CHAPTER V.

SCRIPTURE.

Attempts are often made to support slavery by the authority of

Revelation. "Slavery," it is said, "is allowed in the Old Testament, and

not condemned in the New. Paul commands slaves to obey. He commands

masters, not to release their slaves, but to treat them justly.

Therefore slavery is right, is sanctified by God's Word." In this age of

the world, and amidst the light which has been thrown on the true

interpretation of the Scriptures, such reasoning hardly deserves notice.

A few words only will be offered in reply.

This reasoning proves too much. If usages sanctioned in the Old

Testament and not forbidden in the New are right, then our moral code

will undergo a sad deterioration. Polygamy was allowed to the

Israelites, was the practice of the holiest men, and was common and

licensed in the age of the Apostles. But the Apostles no where condemn

it, nor was the renunciation of it made an essential condition of

admission into the Christian church. It is true that in one passage

Christ has condemned it by implication. But is not slavery condemned by

stronger implication in the many passages, which make the new religion

to consist in serving one another, and in doing to others what we would

that they should do to ourselves? Why may not Scripture be used to stock

our houses with wives as well as with slaves?

Again. Paul is said to sanction slavery. Let us now ask. What was

slavery in the age of Paul? It was the slavery, not so much of black as

of white men, not merely of barbarians but of Greeks, not merely of the

ignorant and debased, but of the virtuous, educated, and refined. Piracy

and conquest were the chief means of supplying the slave-market, and

they heeded neither character nor condition. Sometimes the greater part

of the population of a captured city was sold into bondage, sometimes

the whole, as in the case of Jerusalem. Noble and royal families, the

rich and great, the learned and powerful, the philosopher and poet, the

wisest and best men, were condemned to the chain. Such was ancient

slavery. And this we are told is allowed and confirmed by the Word of

God! Had Napoleon, on capturing Berlin or Vienna, doomed most or the

whole of their inhabitants to bondage; had he seized on venerable

matrons, the mothers of illustrious men, who were reposing after

virtuous lives in the bosom of grateful families; had he seized on the

delicate, refined, beautiful young woman, whose education had prepared

her to grace the sphere in which God had placed her, whose plighted love

had opened before her visions of bliss, and over all whose prospects the

freshest hopes and most glowing imaginations of early life were

breathed; had he seized on the minister of religion, the man of science,

the man of genius, the sage, the guides of the world; had he scattered

these through the slave-markets of the world, and transferred them to

the highest bidders at public auction, the men to be converted into

instruments of slavish toil, the women into instruments of lust, and

both to endure whatever indignities and tortures absolute power can

inflict; we should then have had a picture in the present age of slavery

as it existed in the time of Paul. Such slavery we are told was

sanctioned by the Apostle! Such we are told he pronounced to be morally

right! Had Napoleon sent some cargoes of these victims to these shores,

we might have bought them, and degraded the noblest beings to our lowest

uses, and might have cited Paul to testify to our innocence! Were an

infidel to bring this charge against the Apostle, we should say that he

was laboring in his vocation; but that a professed Christian should so

insult this sainted philanthropist, this martyr to truth and

benevolence, is a sad proof of the power of slavery to blind its

supporters to the plainest truth.

Slavery, in the age of the Apostle, had so penetrated society, was so

intimately interwoven with it, and the materials of servile war were so

abundant, that a religion, preaching freedom to its victims, would have

shaken the social fabric to its foundation, and would have armed against

itself the whole power of the State. Of consequence Paul did not assail

it. He satisfied himself with spreading principles, which, however

slowly, could not but work its destruction. He commanded Philemon to

receive his fugitive slave, Onesimus, "not as a slave, but above a

slave, as a brother beloved;" and he commanded masters to give to their

slaves that which was "_just_ and _equal_;" thus asserting for the slave

the rights of a Christian and a Man; and how, in his circumstances, he

could have done more for the subversion of slavery, I do not see.

Let me offer another remark. The perversion of Scripture to the support

of slavery is singularly inexcusable in this country. Paul not only

commanded slaves to obey their masters. He delivered these precepts:

"Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers. For there is no power

but of God; the powers that be are ordained of God. Whosoever,

therefore, resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God; and they

that resist shall receive to themselves damnation." This passage was

written in the time of Nero. It teaches passive obedience to despotism

more strongly than any text teaches the lawfulness of slavery.

Accordingly, it has been quoted for ages by the supporters of arbitrary

power, and made the stronghold of tyranny. Did our fathers acquiesce in

the most obvious interpretation of this text? Because the first

Christians were taught to obey despotic rule, did our fathers feel as if

Christianity had stript men of their rights? Did they argue that tyranny

was to be excused, because forcible opposition to it is in most cases

wrong? Did they argue that absolute power ceases to be unjust, because,

as a general rule, it is the duty of subjects to obey? Did they infer

that bad institutions ought to be perpetual, because the subversion of

them by force will almost always inflict greater evil than it removes?

No; they were wiser interpreters of God's Word. They believed that

despotism was a wrong, notwithstanding the general obligation upon its

subjects to obey; and that whenever a whole people should so feel the

wrong as to demand its removal, the time for removing it had fully come.

Such is the school in which we here have been brought up. To us, it is

no mean proof of the divine original of Christianity, that it teaches

human brotherhood and favors human rights; and yet, on the ground of two

or three passages, which admit different constructions, we make

Christianity the minister of slavery, the forger of chains for those

whom it came to make free.

It is a plain rule of scriptural criticism, that particular texts

should be interpreted according to the general tenor and spirit of

Christianity. And what is the general, the perpetual teaching of

Christianity in regard to social duty? "All things whatsoever ye would

that men should do to you, do ye even so to them; for this is the law

and the prophets." Now does not every man feel that nothing, nothing,

could induce him to consent to be a slave? Does he not feel, that, if

reduced to this abject lot, his whole nature, his reason, conscience,

affections, would cry out against it as the greatest of calamities and

wrongs? Can he pretend, then, that in holding others in bondage he does

to his neighbour what he would that his neighbour should do to him? Of

what avail are a few texts, which were designed for local and temporary

use, when urged against the vital, essential spirit, and the plainest

precepts of our religion?

I close this section with a few extracts from a recent work of one of

our most distinguished writers; not that I think additional arguments

necessary, but because the authority of Scripture is more successfully

used than any thing else to reconcile good minds to slavery.

"The very course, which the Gospel takes on this subject, seems to have

been the only one that could have been taken in order to effect the

universal abolition of slavery. The gospel was designed, not for one

race or for one time, but for all men and for all times. It looked not

at the abolition of this form of evil for that age alone, but for its

universal abolition. Hence the important object of its author was to

gain it a lodgment in every part of the known world; so that, by its

universal diffusion among all classes of society, it might quietly and

peacefully modify and subdue the evil passions of men; and thus, without

violence work a revolution in the whole mass of mankind. In this manner

alone could its object, a universal moral revolution, have been

accomplished. For if it had forbidden the _evil_ instead of subverting

the _principle_, if it had proclaimed the unlawfulness of slavery, and

taught slaves to _resist_ the oppression of their masters, it would

instantly have arrayed the two parties in deadly hostility throughout

the civilized world; its announcement would have been the signal of

servile war; and the very name of the Christian religion would have been

forgotten amidst the agitations of universal bloodshed. The fact, under

these circumstances, that the Gospel does not forbid slavery, affords no

reason to suppose that it does not mean to prohibit it; much less does

it afford ground for belief that Jesus Christ intended to authorize it."

"It is important to remember that two grounds of moral obligation are

distinctly recognised in the Gospel. The first is our duty to man as

man; that is, on the ground of the relation which men sustain to each

other; the second is our duty to man as a creature of God; that is, on

the relation which we all sustain to God.--Now, it is to be observed,

that it is precisely upon this latter ground that the slave is commanded

to obey his master. It is never urged like the duty to obedience to

parents, because it is right, but because the cultivation of meekness

and forbearance under injury will be well pleasing unto God.--The manner

in which the duty of servants or slaves is inculcated, therefore,

affords no ground for the assertion that the Gospel authorizes one man

to hold another in bondage, any more than the command to honor the king,

when that king was Nero, authorized the tyranny of the emperor; or than

the command to turn the other cheek, when one is smitten, justifies the

infliction of violence by an injurious man."[1]

FOOTNOTE:

[1] Wayland's Elements of Moral Science, pages 225-6. The

discussion of Slavery, in the chapter from which these extracts are

made, is well worthy attention.

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