his arm-chair before his littered writing-table, “we Turks are not
understood abroad. Writers in England, and especially your journalists,
not knowing Turkey and never having visited the East, criticise us, and
say all sorts of hard things about Turkish rule and Turkish diplomacy.
They call us intolerant and fanatical. But surely there are evidences in
Constantinople that we are tolerant? We allow Christians to erect
churches wherever they want them; and again, have we not done everything
possible in Macedonia to preserve for its inhabitants their religious
liberty? Really, the English ought to know the truth concerning Turkey.
Unfortunately, the fashion of late seems to be to denounce our land and
all its ways!” And he laughed again.
[Illustration: The entrance to the Bosphorus.]
[Illustration: In Constantinople.]
I referred in guarded words to the possibilities of war with Bulgaria,
whereupon he said—
“We view the matter with perfect tranquillity. The Government of His
Imperial Majesty regrets most deeply those unfortunate incidents in
Macedonia that so constantly occur, but is unable to remedy it. It is
the Greek bands that are to blame—not the Turks.”
“And your diplomatic relations with Bulgaria?” I asked.
“They are perfectly normal,” was his reply. “Dr. Stancioff is an able
Minister, and he fully understands us.”
“Then you do not anticipate hostilities at an early date?” I asked,
pressing home my question.
His Excellency said nothing. He merely shrugged his shoulders. But that
gesture was, to me, sufficiently significant.
“You are going to Macedonia,” he said. “It is not altogether safe, you
know, especially around Presba and Ochrida, or about Seres. But if you
_are_ determined to go, I wish you every good luck on your journey.”
I thanked him, and after another half-hour’s pleasant chat with the
Grand Vizier and Noury Pasha I rose, and Tewfik Pasha grasped my hand
heartily in warm farewell, his parting words being—
“Go, see for yourself, and I believe you will find that we Turks are not
quite so black as we are painted.”
And I left the presence of a man whose broad-minded policy, if it were
adopted in every particular, would, I feel sure, advance the Turkish
cause, and place the Ottoman Empire in a very different position from
what it is to-day.
I crossed the Sea of Marmora to Haidar Pasha, in Asia Minor, visited
Ismid, and saw the new German railway that has its head opposite
Stamboul and is to have its terminus on the Persian Gulf. I went to
Brusa, the ancient capital of the Ottoman Empire, walked in the
wonderful burying-grounds of Scutari, and made many interesting
excursions about Asia Minor, in order to observe the all-powerful
influence of Germany in that country. And I was amazed.
On my return to Constantinople I had other interviews at the Yildiz with
His Majesty himself, and with members of the Government, all of which
combined to show that Turkey is not in any way afraid of Bulgaria. The
fact is, she is uncertain of the attitude of Servia and Roumania, and is
rather mystified as to what Austria will do in the event of war. Relying
upon Germany, and treating Great Britain with studied politeness, she
views the present critical position with perfect coolness and
indifference.
Indeed, as Noury Pasha very justly said one day to me—
“It takes a good deal to arouse us Turks, but when we are aroused, we
fight—and fight to the death.”
Turkey to-day is still in its lethargic state, but once aroused, who
knows where the war will end, or what European complications will
result?
MACEDONIA
[Illustration: Lake of Ochrida: Macedonia.]
[Illustration: Lake of Presba: Macedonia.]
CHAPTER I
PLAIN TRUTHS ABOUT MACEDONIA
War imminent between Bulgaria and Turkey—My secret inquiries—Atrocities
by the Greek bands—Chats with the leaders of the insurrection—The
truth about the intrigues in Macedonia—I visit the scene of the
massacres—Stories told to me—Horrifying facts—Germany behind the
assassins—A disgraceful truth.
This present record of my observations in the Near East would be
incomplete without some description of my journey through Macedonia, and
what I saw there.
The Macedonian question is the burning question of to-day, and one that
can only be solved in one way—by a fierce and bloody war.
As I have already shown, there is every indication that hostilities
between Bulgaria and Turkey must occur in the present year. Indeed, the
thread is now strained to breaking point, and one need never be
surprised to learn at the breakfast-table one morning that Bulgaria has
boldly thrown down the gauntlet to the Sultan. Then, aided by
Roumania—who will be induced to give her support in return for that
additional strip of territory between the Danube and the Black Sea, as I
have already indicated in a previous chapter—a fierce and bitter
struggle will commence. With Bulgaria, the Northern Albanians will ally
themselves according to the words of the various chiefs of whom I made
inquiry; Montenegro, and of course Servia, will hold their own against
the Turk, and the result must be that the whole of the Balkans will be
aflame.
This forecast is no imaginary one. It is based upon information imparted
to me in confidence by Cabinet Ministers themselves—information which is
in part in the possession of the Foreign Office at this moment. Secret
preparations are in active progress both in Roumania and Bulgaria, while
Servia has ordered her new artillery to be delivered at the end of this
present spring. There is a tacit agreement between the Balkan States
that affairs in Macedonia are intolerable, and that the decimated
population must now be protected. And in summary of the various
conversations I had with the monarchs and their Ministers in each of the
Balkan capitals, I can only say that the view is unanimous.
In Servia, in Bulgaria, in Montenegro, in Albania, in Roumania, and in
Macedonia itself I made every inquiry from reliable sources. From secret
information, I was able to gather that there is but one solution of the
question—WAR.
At present the Bulgarian bands formed to protect the Macedonians are
passive. The organisation is still there, and will be of greatest use
when hostilities are declared; but there is no activity, and there has,
indeed, been little since the recent abortive insurrection.
Greek bands, aided and abetted by the Turks, are, however, everywhere,
and each day the most awful atrocities are committed by them. Reports of
these are received in Sofia and in Constantinople, but no representation
is made by either of the Powers to the Sublime Porte or to Athens.
“Macedonia!” exclaimed a well-known foreign Ambassador one day, while I
was sitting at lunch with him at his Embassy, “Macedonia! We’re sick of
Macedonia, and have ceased to trouble about it!”
Ceased to trouble indeed! Here a great and intelligent Christian
population is being slaughtered in order to further the ambitious aims
of Germany, and no one stirs a finger! Europe raised its eyes heavenward
when it heard of the Congo atrocities, yet of poor Macedonia the Powers
are “sick,” and she is cast helpless to the assassin’s knife!
Before going to Macedonia I sought and obtained the opinions of the
leading authorities in the East, as well as those of the rulers and
Ministers. Much told me by the various monarchs was, of course, in
entire confidence, therefore I can only speak generally in declaring
their opinion to be in favour of securing for Macedonia autonomy under a
European prince as Governor-General.
In more than one high quarter Prince Danilo of Montenegro was mentioned
as possible for the post, and in another the name of Prince Mirko of
Montenegro was put forward. A German prince or an Austrian archduke
would be impossible, but an English prince would be welcomed, and the
name of Prince Arthur of Connaught was spoken of by more than one Balkan
Cabinet Minister.
In Servia I had several highly interesting chats with Professor Civics
of Belgrade University, who is a well-known authority on Macedonia, and
who has recently published a book attempting to prove that the bulk of
the Macedonian population is not Bulgar, but Serb. Many of his arguments
I found, on exhaustive inquiry, to be well based, yet my own conclusion
is that, after all, the great majority of the Macedonian population is
really Bulgar.
This fact is admitted all through the Balkans, therefore the situation
in Macedonia must of necessity affect Bulgaria more closely than any
other nation.
The question of Macedonia is a most difficult and complicated one, but I
spared no effort in order to thoroughly master it in all its various
phases, and to get at the truth of the present and the probabilities of
the near future.
In Sofia I had a long talk with Professor Agoura of Sofia University,
who is one of the best-known authorities upon the Macedonian question.
He has been in Macedonia many times, and, like myself, has had an
opportunity of speaking with the people and hearing their grievances.
“In England the Macedonian question is entirely misunderstood,” he said.
“Some writers have taken Professor Civics’ views, and endeavoured to
prove that the Macedonians are really Slavs. But they are not. Their
whole history shows that they are Bulgars.”
“And the present state of the country?” I asked.
“Never in the modern history of Macedonia has it been in such a bad
state as at present. The Christian Bulgars are outraged, tortured, and
shot, and their villages burnt by the Greek bands, who are now under the
protection of the Turks, and not a voice is raised at Constantinople in
complaint. It is simply astounding that such a state of things should be
allowed to exist in this twentieth century. Over one thousand Christian
Bulgars were killed in the raids last year, and this year the number is
known to be more than double. Bulgaria is, however, at this moment
staying her hand. Weakened as the Macedonians are, and with Turkey
protecting the Greek bands, our Bulgarian bands for the protection of
the villages have but little chance. Of late, it has been the
unfortunate Bulgar who has lost always. The Bulgar bands, it was found,
compromised the villages, and at the same time were not strong enough to
protect them. Therefore those still in Macedonia live in the mountains
and come down when required. Ah!” he added, throwing up his hands, “the
state of affairs is terrible! Only recently during a village wedding at
Zagoutcheni the place was attacked by a Greek band and seventy men,
women, and children killed.”
“And in your opinion what would be the best settlement of the question?”
I inquired; for he was one of the greatest authorities in Europe upon
the much-vexed problem.
“The best settlement of Macedonia would be an autonomy, but a restrained
one—one that would not separate Macedonia from Turkey,” he replied.
“Macedonia should be placed under a European Governor-General—certainly
not German—preferably a Swiss. The police and the central administration
should be vested in the Governor-General, and all other questions left
to Turkey. Religion should, of course, be free. Bulgaria has no desire
to annex Macedonia, as the Powers seem to think. I do not think that the
question can be settled in any other way. A European conference should
be convoked, and the matter dealt with at once. When you go to
Macedonia, you will see for yourself the state of things. But remember,
the Turks will let you see nothing if they can help it. You are going to
Monastir. Good. Travel across to Ochrida, and you will see and hear
things that will appal you.
[Illustration:
Macedonian Christian abducted by the Turks from Klene, a village near
Debr, and rescued by a Bulgarian band.
]
[Illustration:
GENERAL TZONTCHEFF,
The Bulgarian leader in Macedonia.
]
“Recently there have been, to my knowledge, eight Christian villages
entirely destroyed by Greek bands—the inhabitants exterminated, and the
houses burned to the ground. During the past two years there has never
passed one single day without murders and outrages committed by Greek
bands upon the Bulgar inhabitants of Macedonia. Unfortunately, the
Turkish army arrives always too late to protect the population; but this
is, of course, arranged: Indeed, it seems as though the Turks protect
these Greek bands and assist them in their nefarious work. From Ochrida
right down to Salonica these murders are of daily occurrence, always by
the Greek bands. These bands operate in the arrondissements of Seres,
Drama, Demir-Hissar, Kavala; in the Salonica _vilayet_ at Enije-Vardar,
Vodena, and Guevgueli; in Lerin, Florina, Castoria, Presba, and Murievo,
and around Monastir. The Servian bands operate at Cumanovo, Palanca,
Veles, Kitschevo, and Poretschi; while Turkish bands are just now
massacring at Tikveschi, Schlip, Veles, Kotschani, Strousaitza, Razlog,
Melnik, and Nevrokop. So it will be seen that where there are no Greek
bands, there are either Turks or Servians.”
In Sofia I also met the renowned leader of the premature insurrection in
Macedonia, General Ivan Tzontcheff, a short, smart, dapper little man,
quick of movement and alert of manner. With him I likewise had a very
interesting chat. As one who has the Macedonian cause at heart, as head
of the Macedonian External Committee, and being in daily touch with
events in that terrified country, he and his friend, Monsieur
Gologanoff, were able to give me many details and explain much that is
unknown to the English public.
I also met several times, and had long conversations with, Dr.
Tartarcheff, who was president of the Macedonian Revolutionary Committee
in Bulgaria, and who, after the insurrection, was taken prisoner by the
Turks. Both men gave me much authentic information and introductions
that were of great use to me in my journey through Macedonia.
The truth is that the Macedonian question is the direct result of the
Treaty of Berlin, for by it the Treaty of St. Stefano—which incorporated
Macedonia in the Bulgarian Principality—was annulled. The Treaty of
Berlin thus left Macedonia under the Turkish dominion, with a provision
of a kind of autonomy under the control of the Great Powers.
This autonomy was worked up in detail by an International Commission in
Constantinople in 1880. But it was not applied, and the situation in
Macedonia remained the same as it was before the Russo-Turkish War, and
became even worse, on account of the Turkish fanaticism aroused against
the Bulgarians as the cause of their military disasters.
The Turkish persecutions and the new situation in Bulgaria attracted the
greater portion of the Macedonian intelligent population into that
Principality. A strong Macedonian emigration was therefore started to
Bulgaria, which in late years has arisen to the number of more than
150,000.
Macedonia, thus drained of its intelligence, devoted its energies from
1880 to 1890 to a strong educational movement, which was favoured in a
great measure by the political circumstances arisen after the union of
Eastern Roumelia to the Bulgarian Principality in 1885. Towards the end
of this period, 1880 to 1890, there had sprung up in Macedonia a young,
vigorous intelligence, with a strong national conscience, longing for
greater freedom in the national and economical development of the
country, and aspiring for a wider field of activity. The Turks, afraid
of the Bulgarian progress, began to restrain the activity of the
Macedonians. The growing tyrannical régime of the Sultan Hamid made the
situation still more difficult, and life became impossible in the
country.
The Macedonians then sought their salvation in revolution.
This revolutionary movement had for its object the autonomy of
Macedonia, which is declared by all I met in the Balkans to be the only
solution of the question.
Several important reasons are given for this. First, it is argued that
autonomy was secured by International Acts:—the Treaty of Berlin, and
the International Commission in Constantinople, 1880. Secondly, it did
not touch in any way the integrity of the Turkish Empire, a dogma in the
policy of the European Powers. Thirdly, it did not in any way impair the
suzerainty of the Sultan, who still remained the sovereign of the
province, and who had himself accepted and signed the International Act.
Fourthly, it gave full scope to the free development of all the
inhabitants in the country, independently of religion or race. Fifthly,
the autonomy not only did not affect the interests of any Balkan State,
but was bringing a soothing element into the relations between the
Balkan nations.
To-day the animosities between the Balkan nations have their common
cause in Macedonia. She is the apple of discord. Every Balkan State is
contemplating the conquest of this rich province and the playing of
principal rôle in the destinies of the Peninsula. All have instituted
church and school propagandas in the country, where they wage a furious
war between themselves upon the shoulders of the native population. This
war is made more cruel by the policy of Turkey, Germany, and Greece. So
that in this way the Macedonian population is demoralised, and the
Balkan nations themselves are exhausting their energy.
The autonomy, if secured, would exercise a benign influence towards an
understanding between the Balkan nations. By the establishment of such
an administration in Macedonia, under the guidance and the control of
Europe, the Macedonians would take their destiny in their own hands. The
different propagandas would not have such a propitious field for action,
and the animosities would gradually subside. That this is the best
solution of the Macedonian question is held by statesmen all through the
Peninsula, for by the progress of time and the development of events the
erection of Macedonia into a separate state must become dominant as the
final solution.
The way for a Balkan Federation would then be cleared. Macedonia by
itself would become a kind of Switzerland, and the nucleus towards the
creation of a still more powerful Switzerland in the Balkan Federation,
which, neutralised, would create in the Balkan Peninsula a field for
progress and civilisation, but not a bridge for the conquering ambitions
from the North.
With such broad ideas and with such hopes, the Macedonians wrote upon
their revolutionary banner the watchwords, “_Macedonia for the
Macedonians_.”
The revolutionary movement in Macedonia—which dates from the year
1893—began to develop into a strong organisation from 1896-97. The whole
country, by patient work, was gradually covered with a network of secret
societies, at the head of which was a Central Revolutionary Committee,
which, in fact, had a greater power in the country than the official
Turkish authorities.
This revolutionary organisation had an international character. In it
were received all the Macedonians thirsting for liberty. In its ranks
were not only Bulgarians, but also Vlachs, Montenegrins, Servians, and
even Turks, discontented with the Sultan’s régime. But on the whole, the
organisation bore a Bulgarian colour, chiefly on account of the great
Bulgarian majority in Macedonia, and also on account of the suspicion
that the organisation intended prosecuting Bulgarian ambitions.
For the reason that Macedonia had a population mostly of Bulgarian
nationality, and through the agitation of Macedonian Emigration, the
revolutionary movement found a favourable ground in Bulgaria. Here it
was met with sympathy, which was followed by moral and material support.
An organisation was instituted in the Principality, which spread its
influence very rapidly through the whole country. This organisation was
called the External Organisation, while that in Macedonia bore the name
of the Internal Revolutionary Organisation.
The activity of these two organisations brought the revolutionary
movement to a great development during the years of 1900 and 1901. The
revolutionary idea became dominant in Macedonia. Nearly the whole
population was united in a strongly organised body, and a great part of
the men able to fight were armed, and fighting bands were formed which
exercised the armed men. The country was divided into military
districts, and the Macedonians were inspired with such enthusiasm that
they welcomed, with a thrill of exultation, the impending struggle. The
enthusiasm was no less great in Bulgaria, where the coming insurrection
was awaited with great hopes of success. Indeed, no nation in the Balkan
Peninsula had shown such a power of organisation, such sacrificing
spirit, and such fighting qualities as the Macedonians. An intimate
knowledge of the Macedonian revolutionary movement, such as General
Tzontcheff possesses, shows, indeed, the wonderful energy of the
Macedonians.
[Illustration: A Bulgarian Band in Macedonia.]
But alas! political intrigues from quarters with unfriendly dispositions
towards Macedonian aspirations, sowed misunderstandings in the midst of
the Organisation, and her forces were suddenly paralysed by internal
strife just on the eve of the struggle.
The consequence was that the Macedonian revolutionary movement did not
express itself in one general effort, but in partial insurrections, none
of which showed the whole revolutionary energy. The insurrection in the
valley of the river Stromina during the autumn of 1902 and the
insurrection in the _vilayet_ of Monastir in 1903 were easily crushed,
and the hopes and expectations of the population unfortunately deceived.
After these abortive insurrections a new situation was created. The
European Powers admitted the inability of the Turkish Government to
establish order in Macedonia, and the principle of European interference
and control was adopted. As a result of this principle, the Murshteg
reforms worked up by Austria and Russia were proclaimed. These reforms,
however, were not integral, but merely embryo reforms, from the
expansion and development of which depended the pacification of the
country.
On the other hand, the morale of the Macedonians was now shaken and the
power of the Revolutionary Organisation shattered in consequence of the
incomplete insurrections and the consequent Turkish victories.
Naturally, the Turks, faithful to their traditional policy, would avail
themselves of this situation in order to hinder the development of the
reforms in their true sense. The Greeks—whose policy is the partition of
Macedonia—were, like the Turks, against such a development of the
reforms, because the establishment of an effectual European control
would lead to a good government, which would gradually evolve the
destiny of Macedonia towards an autonomy.
Therefore, the policy of Turkey, Greece, and Germany had a common
interest, namely, to paralyse the reforms, and became a common enemy to
the Macedonians, who, by their Bulgarian majority, were striving for
autonomy.
So, united in their action, Greece, and also Servia to a smaller extent,
hurled, the one from the South and the other from the North, armed bands
into Macedonia, who commenced their destructive work against the
Bulgarian element, by killing the leading men and enforcing the country
population to recognise Greek or Servian nationality. The Turks cover
their action, and the villagers, unprotected and without arms, are
unable to defend themselves. They are at the mercy of these bands, aided
by the Turkish authorities.
Thus a cruel religious and racial war has sprung up in the heart of
Macedonia, under the protection and instigation of the Turkish policy,
and also under the benevolent eyes of Germany and Austria.
This terrible situation has been still more complicated by the
Bulgarians themselves. The Revolutionary Organisation being shattered in
its moral and material power, armed bands were formed after the
insurrection, under unscrupulous leaders, who commenced acts of
depredation upon the unfortunate Macedonians.
Just now the revolutionary organisation in Bulgaria is undergoing
another crisis. It is divided into two principal flanks: the moderate
and the extreme. The first-mentioned inclines towards a suspension of
active revolutionary operations on account of the exhaustion of the
Macedonian population and the unfavourable political situation in
Europe, while the extreme party are urging a continuance of
revolutionary action to exasperation. At the annual congress in January
last the moderates had a chance to oust the extreme party, but the death
of Damian Groueff, the chief of the moderates, who was killed in the
village of Roussinovo (_vilayet_ of Uskub) upset all their plans. On
account of Groueff’s death they did not take part in the congress, and
the result is that the extreme party are now all paramount, and further
reprisals may be expected.
Therefore from all sides—from Turks, Greeks, Servians, and even
Bulgarians, as well as from an interested diplomacy—the Macedonians are
pressed, and their aspirations for the autonomy compromised. And what is
the result of all this? Only that the Macedonians are set by the
interested Powers before the eyes of the Christian world as a cruel and
barbarous population, unworthy of sympathy—worthy only of the tyrannical
Turkish rule!
What is the remedy?
There is but one, the one advocated by the kings and princes of the
Balkans and the Cabinet Ministers with whom I chatted, namely, to change
the present farcical so-called reforms into an administration, under
effectual European control by appointing a European Governor-General,
responsible to the Powers. Then this terrible situation will change into
the peaceful development of a country which is endowed by nature with
bounty, but reduced by men’s covetousness to a perfect hell.
That Macedonia to-day is a hell I have seen with my own eyes. And
moreover I have been under fire from a Greek band myself. I
travelled—contrary to the advice of my friends, who feared the perils of
the way—right through the heart of Macedonia from south to north,
visiting the Seres and Melnik districts, which only a few days prior to
my arrival had been ravaged by Greek bands. In one poor village I passed
through, twenty-three women, children, and old men had been butchered in
cold blood on the previous day, and I saw with my own eyes some of their
mutilated bodies. Upon the women nameless atrocities had been committed.
In Caraja-Kioi, a village not far from Seres, I was told that a
fortnight before, nineteen persons, mostly old men and women, had been
massacred, and I was informed by eye-witnesses that the Greek band was
assisted by the Turks, and that present at the massacre was a Greek
metropolitan and a Greek consular employé!
I saw and spoke to two women who had been maltreated by the Greeks, and
who still bore wounds. The head of one was bound by a bloodstained rag,
and the arm of the other was in a sling.
What they told me was truly horrifying. Both had been outraged and left
for dead, without a hand being raised in their defence. And their cases
were only two out of several dozen. A child, a little girl of seven, had
been decapitated by a brutal Turk, and a mother with her suckling babe
had been tortured by slow burning.
Everywhere I went was the same terrible tale, the same cry for the
protection of the Powers. At Vranja, in the Melnik district, I saw the
gaunt ruins of seven houses which had been recently burnt, and was told
how nine women, after being subjected to all sorts of atrocities, were
afterwards shot, while at Bashna three men were burnt alive, in a house,
and six women shot.
That journey through Macedonia still haunts me like a nightmare. On the
one hand, I met the oily Turkish official in frock-coat and fez
declaring that the country was quite quiet, and that all reports were
exaggerated; while, on the other, I saw with my own eyes the devilish
blood-lust of the Greeks, the poor people with their wounds still upon
them, the mutilated bodies of innocent Christian women whose blood calls
hourly for vengeance.
To Florina, up to Kastoria, and through the terrorised districts around
the lakes of Presba and Ochrida I travelled, first under Turkish escort,
but not being allowed to see what I wanted, I was permitted by a
Bulgarian band to join them, and rode through the various districts. It
was a somewhat perilous and exciting time, for I travelled quickly,
wishing to get out of the country. Its terrors had got on my nerves, and
the gloomy warnings of my friends ever rose within my mind. Greek bands
seemed to be operating everywhere, and we never knew when we might not
come into close quarters. Our way lay often through deep ravines,
affording excellent cover for lurking Greeks.
So life was the reverse of pleasant.
Still I saw with my own eyes sights that appalled me, and I am certain
that if the reader had seen what I have witnessed he would cry shame
that such an awful state of things should be allowed to exist, and even
fostered by a Christian civilised Power.
Does the Christian Kaiser, with all his outward declarations of belief
in the direction of the Almighty, ever give a thought to the poor
Macedonians butchered with his knowledge—butchered to further the secret
aims of the “Fatherland”? Does His Imperial Majesty, when he bends his
knee in prayer, remember the first tenets of the Christian faith?
Those who know, as I know, the secrets of German intrigue in
Constantinople, cannot but feel contempt and disgust at the shameful
sacrifice of human life in Macedonia, where Greeks and Turks outrage,
torture, burn, and shoot the poor innocent populace, egged on by “pious”
Germany.
Let the ambitious Emperor, who so often invokes God’s blessing upon the
German nation, pause for a moment and reflect whether there is no
hypocrisy in his political policy, and whether he himself, personally,
can expect to receive the Divine aid he so constantly petitions with
mock servility.
By raising his hand he could to-morrow stop those brutal, savage Greeks
from their bloody work. Yet, by doing so, he knows he would nullify his
policy of Germany’s advance southward, and would throw to the winds the
years of secret diplomacy practised at the Sublime Porte. Will he do so?
Or will he continue to lift his eyes to Heaven, and close his ears to
the death-cries of the poor slaughtered Christian women and children,
who are every day being butchered for political purposes?
It was the Kaiser’s diplomacy that discovered the existence of the
Roumanian population in Macedonia; it was by his intrigues at Athens
that diplomatic negotiations between Greece and Roumania have been
broken off.
Go to Macedonia yourself with an open mind and study the question on the
spot, and you will, before a week has passed, obtain quite sufficient
evidence to convince you that what I have here written is the truth—that
Germany stands behind both Greek and Turk, and encourages them with
moral and material support to commit those awful and nameless outrages
which are a disgrace to our civilisation.
CHAPTER II
THE TRUTH EXPOSED
Summary of my confidential information—War this year—The attitude of
Greece, Bulgaria, Roumania, and Turkey—Procrastination, promises,
and perfect politeness—A matter more serious than Macedonia—Warning
to British statesmen and the public—The real truth exposed—Germany
and India.
As summary of all my confidential inquiries throughout the Near East, I
find that the present position as regards Macedonia is a very serious
one.
Bulgaria, who has the largest population there, has undoubtedly decided
to adopt a firm course, which must inevitably lead to war during the
present year. Within a few months the Balkans will be in bloody
conflict.
Greece is defiant, and her bands still ravage Macedonia. Monsieur
Theotokis, the Prime Minister, has openly adopted a policy of defiance
against Roumania, and of increased persecution of the Vlachs in
Macedonia.
His attitude is a ridiculous one, and calculated to still further
complicate the situation. He declares that the enemies of Hellenism have
succeeded in persuading public opinion in Europe, and even European
Governments, that the abnormal situation in Macedonia is due to the
action of Greco-Macedonian bands, and has also made them forget the
atrocities which Bulgarians had committed for six years against the
Greeks, who had at last been compelled to rise and try to defend
themselves. Whenever the Greek Government asks for compensation of the
Powers, no matter what the question at issue, they are, he says, met
with the argument that they were responsible for the atrocities in
Macedonia, because they aided Greek bands. The Powers, he says, were
informed that the Hellenic Government could not prevent succour being
given to the Macedonian Greeks in their defensive campaign, but would
use its authority to moderate the activity of the bands. Unhappily, the
slackening of the activity of the Greek bands was followed by a
recrudescence of that of the hostile bands. The Powers were informed
that the situation was becoming intolerable, and unless they could take
measures to oblige others to respect their wishes, the Greek Government
would be obliged to defend a race which was resolved to live, and not to
bend under the ferocity of its enemies. He maintains that it is the duty
of Greece to accelerate her military preparations. Without an army she
cannot be considered a factor in the East, or hope for the sympathies of
others.
But M. Theotokis has gone even farther. His declarations are distinctly
amusing. In the course of an interview in Athens in January of the
present year he actually had the audacity to attribute the present
situation in Macedonia to Bulgaria. He argued as follows:—
“For a period of six years armed bands of Bulgarians roved all over
Macedonia, endeavouring to get the Greek Christian inhabitants to
declare allegiance to the head of the Bulgarian Church, and backed up
their efforts in this direction by committing murders and atrocities
of every description. Notwithstanding repeated appeals of the Greek
Government to the Powers to put a stop to these outrages, they were
continued, and instead of being checked, went on increasing in number
and violence. News of these atrocities reaching Greece daily, public
opinion here was getting more and more excited, and finally, the Greek
public having given up all hope of a stop being put to them,
committees were formed with the object of taking action to protect
their compatriots.
“The Greek Government was powerless to prevent these protective bands
from crossing into Macedonia, as, unfortunately, we have not
sufficient forces to thoroughly guard the frontier. The inability is
not surprising, when you consider that Turkey with twenty times the
forces at her disposal is not able to prevent them from getting
across. That these bands should occasionally have seized an
opportunity to avenge Bulgarian crimes, which had continued so long
unrestrained, is only natural, as it is not possible to keep armed
bands under proper control in such circumstances.
“Finding at last that they had to face Greek bands, which they were
not able to stand up against, the Bulgarians commenced to fill the
world with complaints against the Greeks, and sent out descriptions of
imaginary atrocities committed by Greek bands, when their only real
cause of complaint was that they themselves could no longer commit
crimes on the Greek Christians with impunity in the way they, for six
years, had been accustomed.
“The result of the great outcry raised by the Bulgarians was that
strong pressure was brought to bear by the Powers on the Greek
Government to prevent Greek bands from crossing into Macedonia, and
the Greek Government increased the efforts they had always been making
in this direction. Probably as a result of the efforts of this
Government, fewer Greek bands have been operating in Macedonia during
the past two months, and the consequence is that thirty-nine Greeks
have been murdered in Macedonia during this period by Bulgarians,
while only seven of the latter have been killed by Greeks.
“The Greek Government have no interest whatever in hindering the
efforts of the Powers to restore order in Macedonia. Quite the
contrary; no one desires to see order restored there more than we do.
But you must remember that the majority of the inhabitants of
Macedonia are Greeks, and it is not in the power of the Greek
Government to control public opinion in Greece in face of the
atrocities committed by Bulgarians on our countrymen in Macedonia. If
the Bulgarian propaganda in that country is put a stop to, the Greek
Christians will have nothing to fear, and in such circumstances no
Greek bands will be found there, as their sole object in crossing the
frontier was to protect their co-religionists, who for six years had
been terrorised by the Bulgarians. Once Bulgarian crimes in Macedonia
cease, there will be nothing more heard of ‘regrettable incidents’ in
that country.”
Thus it will be seen that the Prime Minister makes no mention of Germany
or of German intrigue. He endeavours to put the blame upon Bulgaria,
when all Europe knows well that it is Greece who is responsible for the
present bloodshed, and even the Turkish Grand Vizier himself has
condemned the action of the Greeks, and declared that in more than one
instance the Greek bands have actually operated with the full knowledge
and assistance of Greek consuls.
With such biassed views held by the Greek Premier, it can easily be seen
that a solution of the problem of Macedonia cannot be arrived at without
recourse to force of arms, and the more so, because of Bulgaria’s
determination to make her power felt in the country where her subjects
are being daily murdered.
The Turkish policy is the traditional one of procrastination, promises,
and perfect politeness. The promised reforms are not carried out, the
foreign officers employed in reforming the gendarmerie are disgusted
with their treatment, and are fast leaving the Turkish service, while
the Mohammedan rule is daily growing more and more oppressive, and the
unfortunate Macedonians are being slaughtered under the very eyes and
with the full cognisance of the Turkish officials, both civil and
military.
In Constantinople it is believed that a serious _entente_ regarding
Macedonia exists between Italy and Austria, and this belief is based
upon Signor Tittoni’s recent declaration. From information I gathered
from very reliable sources, however, I am in a position to state that
the Turkish fears are utterly groundless. An _entente_ exists, but only
in regard to Servia, Bulgaria, and Northern Albania. Austria desired
that Montenegro should be included, but Italy—for very obvious
reasons—made the complete independence of that valiant little country
one of the stipulations. Hitherto Italy and Austria have carried on
separate propagandas, but it is quite certain that the two are now
amalgamated, and will in future work towards one common end.
Turkey has nothing to fear from either Austria or Italy, but from
Bulgaria and Germany—from the former, who will assert her rights; and
from the latter, who will eventually play the traitor and crush her.
My conversations at the Sublime Porte, in those shabbily furnished
rooms, with seedy officials offering me cups of coffee, were often very
amusing. I had really credited the Turk with more shrewdness, for the
Oriental is usually supposed to be the finest diplomat in all the world.
Yet from the Grand Vizier downwards to the men-in-the-street, they are
all held fascinated under the benign smile of Germany.
Assurances were given me during those audiences with the rulers of
Turkey that all was being done that could possibly be done in Macedonia;
that reports of massacres were exaggerated; that the Turks were actually
protecting the Bulgarians, and that the Macedonian question was not at
all a serious one.
I will give one instance. It was admitted to me during one of my
audiences at the Sublime Porte, that “a few incidents” had occurred, but
I was assured that they were not serious, and that all was now quiet in
Macedonia.
In reply, I pointed out that on November 7 last (Old Style) a Greek band
descended upon the village of Karadjovo, and having disembowelled seven
men, killed twenty-five Bulgarians. They then massacred most of the
women and children in the village, and calmly went off.
I was then officially informed that it had been discovered that a
certain Greek consul had been implicated in this raid, and that arms had
been supplied through him. The Turks had therefore made a strong protest
to Athens, and sent four battalions in pursuit of the assassins.
At Salonica, ten days later, I saw one of the peasants present at this
massacre in question, and the description he gave of it was horrifying.
His version of the affair was very different from the official Turkish
version, for he declared that the Turks themselves aided the assassins
and allowed them to get clear away. Twenty-five women were, he said,
outraged and afterwards killed. One woman had her hands cut off, and
another’s feet were burnt over a fire. Other facts he told me were too
terrible to repeat here.
Though the Porte may have made formal protest to Athens, there is but
little doubt that the Turks were implicated in the massacre—as they are
in most of those “regrettable incidents,” as they are called, which
daily occur in the Land of Black Terror.
Permission was readily granted to me to travel through the country, but
it certainly would not have been had it been known that beyond the lake
of Ochrida I intended to disregard my Turkish escort and throw in my lot
with the Bulgarians, declared by the authorities to be “insurgents” in
order to see for myself.
I arrived at the village of Ghilposte, in the Seres district, two days
after a Greek band had descended upon the little place, and I saw with
my own eyes traces of their terrible atrocities. They had blown up ten
houses by dynamite, and capturing four men, two women, and a baby one
year old, had deliberately burned them all alive, as well as outraging
three other women.
The leader of the Bulgarian organisation for the protection of the
defenceless people furnished me with a complete list of all the
atrocities committed by the Greek bands during the past year, but it is
so long and the details are so revolting that I do not feel justified in
including it in these pages.
The Turk is indeed a strange product. He hopes always to persuade the
foreigner into adopting his own views. More than once I was told in
Constantinople that there had been _no massacres_ in Macedonia this
year, and that the country, especially in the _vilayet_ of Monastir, was
quite quiet!
[Illustration: GENERAL TZONTCHEFF in Macedonia.]
[Illustration: The Turkish Burial-ground at Scutari, Asia Minor.]
I went there, and discovered the exact opposite to be the case. In
Constantinople also I was strongly persuaded, by interested persons, not
to go to Macedonia; but I went, and I saw things that it was not
intended that I should see.
I had travelled all through the Balkans in order to learn the real
truth, and I did not intend to miss out Macedonia. Turkey, of course,
makes capital out of the fact that the Vlachs, or Roumanian population,
are between the devil and the deep sea. These unfortunate
Macedo-Roumanians live under the cross fire of Greek and Bulgar, each of
whom claims the right to save their souls. The Turks point—and perhaps
justly—to this fact as one of the chief causes of the present disturbed
state of Macedonia. The Turk pretends to be asleep, and to disregard the
intrigues of the other Powers, but the fact is that he is very wide
awake, and knows quite well that hostilities must break out at a very
early date. Only he is misled by Germany, alarmed by a bogey put forward
by Austria and Italy, and a little afraid, at times, of British
protests.
There remains Roumania. Her attitude is a very serious consideration in
discussing the immediate future of the Balkans.
In Bucharest I found that, although a Federation of the Balkan States
would be welcomed, yet one fact is still remembered. In 1888, when the
Bulgarians offered the crown of Bulgaria to King Charles of Roumania, as
the first step towards a Federation, both Russia and Austria opposed it
so strongly that the King was unable to accept. Roumania’s position
towards Macedonia is now one of armed inactivity. Though the
Macedo-Roumanians are slaughtered by the Greek bands, Roumania is
compelled to stay her hand and offer no defence, because alone and
unaided, her protest would be worse than useless.
That she will, ere long, ally herself with Bulgaria against the Turks,
my confidential information goes to show. She desires a better frontier
from the Danube to the Black Sea, and in order to obtain that concession
from Bulgaria she will assist her to drive the Turk from Macedonia.
There is, however, a far more serious consideration, and one which has
been overlooked by British statesmen and the British public.
During my journey of inquiry I made careful investigation into certain
suspicious facts and certain clever intrigues. The inquiry was an
exceedingly difficult one, for the truth is well guarded, for very
obvious reasons.
The result, however, reveals a state of affairs of which we in England
have been unfortunately ignorant, and which, here exposed, should claim
immediate attention by every right-minded and patriotic man.
The truth briefly is this. The recent war between Russia and Japan, the
question of Morocco, the perturbation in Europe by the Russian defeats
and revolution, on the one hand, and the weakness of the Macedonians
made greater by the rivalries between the Balkan nations, on the other,
have of late diverted the attention of Europe from the Near East.
But this is only a lull before the storm—a storm that must break in the
near future, and which surely will have a world-wide significance. The
countries denominated by the general name of the Near East are, by their
geographical position and fertility, of immense importance. They have
been the cradle of the ancient civilisation and of rich and powerful
empires. The shores of the Ægean Sea and of the Eastern Mediterranean
were once the most populated, and their commerce and wealth were
unrivalled. The vast fertile provinces of Asia Minor have been the
granaries of the Roman and Byzantine empires; while the valleys of
Euphrates and Tigris breathed abundance and luxury. History is eloquent
testimony of their past splendour. The reason of their gloomy present
does not lie either in the exhaustion of the soil or in the loss of
their geographical importance, but only in the administration which the
Turk has established for centuries over them. A change in the
administration will bring resurrection. Nay, the means and resources of
the present civilisation must call forth in them an immense economical
development.
Germany, with her usual foresight, has ever been on the alert.
Towards this Near East with gloomy present, but with a glorious future,
the German policy has thrown covetous eyes. When Bismarck made his
famous declaration—_that the Eastern Question was not worth the bones of
a Pomeranian grenadier_—the German policy was already maturing a vast
plan of penetration in the Near East. The real truth is that the basis
of this policy of penetration was the maintenance of the Turkish rule,
as a means for its realisation.
The true extent of German intrigue is not realised in England, therefore
I may as well explain that the policy was—
1. Support, and even encouragement, of the despotical régime in Turkey,
in order to obtain the absolute confidence of Sultan Hamid.
2. Grasp of the reorganisation of the Turkish Army, and use it as her
instrument.
3. Gain a dominant position in the Turkish finances.
4. Lay hold on the communications of the empire, and thus become the
master of her economical development.
A full expansion was given to this policy after the accession to the
throne of William II., who in his first visit to the Sultan in 1889 laid
the foundation of mutual friendship and admiration between the two
rulers.
The results are astonishing. In less than a quarter of a century the
German net has been cast over the whole body of the Turkish Empire.
German diplomacy is paramount to-day in Constantinople. The Turkish Army
has been reorganised upon the Prussian system, and is under German
control. The finances of the Turkish Empire are gradually becoming a
dependency to the German banks by loans and concessions, which are
constantly increasing. By the great railway from the Bosphorus to the
Persian Gulf, opening up by its branches the most fertile provinces of
Asiatic Turkey, Germany becomes master of the economical development of
this part of the Sultan’s empire.
Thus the economical and political influence of the Germans has been so
much extended and has gained such a domination, that the Turkish Empire
is, in a sense, already a German protectorate. No act of importance is
possible in Turkey without the knowledge and influence of Germany. Every
act of Abdul Hamid is under the control and direction of German
diplomacy. _Allemania bisum dostour_ (“Germany is our friend”) is a
saying which has penetrated even into the mass of the Turkish nation,
and the Kaiser has a full right to boast himself as the protector and
champion of the Mussulmans.
In the Balkan Peninsula, on the European side, the pioneer of the German
policy is the Austro-Hungarian Empire. By tradition, by its dynasty, and
by its alliance, Austria plays the rôle of vanguard to the German
advance towards the Near East. The occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina
has made Austria a Balkan power, and her plans are ready for the march
of an Austrian army southward to the Gulf of Salonica, which will bring
her in touch with the Ægean Sea and make her the ruler over the whole
Peninsula. In the meantime, she is strengthening her political and
economical influence in Servia and Albania by the same methods as used
by the Germans.
In the midst of this land activity in the Near East, the importance of
the Ægean Sea, which is the necessary link, was not lost to view. A
footing was sought, and the island of Thassos was chosen as the
foundation-stone of the future naval power in the Eastern basin of the
Mediterranean. This island was picked upon because, in the first place,
it would not attract attention, and, in the second place, because it
would serve admirably the German plans. Thassos has a good geographical
position in the Ægean Sea. It is not far from the Dardanelles, the door
to Constantinople, and is very near the Macedonian shore, being in the
very entrance of the port of Kavala.
With a naval base on this island, Germany would gain a still greater
influence in Turkey, and especially on the European and Asiatic shores
of the Ægean Sea. According to trustworthy information which I have
obtained in confidence, a vast German activity is contemplated upon
these shores in the very near future.
Thus the Germans, with the aid of the Turkish régime and of the Austrian
Empire, are cleverly paving their way towards the Near East, and
preparing the foundation of a “Fatherland” stretching from the Baltic to
the Indian Ocean.
As Germany has already championed the cause of Turkey in Europe, what is
to prevent her from carrying her influence, at an early date, over Egypt
and the whole peninsula of India, where she will find sixty millions of
Mussulmans, who fully recognise that England has abandoned her policy of
bolstering up “the sick man” for many years past? These latter would
welcome Germany as the champion of Mohammedanism, not only in Europe,
but in all the Mussulman states of the Eastern world.
And then?
Surely this is a most important point, which should very seriously
engage the immediate and earnest attention of all British statesmen who
have the true interests of our Empire at heart!
THE END.
_Printed by_
MORRISON & GIBB LIMITED
_Edinburgh_
Transcriber’s Note
The author employs the name ‘Palagonium Radula’ for the geranium, rather
than the proper ‘Pelargonium Radula’. This appears to be unique to him,
but was retained as printed.
Errors deemed most likely to be the printer’s have been corrected, and
are noted here. The references are to the page and line in the original.
The following issues should be noted, along with the resolutions.
156.12 mid[d]le-aged, keen, clever Inserted.
169.20 Chief town, [H/N]egotin Replaced.
170.24 the chief town is Pe[l/t]rovatz Replaced.
170.39 in Kra[ni/in]a, East Servia. Transposed.
171.40 PODUN[VA/AV]LYE Transposed.
220.26 the geranium oil (_[Palagonium] Radula_) _sic_:
Pelargonium
226.38 Have you received [i]t? Restored.
280.1 The entrance to the Bosphoro[u]s. Removed.
294.31 the exhaustion of the Macedoni[o/a]n Replaced.
population