“He was one richly furnished with natural endowments, showing

liberality to the poor, courtesy to every one, fortitude in trial, and,

above all, a high reverence for the name of God. He was a preacher of

patience, charity, mercy, beneficence, gratitude, honouring of parents

and superiors, and a frequent celebrator of Divine praise.” The great

doctrine of the Koran is the Unity of God, and in this creed Mahomet

himself seems to have been a sincere believer. “Its design was to unite

the professors of the three different religions then followed in

Arabia—who for the most part were without guides, the greater number

being idolaters, and the rest Jews and Christians, mostly of erroneous

and heterodox belief—in the knowledge and worship of one eternal and

invisible God, and to bring them to obedience of Mahomet as the only

prophet and ambassador of the truth.” The “fatiha,” or opening chapter

of the Koran, is said to contain the essence of the whole, and forms

part of the daily prayers of all zealous Mussulmans. It commences with

the formula pronounced at the beginning of their reading on all

occasions whenever an animal is slaughtered for food, and upon the

undertaking of all important actions whatever:

“In the name of God, the merciful, the compassionate. Praise be to

God, the Lord of the Creation, the all-merciful, the

all-compassionate! Ruler of the day of reckoning!

“Thee we worship, and Thee we invoke for help. Lead us in the

straight path—the path of those upon whom thou hast been gracious,

not of those that are the objects of wrath or that are in error.”

The Moslem faithful pray five times in the twenty-four hours: in the

morning before sunrise, at noon, before sunset, after sunset, and

before the first watch of the night: and that these observances were

not originally instituted merely that their prayers might be seen

before men, would appear from the injunction which lays down that “what

is principally to be regarded in the duty of prayer, is the inward

disposition of the heart, which is its entire life and spirit, the most

punctual observance being of no avail if performed without devotion,

reverence, attention, and hope.”

Prayer was held by Mahomet to be the “pillar of religion” and the “key

of paradise,” and in the performance of it, his disciples are enjoined

to lay aside their ornaments and costly habits, and all that might

savour of either pride or arrogance.

Its observance, however, at five stated times appears to be nowhere

mentioned in the Koran, although the custom is now an essential part,

and the most noticeable and characteristic feature of Mahomedanism.

Saints and sinners join equally in the form. A crime just committed, or

one in immediate contemplation, in no way interferes with the

“five-time prayers,” and the neglect of them amounts to an abnegation

of the Faith. The summons to prayer was originally only one sentence,

“To public prayer.” Mahomet, however, afterwards bethought himself that

a more elaborate and striking call would be an improvement, and the

present “Azzan,” or call to prayer, was introduced.

While the matter was under discussion, Mahomet being unable to decide

upon any suitable form, a certain Abdallah dreamed that he met a man

arrayed in green raiment carrying a bell. Abdallah sought to buy it,

thinking it would just suit the Prophet for assembling together the

Faithful. The stranger, however, replied, “I will show you a better way

than that; let a crier call aloud—

“Great is the Lord! great is the Lord!

I bear witness that there is no God but the Lord;

I bear witness that Mahomet is the Prophet of God!

Come unto prayer, come unto happiness—

God is great! God is great! There is no God but the Lord!”

Mahomet, learning the particulars of Abdallah’s dream, believed it to

have been a vision from on high, and sent his servant forthwith to

execute the Divine command. Ascending to the top of a lofty house, this

first of established Mûezzins, on the earliest appearance of light,

startled all around from their slumbers with the newly-adopted call,

adding to it, “Prayer is better than sleep! Prayer is better than

sleep!” And ever since, at the customary five hours, have his

successors thus summoned the people to their devotions.

Concerning the future state, the Mahomedan believes that all will be

examined at the day of Judgment as to their words and actions in this

life.

“Their time, as to how they spent it; their wealth, by what means they

acquired it, and how they employed it; their bodies, wherein they

exercised them; their knowledge and learning, what use they made of

them,” &c. “They enter Paradise, however, not by their own good works,

but by the mercy of God. At that day each person will make his defence

in the best manner he can, endeavouring to find excuses for his own

conduct by casting blame on others; so much so, that disputes shall

even arise between the Soul and Body. The Soul saying, “Lord, I was

created without a hand to lay hold with, a foot to walk with, an eye to

see with, or an understanding to apprehend with, until I came and

entered the Body: therefore punish it, but deliver me.” The Body, on

the other side, will make this apology, “Lord, thou createdst me like a

stock of wood, being neither able to hold with my hand, nor to walk

with my feet, till this Soul, like a ray of light, entered into me, and

my tongue began to speak, my eye to see, and my foot to walk: therefore

punish it, but deliver me.” Then shall the following parable be

propounded:—“A certain king having a pleasant garden, in which were

ripe fruits, set two persons to keep it, one of whom was blind, and the

other lame—the former not being able to see the fruit, nor the latter

to gather it. The lame man, however, seeing the fruit, persuaded the

blind man to take him on his shoulders; and by that means he easily

gathered the fruits, which they divided between them. The lord of the

garden coming some time after, and inquiring after the fruit, each

began to excuse himself; the blind man said he had no eyes to see it

with, and the lame man that he had no feet to approach the trees. Then

the king, ordering the lame man to be set on the blind, passed sentence

on them both, and punished them together.

“In like manner shall be judged the Body and the Soul.”

Such are some few of the religious tenets of those among whom one’s lot

is cast while wandering in the East. Sunk for the most part in

ignorance, and held as infidels for wanting faith in what they never

heard, they nevertheless attract attention chiefly by their Faith, and

by their zealous worship of the Being, whom, although in darkest

ignorance as to His attributes and laws, their original creed would

teach them to believe the one Eternal God.

Some idea of the number represented by these different sects may be

derived from the following table:—

{ Buddhists 369,000,000

Asiatic Religions { Hindoos 231,000,000

{ Mussulmen 160,000,000

{ Roman Catholics 170,000,000

Christians { Protestants 80,000,000

{ Greek Church 76,000,000

Jews 5,000,000

Other Religions 200,000,000 [40]

And when we reflect how great is the proportion of those who sit in

darkness, and that “even all who tread the earth are but a handful to

the tribes that slumber in its bosom,” it is but natural to consider

what our own belief would bid us hold as to the future destiny of so

large a portion of the human family.

At the same time, the question, “Are there few that be saved?” not

having been answered eighteen centuries ago, would appear to be one to

which no definite reply was intended to be rendered, and which might

well be left till now unanswered, by those who hold the religion of

Faith, Hope, and Charity. When, however, the Church to which we belong

boldly affirms, in words which as the public profession of its faith,

should be beyond all doubt or misconception by either friend or foe,

that none can be saved but those who hold the Catholic Faith, as she

would have them hold it, then, at least, we may fairly consider the

matter so far as to doubt whether the answer thus forced upon us is one

which, even on such high authority, we are bound to accept. Before, at

least, concurring in a solution of the question which, thus virtually

bringing it within the limits of a simple arithmetical calculation,

would summarily dispose of so many millions of the human race, we may

remember that some things have been taught as possible which men, and

even saints, may deem impossible; and, before attempting to reduce

“goodwill toward men” to human and determinable proportions, we may

also remember that “good tidings of great joy” were promised to all

people, and that they may possibly prove therefore to have in some way

benefited even those who have never heard them with their mortal ears.

Meanwhile, in the matter of “Turks and Infidels,” we may perhaps learn

something even from an Infidel creed, and, borrowing a definition from

the religion of Islam, may be allowed to hold with it, that

“Truly to despair of the goodness of God—this is ‘Infidelity.’”

APPENDIX A.

THE TEMPLES OF CASHMERE.

Extract from “An Essay on the Arian Order of Architecture, as

exhibited in the Temples of Kashmír,” by Capt. A. Cunningham.

“Journal of the Asiatic Society,” Vol. XVII.

The architectural remains of Kashmír are perhaps the most remarkable of

the existing monuments of India, as they exhibit undoubted traces of

the influence of Grecian art. The Hindú temple is generally a sort of

architectural pasty, a huge collection of ornamental fritters, huddled

together with or without keeping; while the “Jain” temple is usually a

vast forest of pillars, made to look as unlike one another as possible,

by some paltry differences in their petty details.

On the other hand, the Kashmirian fanes are distinguished by the

graceful elegance of their outlines, by the massive boldness of their

parts, and by the happy propriety of their decorations.

They cannot, indeed, vie with the severe simplicity of the Parthenon,

but they possess great beauty—different, indeed, yet quite their own.

The characteristic features of the Kashmirian architecture are its

lofty pyramidal roofs, its trefoiled doorways, covered by pyramidal

pediments, and the great width of the intercolumniations.

Most of the Kashmirian temples are more or less injured, but more

particularly those at Wantipúr, which are mere heaps of ruins. Speaking

of these temples, Trebeck says: “It is scarcely possible to imagine

that the state of ruin to which they have been reduced has been the

work of time, or even of man, as their solidity is fully equal to that

of the most massive monuments of Egypt. Earthquakes must have been the

cause of their overthrow.” In my opinion, their overthrow is too

complete to have been the result of an earthquake, which would have

simply prostrated the buildings in large masses. But the whole of the

superstructure of these temples is now lying in one confused heap of

stones, totally disjointed from one another.

I believe, therefore, that I am fully justified in saying, from my own

experience, that such a complete and disruptive overturn could only

have been produced by gunpowder.

The destruction of the Kashmirian temples is universally attributed,

both by history and by tradition, to the bigoted Sikander. (A.D. 1396.)

He was reigning at the period of Timúr’s invasion of India, with whom

he exchanged friendly presents, and from whom, I suppose, he may have

received a present of the villainous saltpetre.

As it would appear that the Turks had metal cannon at the siege of

Constantinople in 1422, I think it no great stretch of probability to

suppose that gunpowder itself had been carried into the East, even as

far as Kashmír, at least ten or twenty years earlier—that is, about

A.D. 1400 to 1420, or certainly during the reign of Sikander, who died

in 1416.

Even if this be not admitted, I still adhere to my opinion, that the

complete ruin of the Wantipúr temples could only have been effected by

gunpowder; and I would, then, ascribe their overthrow to the bigoted

“Aurungzíb.”

“Ferishta” attributed to Sikander the demolition of all the Kashmirian

temples save one, which was dedicated to Mahadeo, and which only

escaped “in consequence of its foundations being below the surface of

the neighbouring water.”

In A.D. 1580, “Abul Fazl” mentions that some of the idolatrous temples

were in “perfect preservation;” and Ferishta describes many of these

temples as having been in existence in his own time, or about A.D.

1600.

As several are still standing, though more or less injured, it is

certain that Sikander could not have destroyed them all. He most likely

gave orders that they should be overturned; and I have no doubt that

many of the principal temples were thrown down during his reign.

But, besides the ruthless hand of the destroyer, another agency, less

immediate, but equally certain in its ultimate effects, must have been

at work upon the large temples of Kashmír. The silent ravages of the

destroyer, who carries away pillars and stone, for the erection of

other edifices, has been going on for centuries. Pillars, from which

the architraves have been thus removed, have been thrown down by

earthquakes, ready to be set up again for the decoration of the first

Musjid that might be erected in the neighbourhood. Thus every Mahomedan

building in Kashmír is constructed either entirely or in part of the

ruins of Hindú temples.

TAKT I SULÍMAN.

The oldest temple in Kashmír, both in appearance and according to

tradition, is that upon the hill of “Takt i Sulíman,” or Solomon’s

Throne. It stands 1,000 feet above the plain, and commands a view of

the greater part of Kashmír.

The situation is a noble one, and must have been amongst the first

throughout the whole valley which was selected as the position of a

temple. Its erection is ascribed to Jaloka, the son of Asoka, who

reigned about 220 B.C.

The plan of the temple is octagonal, each side being fifteen feet in

length. It is approached by a flight of eighteen steps, eight feet in

width, and inclosed between two sloping walls. Its height cannot now be

ascertained, as the present roof is a modern plastered dome, which was

probably built since the occupation of the country by the Sikhs. The

walls are eight feet thick, which I consider one of the strongest

proofs of the great antiquity of the building.

PÁNDRETHÁN.

This name means the old capital, or ancient chief town. The name has,

however, been spelt by different travellers in many different ways.

“Moorcroft” calls it Pándenthán, “Vigne” Pandrenton, and “Hugel”

Pandriton.

The building of this temple is recorded between A.D. 913 and 921; and

it is afterwards mentioned between the years 958 and 972, as having

escaped destruction when the King Abhimanyú—Nero-like—set fire to his

own capital.

As this is the only temple situated in the old capital, there can be

very little, if any, doubt that it is the very same building which now

exists. For as it is surrounded by water, it was, of course, quite safe

amid the fire, which reduced the other buildings to mere masses of

quicklime.

Baron Hugel calls the Pándrethán edifice a “Buddhist temple,” and

states that there are some well-preserved Buddhist figures in the

interior. But he is doubly mistaken, for the temple was dedicated to

Vishnú, and the figures in the inside have no connexion with Buddhism.

Trebeck swam into the interior, and could discover no figures of any

kind; but as the whole ceiling was formerly hidden by a coating of

plaster, his statement was, at that time, perfectly correct.

The object of erecting the temples in the midst of water must have been

to place them more immediately under the protection of the Nágas, or

human-bodied and snake-tailed gods, who were zealously worshipped for

ages through Kashmír.

MÁRTTAND.

Of all the existing remains of Kashmirian grandeur, the most striking

in size and situation is the noble ruin of Márttand.

This majestic temple stands at the northern end of the elevated

table-land of “Matan,” about three miles to the eastward of Islámabád.

This is undoubtedly the finest position in Kashmír. The temple itself

is not now (1848) more than forty feet in height, but its solid walls

and bold outlines towering over the fluted pillars of the surrounding

colonnade give it a most imposing appearance.

There are no petty confused details; but all are distinct and massive,

and most admirably suited to the general character of the building.

Many vain speculations have been hazarded regarding the date of the

erection of this temple and the worship to which it was appropriated.

It is usually called the “House of the Pandús” by the Brahmins, and by

the people “Mattan.”

The true appellation appears to be preserved in the latter, Matan being

only a corruption of the Sanscrit Márttand मार्त्तण्ड, or the sun, to which

the temple was dedicated.

The true date of the erection of this temple—the wonder of Kashmír—is a

disputed point of chronology; but the period of its foundation can be

determined within the limits of one century, or between A.D. 370 and

500.

The mass of building now known by the name of Matan, or Márttand,

consists of one lofty central edifice, with a small detached wing on

each side of the entrance, the whole standing on a large quadrangle

surrounded by a colonnade of fluted pillars, with intervening

trefoil-headed recesses. The central building is sixty-three feet in

length, by thirty-six in width.

As the main building is at present entirely uncovered, the original

form of the roof can only be determined by a reference to other

temples, and to the general form and character of the various parts of

the Márttand temple itself.

The angle of the roof in the Temple of Pándrethán, and in other

instances, is obtained by making the sides of the pyramid which forms

it parallel to the sides of the doorway pediment, and in restoring the

Temples of Patrun and Márttand I have followed the same rule.

The height of the Pándrethán temple—of the cloistered recesses, porch

pediments, and niches of Márttand itself—were all just double their

respective widths. This agreement in the relative proportions of my

restored roof of Márttand with those deduced from other examples, is a

presumptive proof of the correctness of my restoration. The

entrance-chamber and the wings I suppose to have been also covered by

similar pyramidal roofs. There would thus have been four distinct

pyramids, of which that over the inner chamber must have been the

loftiest, the height of its pinnacle above the ground being about

seventy-five feet.

The interior must have been as imposing as the exterior. On ascending

the flight of steps—now covered by ruins—the votary of the sun entered

a highly-decorated chamber, with a doorway on each side covered by a

pediment, with a trefoil-headed niche containing a bust of the Hindú

triad, and on the flanks of the main entrance, as well as on those of

the side doorways, were pointed and trefoil niches, each of which held

a statue of a Hindú divinity.

The interior decorations of the roof can only be conjecturally

determined, as I was unable to discover any ornamented stones that

could with certainty be assigned to it. Baron Hugel doubts that

Márttand ever had a roof; but, as the walls of the temple are still

standing, the numerous heaps of large stones that are scattered about

on all sides can only have belonged to the roof.

I can almost fancy that the erection of this sun-temple was suggested

by the magnificent sunny prospect which its position commands. It

overlooks the finest view in Kashmír, and perhaps in the known world,

Beneath it lies the paradise of the East, with its sacred streams and

cedarn glens, its brown orchards and green fields, surrounded on all

sides by vast snowy mountains, whose lofty peaks seem to smile upon the

beautiful valley below. The vast extent of the scene makes it sublime;

for this magnificent view of Kashmír is no petty peep into a half-mile

glen, but the full display of a valley sixty miles in breadth and

upwards of a hundred miles in length, the whole of which lies beneath

“the ken of the wonderful Márttand.”

The principal buildings that still exist in Kashmír are entirely

composed of a blue limestone, which is capable of taking the highest

polish—a property to which I mainly attribute the beautiful state of

preservation in which some of them at present exist.

Even at first sight one is immediately struck by the strong resemblance

which the Kashmirian colonnades bear to the classic peristyles of

Greece. Even the temples themselves, with their porches and pediments,

remind one more of Greece than of India; and it is difficult to believe

that a style of architecture which differs so much from all Indian

examples, and which has so much in common with those of Greece, could

have been indebted to chance alone for this striking resemblance.

One great similarity between the Kashmirian architecture and that of

the various Greek orders is its stereotyped style, which, during the

long flourishing period of several centuries, remained unchanged. In

this respect it is so widely different from the ever-varying forms and

plastic vagaries of the Hindú architecture that it is impossible to

conceive their evolution from a common origin.

I feel convinced myself that several of the Kashmirian forms, and many

of the details, were borrowed from the temples of the Kabúlian Greeks,

while the arrangements of the interior and the relative proportions of

the different parts were of Hindú origin. Such, in fact, must

necessarily have been the case with imitations by Indian workmen, which

would naturally have been engrafted upon the indigenous architecture.

The general arrangements would still remain Indian, while many of the

details, and even some of the larger forms, might be of foreign origin.

As a whole, I think that the Kashmirian architecture, with its noble

fluted pillars, its vast colonnades, its lofty pediments, and its

elegant trefoiled arches, is fully entitled to be classed as a distinct

style. I have therefore ventured to call it the Arian order—a name to

which it has a double right; first, because it was the style of the

Aryas, or Arians, of Kashmír; and, secondly, because its

intercolumniations are always of four diameters—an interval which the

Greeks called Araiostyle.

EXTRACT FROM VIGNE’S “TRAVELS IN KASHMÍR.”

The Hindú temple of Márttand is commonly called the House of the

Pandús. Of the Pandús it is only necessary to say that they are the

Cyclopes of the East. Every old building, of whose origin the poorer

class of Hindús in general have no information, is believed to have

been the work of the Pandús. As an isolated ruin, this deserves, on

account of its solitary and massive grandeur, to be ranked not only as

the first ruin of the kind in Kashmír, but as one of the noblest among

the architectural relics of antiquity that are to be seen in any

country. Its noble and exposed situation at the foot of the hills

reminded me of that of the Escurial. It has no forest of cork-trees and

evergreen-oaks before it, nor is it to be compared, in point of size,

with that stupendous building; but it is visible from as great a

distance. And the Spanish sierra cannot for a moment be placed in

competition with the verdant magnificence of the mountain-scenery of

Kashmír.

Few of the Kashmirian temples, if any, I should say, were Buddhist.

Those in or upon the edge of the water were rather, I should suppose,

referable to the worship of the Nágas, or snake-gods. The figures in

all the temples are almost always in an erect position, and I have

never been able to discover any inscription in those now remaining.

I had been struck with the great general resemblance which the temple

bore to the recorded disposition of the Ark and its surrounding

curtains, in imitation of which the Temple at Jerusalem was built; and

it became for a moment a question whether the Kashmirian temples had

not been built by Jewish architects, who had recommended them to be

constructed on the same plan for the sake of convenience merely. It is,

however, a curious fact, that in Abyssinia, the ancient Ethiopia, which

was also called “Kush,” the ancient Christian churches are not unlike

those of Kashmír, and that they were originally built in imitation of

the temple, by the Israelites who followed the Queen of Sheba, whose

son took possession of the throne of Kush, where his descendants are at

this moment Kings of Abyssinia.

Without being able to boast, either in extent or magnificence, of an

approach to equality with the temple of the sun at Palmyra, or the

ruins of the palace at Persepolis, Márttand is not without pretensions

to a locality of scarcely inferior interest, and deserves to be ranked

with them as the leading specimen of a gigantic style of architecture

that has decayed with the religion it was intended to cherish, and the

prosperity of a country it could not but adorn.

In situation it is far superior to either. Palmyra is surrounded by an

ocean of sand, and Persepolis overlooks a marsh; but the temple of the

sun in Márttand is built upon a natural platform at the foot of some of

the noblest mountains, and beneath its ken lies what is undoubtedly the

finest and the most prononcé valley in the known world.

We are not looking upon the monuments of the dead. We step not aside to

inspect a tomb, or pause to be saddened by an elegy. The noble pile in

the foreground is rather an emblem of age than of mortality; and the

interest with which we perambulate its ruins is not the less

pleasurable because we do not know much that is certain of its

antiquity, its founders, or its original use.

APPENDIX B.

THE MYSTIC SENTENCE OF THIBET.

Explication et origine de la formule bouddhique:—“Om mani padmè hoûm”

Par M. Klaproth. “Nouveau Journal Asiatique.”

Les Tubétains et les Mongols ont perpétuellement cette prière dans la

bouche. Les mots de cette inscription sont Sanscrits, et donnent un

sens complet dans cette langue. En voici la transcription en

devanagri:—

ओं मणि पद्मे हुं

“Om” est, chez les Hindous, le nom mystique de la divinité, par lequel

toutes les prières commencent. Cette particule mystique équivaut à

l’interjection, oh! prononcée avec emphase et avec une entière

conviction religieuse. Mani signifie le joyau; Padma le lotus. Enfin

Hoûm est une particule qui équivaut à notre “Amen.” Le sens de la

phrase est très clair; “Om mani padmè hoûm” signifie “Oh! le joyau dans

le lotus, Amen.” Malgré ce sens indubitable, les Bouddhistes du Tubet

se sont évertués à chercher un sens mystique à chacune des six syllabes

qui composent cette phrase. Ils ont rempli des livres entiers de ces

explications imaginaires.

Cette formule est particulière aux Bouddhistes du Tubet.

Selon l’histoire de ce pays la formule Om mani padmè hoûm, y a été

apportée de l’Inde vers la moitié du 7e siècle de notre ère.

La legende suivante traduite du Mongol contient des détails sur la

conversion du Tubet par le dieu Padmá pani, [41] et sur l’origine des

six syllabes sacrées, Om mani padmè hoûm. Ce dieu est appelé en

Sanscrit “Avalokites’ vara” ou “le maître qui contemple avec amour;” ce

que les Tubétains ont rendu par “le tout-voyant aux mille mains et aux

mille yeux:” Les Chinois on traduit le nom par “celui qui contemple les

sous du inonde.”

“Autrefois, quand le ‘glorieux-accompli’ (Sakya mouni ou Buddh)

séjournait dans la forêt ‘d’Odma,’ il advint un jour, qu’étant entouré

de ses nombreux disciples un rayon de lumière de cinq couleurs sortit

tout-à-coup entre ses deux sourcils, forma un arc-en-ciel, et se

dirigea du côté de l’Empire septentrional de neige (Thibet). Les

regards du Bouddha suivaient ce rayon, et sa figure montra un sourire

de joie inexprimable. Un de ses disciples lui demanda de lui en

expliquer la raison, et sur sa prière le glorieux-accompli lui dit:

“‘Fils d’illustre origine! dans le pays qu’aucun Bouddha des trois

âges n’a pu convertir, et qui est rempli d’une foule d’êtres

malfaisans, la loi se lèvera comme le soleil et s’y répandra dans les

temps futurs.

“‘L’apôtre de cet Empire de neige âpre et sauvage, sera le

Khoutoukhtou’ (Padmá páni).

“Après que ‘Sakya mouni’ eut prononcé ces paroles, un rayon de lumière,

éclatant comme un lotus blanc, sortit de son coeur et illumina toutes

les régions du monde et se plongea dans le coeur du Bouddha infiniment

resplendissant. Alors un autre éclat de lumière sortit du Bouddha

resplendissant et se plongea dans la mer des fleurs de Padmá (lotus),

et y transmit cette pensée du Bouddha, qu’il s’en élèverait et qu’il en

naitrait un Khoubilkhan [42] divin, destiné à la conversion de l’Empire

de neige.

“Le Roi Dehdou qui était parvenu à participer à la béatitude de

l’empire de Soukhawatee, voulant un jour offrir au Bouddha un sacrifice

des fleurs, dépêcha quelques-uns des siens aux bords de la mer des

Padmá (Lotus), pour y cueillir de ces fleurs. Ses envoyés aperçurent

dans la mer une très grande tige de Lotus au milieu de laquelle il y

avait un bouton colossal entouré d’une foule de grandes feuilles, et

jetant des rayons de lumière de différentes couleurs. Les envoyés en

firent leur rapport au roi, qui, rempli d’étonnement, se rendit avec sa

cour sur un grand radeau à la place de la mer où se trouvait cette tige

merveilleuse.

“Y’étant arrivé, il présenta ses offrandes et prononça la bénédiction;

le bouton s’ouvrit alors des quatre cotés, et au milieu apparut

l’apôtre de l’empire de neige, né comme ‘Khoubilkhan.’ Il y était

assis, les jambes croisées, avait mi visage et quatre mains; les deux

mains antérieures étaient jointes devant le cœur, la troisième de

droite tenait un rosaire de cristal, et la quatrième à gauche une fleur

de Lotus blanche, qui penchait vers l’oreille.

“Sur sa figure, dont l’éclat se répandait vers les dix régions du

monde, se montrait un sourire qui pénétra dans tous les cœurs.

“Le roi et sa suite portèrent le ‘Khoubilkhan’ au palais, en poussant

des cris de joie et entonnant des hymnes. Le roi se rendit devant le

Bouddha éternel et lui demanda la permission d’adopter pour fils, le

‘Khoubilkhan’ né dans la mer de lotus. Mais sa demande ne fut pas agréé

et il apprit, la véritable origine de ce ‘Khoubilkhan.’ Le Bouddha

infiniment resplendissant posa alors sa main sur la tête de celui-ci et

dit ‘Fils d’illustre origine! Les êtres qui habitent l’âpre empire de

la neige, qu’aucun Bouddha des temps passés n’a pu convertir, qu’aucun

du temps futurs ne convertira, et qu’aucun du temps présent n’a

converti, le seront par la force et la bénédiction de ton vœu. C’est

excellant; c’est excellant! Khoutoukhtou! [43]

“‘Aussitôt que les habitans de l’âpre empire de neige te verront et

qu’ils entendront le son des six syllabes (Om mani padmè hoûm) ils

seront délivrés des trois naissances de mauvaise nature, et trouveront

la béatitude par la renaissance comme êtres d’une nature supérieure.

Les esprits malfaisans de l’âpre empire de neige, ainsi que tous les

êtres donnant des maladies ou la mort, aussitôt, Khoutoukhtou, qu’ils

te verront et qu’ils entendront le son des six syllabes, ils quitteront

la fureur et la méchanceté qui les anime, et deviendront compatissans.

“‘Les tigres, les panthères, les loups, les ours et autres animaux

féroces, aussitôt, O Khoutoukhtou! qu’ils te verront et entendront le

son des six syllabes ils adouciront leurs hurlemens, et leur fureur

sanguinaire se changera en douceur bienveillante. Khoutoukhtou! ta

figure et le son des six syllabes rassaiseront les affamés et calmeront

la soif des altérés; il tombera comme une pluie d’eau bénite, et elle

remplira tous leurs desirs. Khoutoukhtou! tu es l’être gracieux destiné

à annoncer la volonté du Bouddha à cet empire de neige.

“‘Selon ton example, un grand nombre de Bouddhas s’y montreront, dans

les temps futurs, et y répandront la foi.

“‘Les six syllabes sont le sommaire de toute doctrine et l’âpre empire

de neige, sera rempli de cette doctrine par la force de ces six

syllabes—

Om ma ni pad me houm.’

“Après cette consécration, le Khoutoukhtou s’agenouilla devant le

Bouddha, joignit les mains et prononça le vœu suivant: ‘Puissé-je être

en état de pouvoir faire parvenir à la béatitude les six espèces

d’êtres vivans dans les trois royaumes! Puissé-je, avant tout, conduire

sur le chemin du bonheur, les êtres vivans de l’empire de neige

(Thibet).

“‘Loin de moi le désir de retourner dans mon Empire de joie, avant

d’avoir achevé l’œuvre si difficile de la conversion de ces êtres. Si

une telle pensée, produite par le dégoût et la mauvaise humeur,

s’empare de moi, que ma tête se fende en dix parties, et mon corps,

comme cette fleur de lotus, en mille.’

“Après ces mots, il se rendit dans le royaume de l’enfer, prononça les

six syllabes et détruisit les peines des enfers frois et chauds. De là

il s’éleva au royaume des animaux, prononça les six syllabes et

détruisit la peine que leur produit la chasse. Puis il se rendit dans

l’empire des hommes, prononça les six syllabes et détruisit la peine de

la naissance, de l’âge, des maladies et de la mort. Il s’éleva après à

l’empire des génies du ciel, prononça les six syllabes et détruisit

l’envie qui les tourmente pour se disputer et se combattre. Enfin, il

aborda le grand Royaume de neige (le Tubet).

“Ici, il aperçut la mer d’ ‘Otang’ comme un enfer terrible, et il vit

que derechef, plusieurs millions d’êtres y’étaient, bouillis, brûlés,

et martyrisés.

“Le Khoutouktou se rendit au bord de la mer et dit: ‘Oh! que tant de

milliers d’êtres qui se trouvent dans cette mer, où ils souffrent des

tourmens inexprimables par la chaleur, le froid, la faim, et la soif,

puissent rejeter loin d’eux leur enveloppe funeste et renaître dans mon

paradis commes êtres supérieures. Om mani padme houm!’

“A peine le ‘Khoutoukhtou’ avait-il prononcé ces mots que les tourmens

des damnés cessèrent; leur esprit fut tranquillisé, et ils se virent

transportés sur le chemin du Bouddha. Le Khoutoukhtou ayant ainsi rendu

propres à la délivrance les six espèces des êtres vivans dans les trois

royaumes du monde, se trouva fatigué, se reposa et tomba dans un état

de contemplation intérieure!

“Après quelques temps il vit qu’à peine la centième partie des habitans

de l’empire de neige avaient été conduits sur le chemin de la

délivrance. Son âme en fut si douloureusement affectée qu’il eut le

désir de retourner dans son paradis. A peine l’avait-il conçu,

qu’ensuite de ce vœu, sa tête se fendit en dix et son corps en mille

pièces.

“Le Bouddha infiniment resplendissant lui apparût dans le même moment,

guérit la tête et le corps fendus du Khoutoukhtou, le prit par la main

et lui dit: “Fils d’illustre origine! Vois les suites inévitables de

ton vœu; mais parce que tu l’avais fait pour l’illustration de tous les

Bouddhas, tu as été guéri sur-le-champ. Ne sois donc plus triste, car

quoique ta tête se soit fendue en dix pièces, chacune aura, par ma

bénédiction, une face particulière, et au-dessus d’elles sera placé mon

propre visage rayonnant. Cet onzième visage de l’infiniment

resplendissant, placé au-dessus de tes dix autres, te rendra l’objet de

l’adoration.

“‘Quoique ton corps se soit fendu en mille morceaux, ils deviendront,

par ma bénédiction, mille mains qui représenteront les mille Bouddhas

d’un âge complet du monde (en sanscrit Kalpa), [44] et qui te rendront

l’objet le plus digne d’adoration.’”

Cette légende nous explique, non seulement l’extrême importance que les

Bouddhistes du Tubet attachent à la formule “Om mani padmè hoûm,” mais

elle nous démontre aussi que son véritable sens est celui que j’ai

donné plus haut: Oh! le joyau dans le lotus; Amen! Il est évident

qu’elle se rapporte à “Avalokites’ vara” ou “Padma pani” lui-même, qui

naquit dans une fleur de lotus. [45]

ÛM MANI PANEE.

As will be seen by the foregoing extract from M. Klaproth’s

explanation, the mystic sentence, instead of being as I have

represented it, is in reality, “Om mani padme houm,” or, in a form of

spelling more English, if not more intelligible, “Om muni pudmay hoom,”

and the meaning, supposing its derivation from the Sanscrit to be

beyond doubt, would, as therein translated, be, “Oh the jewel in the

Lotus, Amen!” Almost every traveller who has mentioned the inscription

in question appears to have followed M. Klaproth’s pronunciation as

above; but this, although the one actually given by the value of the

Thibetian letters, is certainly not that in use by the people among

whom it is chiefly, if not alone, to be found. This I can vouch for, as

the words were so incessantly in the mouths of all to whom I applied

for information, that I had ample opportunity of hearing and

remembering their sound; and having written them on the spot in the

Persian character, the pronunciation would not be open to the

misapprehension or uncertainty to which, after the sounds themselves

had been forgotten, the English form of spelling might have rendered

them liable. [46]

A form, however, different from both these, is given by one who, with

the exception perhaps of M. Hue, had better opportunities than most

others for ascertaining the meaning of the words and hearing their

actual pronunciation: this was Captain Turner, who was nominated by

Warren Hastings, in the year 1783, to undertake an embassy to the Court

of Thibet, at Lassa.

He, however, makes no mention of the Sanscrit translation above given,

and confesses his inability to obtain, even at the head-quarters of

Thibetian Buddhism, a satisfactory explanation of the origin or import

of the sentence. The following account, taken from Captain Turner’s

Report on his Mission, may be of interest, as it explains the

circumstances under which an event so unusual as an embassy to the

Court of Thibet was agreed to by the Grand Lama.

In 1772, a frontier warfare having broken out between the “Booteas,”

dependants of Thibet, and the English Government, in consequence of the

aggression of the former, Teshoo Lama, at the time regent of Thibet and

guardian of the Delai Lama, his superior in religious rank, united in

his own person the political authority and the spiritual hierarchy of

the country, subservient only to the Emperor of China. The Lama,

interested for the safety of Bootan, sent a deputation to Calcutta,

with a letter addressed to the governor, of which the following is a

translation:—“The affairs of this quarter in every respect flourish. I

am, night and day, employed in prayers for the increase of your

happiness and prosperity. Having been informed, by travellers from your

country, of your exalted fame and reputation, my heart, like the

blossoms of spring, abounds with satisfaction, gladness, and joy.

“Praise be to God that the star of your fortune is in its ascension!

Praise be to Him that happiness and ease are the surrounding attendants

of myself and family! Neither to molest, nor persecute, is my aim. It

is even the characteristic of our sect to deprive ourselves of the

necessary refreshment of sleep, should an injury be done to a single

individual; but in justice and humanity, I am informed, you far surpass

us.

“May you ever adorn the seat of justice and power, that mankind may, in

the shadow of your bosom, enjoy the blessings of peace and affluence.”

The Lama then enters into the subject of the disturbances between his

dependants and the British Government, and concludes:—“As to my part, I

am but a Fakeer; and it is the custom of my sect, with the rosary in

our hands, to pray for the welfare of all mankind, and especially for

the peace and happiness of the inhabitants of this country; and I do

now, with my head uncovered, intreat that you will cease from all

hostilities in future. In this country the worship of the Almighty is

the profession of all. We poor creatures are in nothing equal to you.

Having, however, a few things in hand, I send them to you as tokens of

remembrance, and hope for your acceptance of them.” [47]

The Lama being in this unusually agreeable frame of mind, the British

Government yielded without hesitation to his intercession.

The governor himself readily embraced the opportunity, which he thought

the occurrence afforded, of extending the British influence to a

quarter of the world but little known, and with which we possessed

hardly any commercial connexion.

In 1774 a deputation was sent to carry back an answer to the Lama, and

to offer him suitable presents. It was furnished also with a variety of

articles of English manufacture, to be produced as specimens of the

trade in which the subjects of the Lama might be invited to

participate. The result was, that in 1779, when the Lama visited the

Emperor of China at Pekin, desirous of improving his connexion with the

Government of Bengal, he desired the British envoy to go round by sea

to Canton, promising to join him at the capital. The Emperor’s promise

was at the same time obtained to permit the first openings of an

intercourse between that country and Bengal, through the intermediate

channel furnished by the Lama.

The death of both the Lama and the envoy, however, which happened

nearly at the same time, destroyed the plans thus formed.

Soon after the receipt of the letters announcing the Lama’s death,

intelligence arrived of his reappearance in Thibet! His soul, according

to the doctrines of their faith, had passed into and animated the body

of an infant, who, on the discovery of his identity by such testimony

as their religion prescribes, was proclaimed by the same title as his

predecessor.

Warren Hastings then proposed a second deputation to Thibet, and

Captain Turner was accordingly nominated on the 9th January, 1783.

His mention of the sculptured stones and inscription is as follows:—

“Another sort of monument is a long wall, on both faces of which near

the top are inserted large tablets with the words ‘Oom maunee paimee

oom’ carved in relief. This is the sacred sentence repeated upon the

rosaries of the Lamas, and in general use in Tibet. Of the form of

words to which ideas of peculiar sanctity are annexed by the

inhabitants, I could never obtain a satisfactory explanation. It is

frequently engraven on the rocks in large and deep characters, and

sometimes I have seen it on the sides of hills; the letters, which are

formed by means of stones fixed in the earth, are of so vast a

magnitude as to be visible at a very considerable distance.”

M. Hue’s account of an explanation of the formula, which he received

from the highest authority at Lassa, is as follows:—“Living beings are

divided into six classes—angels, demons, men, quadrupeds, birds, and

reptiles. These six classes of beings correspond to the syllables of

the formula, ‘Om mani padmè houm.’ Living beings by continual

transformations, and according to their merit or demerit, pass about in

these six classes until they have attained the apex of perfection, when

they are absorbed and lost in the grand essence of Buddha. Living

beings have, according to the class to which they belong, particular

means of sanctifying themselves, of rising to a superior class, of

obtaining perfection, and of arriving in process of time at the period

of their absorption. Men who repeat very frequently and devotedly ‘Om

mani padmè houm,’ escape falling after death into the six classes of

animate creatures, corresponding to the six syllables of the formula,

and obtain the plenitude of being, by their absorption into the eternal

and universal soul of Buddha.”

One traveller only I have been able to find who mentions the sentence

as I have done. M. Jacquemont writes, in his “Letters from Cashmere and

Thibet,” in 1830:—“I am returned from afar; I have often been very

cold; I have had a hundred and eighteen very bad dinners: but I think

myself amply recompensed for these trans-Himalayan miseries by the

interesting observations and vast collections which I have been able to

make in a country perfectly new. The Tartars are a very good sort of

people. It is true that to please them I made myself a little heathen

after their fashion, and joined without scruple in the national chorus,

‘Houm mâni pani houm.’ ”

Judging by the system of spelling he has adopted in other instances in

his letters, this would be nearly—as regards the two main words—the

same pronunciation as I have given. He however, in another part,

follows it still more closely, and at the same time shows that he is

aware of a translation which, although probably the true one, has no

connexion whatever with the words as he himself actually represents

them.

He says—“In Thibet they sing a good deal also—that is, one or two

inhabitants per square league—but only a single song of three

words—‘Oum mani pani;’ which means, in the learned language, ‘Oh,

diamond water-lily!’ and leads the singers direct into Buddha’s

paradise.

“But, though composed of three Thibetian words, it is evidently of

Indian origin, and I have proved it botanically. The lotus is a plant

peculiar to the lukewarm and temperate waters of India and Egypt. There

is not one of its genus, or even of its family, in Thibet.”

The words, however, are not, as M. Jacquemont says, Thibetian, but

Sanscrit; and, although one of the characters in which they are clothed

is the current Thibetian, it would appear that neither their true

pronunciation nor actual meaning is known to the people who thus make

such frequent use of them.

The sentence itself is in the mouths of all. In the monastery of Hemis

alone, probably as many as a hundred wheels are in continual motion,

bearing it within their folds not less than 1,700,000 times. The very

stones by the wayside present its well-known characters in countless

numbers, and the hills repeat it, and yet to those into whose daily

religious observances it thus so largely enters, it comes but as a vain

and empty sound, without either sense or signification. The Lamas

themselves, no doubt, believe that the doctrine contained in these

marvellous words is immense, and the higher dignitaries of the Church

may know their derivation; but, to the great majority, even the mystic

meaning and dim legendary history which the true pronunciation and

rightful origin of the words would bring to their minds, are unknown,

and they are thus deprived of that large amount of comfort and

consolation which they would otherwise derive from the glowing and

all-powerful sentence—

“Oh, the jewel in the lotus, Amen!”

APPENDIX C.

A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF CASHMERE.

A Mahomedan Writer, “Noor ul deen,” who begins the history of Cashmere

with the Creation, affirms that the valley was visited by Adam after

the Fall; that the descendants of Seth reigned over the country for

1,110 years; and that, after the deluge, it became peopled by a tribe

from Turkistan.

The Hindoo historians add, that, after the line of Seth became extinct,

the Hindoos conquered the country, and ruled it until the period of the

deluge; and that the Cashmerians were afterwards taught the worship of

one God by “Moses;” but, relapsing into Hindoo idolatry, were punished

by the local inundation of the province, and the conversion of the

valley into a vast lake.

It would appear, from chronicles actually existing, that Cashmere has

been a regular kingdom for a period far beyond the limits of history in

general. From the year B.C. 2666 to A.D. 1024 it seems to have been

governed (according to these authorities) by Princes of Hindoo and

Tartar dynasties, and their names, to the number of about a hundred,

have been duly handed down to posterity. Of the titles of these

worthies, “Durlabhaverddhana” and “Bikrumajeet” will perhaps be

sufficient as specimens. During these years, the religion seems at

first to have been the worship of snakes, and afterwards Hindooism.

In the reign of Asoca, about the 4th century before Christ, Buddhism

was introduced, and after remaining for some time, under Tartar

princes, the religion of the country, was again succeeded by Hindooism.

The first Mahomedan king of Cashmere is believed to be “Shahmar,” who

came to the throne in A.D. 1341, and during the succeeding reigns

Thibet appears to have been first subdued, and was annexed for a time

to the kingdom.

The next monarch, who appears notably on the stage, was “Sikunder,”

who, influenced by a certain Syud Alee Humudanee and other religious

fanatics recently arrived in the country, began to destroy the Hindoo

temples and images by fire, and to force the people to abjure idolatry.

Previous to this influx of zealots, the country was in a transition

state as regards religion and Mahomedanism then began to make some head

in the valley.

After this period nothing of very great importance occurred in the

kingdom of Cashmere until the year 1584, when the great Akbar summoned

the then king “Yûsûf Shah” to present himself in person at the court of

Lahore. Finding his orders not complied with, he despatched an army of

50,000 men to enforce obedience, and Yûsûf Shah, preferring apparently

to die than fight, delivered himself up, and was sent to Lahore.

The imperial army was afterwards, however, repulsed in attempting to

subdue the country, and it was not finally conquered for two years,

when Akbar, overcoming all resistance, took possession of the province.

The purity of the emperor’s motives in annexing the territory, and his

opinion of his conquest, are amusingly shown in the following letter to

his minister Abdûllah Khan:—

“On the mirror of your mind, which bears the stamp of Divine

illumination, be it manifest and evident, that at the time when my

imperial army happened to be in the territories of the Punjab, although

I at first had no other views than to amuse myself with sports and

hunting in this country, yet the conquest of the enchanting kingdom of

Cashmere, which has never yet been subdued by monarchs of the age,

which for natural strength and inaccessibility is unrivalled, and

which, for beauty and pleasantness, is a proverb among the most

sagacious beholders, became secretly an object of my wishes, because I

received constantly accounts of the tyranny of the rulers of that

region. Accordingly, in a very short time, my brave warriors annexed

that kingdom to my dominions. Though the princes of that country were

not remiss in their exertions, yet, as my intentions were established

on the basis of equity, it was completely conquered.

“I myself also visited that happy spot, the possession of which is a

fresh instance of the Divine favour, and offered up my praise and

thanksgiving to the supreme Lord of all things. As I found myself

delighted with the romantic bowers of Cashmere, the residence of

pleasure, I made an excursion to the mountains of that country and

Thibet, and beheld, with the eyes of astonishment, the wonders of the

picture of Nature.”

This visit was in A.D. 1588.

The emperor then appears to have entered the valley by the Peer Punjal

Pass, and to have been received with every demonstration of joy by the

people in whom he took such a fatherly interest. The loyalty of his

children, however, was but short-lived, for about the year 1591 he

again writes to Abdûllah:—

“I must acquaint your Highness, that just at this time certain persons,

under the predominance of an unlucky destiny, raised an insurrection in

Cashmere and breathed the air of rebellion and dissatisfaction at the

bounty of Providence.

“As soon as the intelligence of this tumult arrived, regardless of

deluges of rain, I hastened away by forced marches, but before the

troops could get through the passes and enter into that kingdom,

certain Omrahs, attached to my interests, who had been obliged by

compulsion to join in that rash enterprise, availing themselves of an

opportunity, brought me the head of the rebel commander.

“As my forces were near, I visited a second time that ever-verdant

garden, and gratified my mind and senses with the beauties of that

luxuriant spot.”

With a view to keeping the capital in order, the Fort of Huree Purbut

was built, about A.D. 1597, at a cost of over 1,000,000l.

Means were at the same time adopted of rendering the Cashmerians less

warlike, and of breaking their independent spirit. To effect this, it

is generally believed in Cashmere that the Emperor Akbar caused a

change to be made in the dress of the people. Instead of the ancient,

well-girdled tunic, adapted to activity and exercise, he introduced the

effeminate long gown of the present day, a change which may have led to

the introduction of the kangree, or pot of charcoal, now used in the

valley.

During Akbar’s reign much was done towards the improvement of the

province. The country was adorned with palaces and gardens, and various

trees and shrubs were introduced and cultivated.

About the beginning of the seventeenth century, Akbar visited Cashmere

for the third and last time, being succeeded, after a reign of

fifty-two years, by his son Selim, or Jehangeer, A.D. 1605.

Jehangeer, during the early part of his reign, visited Cashmere many

times, and the valley having been surveyed and brought to order by

Akbar, nothing remained for his successor but to enjoy the delights of

the country in company with his empress, the famous Noor Jehan. In

1621, and in 1624, he repeated his visit, when he built many

summer-houses and palaces at Atchabull, Shalimar, &c., and in A.D. 1627

he visited the valley for the last time. He was succeeded in that year

by Shah Jehan, who, in 1634, also visited his territories; and, besides

improving the country by the introduction of fruit-trees, flowers, &c.

from Cabul, he invaded Thibet, and taking the Fort of Ladak, annexed

the country to Cashmere.

In 1645 he again visited the valley, and also in the following years,

being accompanied by many poets and savants; among the former was a

certain Hajee Mahomet Jan, a Persian, who composed a poem on the

country; but the difficulties of the road appear to have impressed his

mind rather more than the beauties of the scenery. He compares the

sharpness of the passes to “the swords of the Feringees,” and their

tortuous ascents to “the curls of a blackamoor’s hair!”

In 1657, Shah Jehan, being deposed by his son Aurungzib, was confined

in the Fort of Agra for life; and in the year 1664 the new emperor also

paid a visit to his Cashmerian dominions. Of this magnificent

expedition, M. Bernier, the monarch’s state physician, gives an amusing

and detailed description, purporting to be

“A relation of a voyage made in the year 1664, when the Great Mogul,

Aureng-Zebe, went with his army from, Dehly to Lahor, from Lahor to

Bember, and from thence to that small kingdom of Kachemere, or

Cassimere, called by the Mogols the Paradise of the Indies, concerning

which the author affirms that he hath a particular history of it, in

the Persian tongue.”

“The weighty occasion and cause of this voyage of the Emperor’s,

together with an account of the state and posture of his army, and some

curious particulars observable in voyages of the Indies,” are thus

given by M. Bernier:—“Since that Aureng-Zebe began to find himself in

better health, it hath been constantly reported that he would make a

voyage to Kachemere, to be out of the way of the approaching summer

heats, though the more intelligent sort of men would hardly be

persuaded, that as long as he kept his father, Chah-Jean (Shah Jehan),

prisoner in the Fort of Agra, he would think it safe to be at such a

distance. Yet, notwithstanding, we have found that reason of State hath

given place to that of health, or rather, to the intrigues of

Rauchenara Begum, who was wild to breathe a more free air than that of

the Seraglio, and to have her turn in showing herself to a gallant and

magnificent army, as her sister had formerly done during the reign of

Chah-Jean.”

The Emperor appears to have made preparations on this occasion for a

voyage of a year and a half.

He had with him, not only thirty-five thousand horse, or thereabouts,

and ten thousand foot, but also “both his artilleries, the great or

heavy, and the small or lighter.

For the carriage of the Emperor’s baggage and stores, no less than

30,000 coolies were required, although, for fear of starving that

little kingdom of Kachemere,” he only carried with him the least number

of ladies and cavaliers he could manage, and as few elephants and mules

as would suffice for the convenience of the former.

Crossing the Peer Punjal, some of the ladies of the Seraglio

unfortunately paid the penalty of their too ardent desires to show

themselves off to “a gallant and magnificent army,” for “one of the

elephants fell back upon him that was next, and he upon the next, and

so on to the fifteenth, so that they did all tumble to the bottom of

the precipice. It was the good fortune of those poor women, however,

that there were but three or four of them killed; but the fifteen

elephants remained upon the place.” The historian rather ungallantly

adds, “When these bulky masses do once fall under those vast burdens

they never rise again, though the way be ever so fair.”

On reaching the summit of the pass after this accident, the expedition

appears to have encountered more misfortunes, for “there blew a wind so

cold that all people shook and ran away, especially the silly Indians,

who never had seen ice or snow, or felt such cold.”

Aurungzib appears to have remained three months in the valley on this

occasion.

After his death there is no mention of his successors having visited

Cashmere, and the local governors became in consequence, in common with

those of other provinces of the tottering Mogul throne, little short of

independent rulers. Under the tender mercies of most of these, the

unfortunate Cashmeeries appear to have fared but badly.

In 1745, however, a series of misfortunes from another source burst

forth upon the inhabitants of the happy valley. A dreadful famine first

broke out, during which it is said that slaves sold for four pice

(three half-pence) each. The famine produced its natural result, a

pestilence, which swept away many thousands of the people; an eclipse

also added to their terror, and storms of rain followed by floods

carried away all the bridges.

In the year 1752, the country passed from the possession of the Mogul

throne, and fell under the rule of the Dûranees, and during many years

was convulsed by a series of wars and rebellions, and subject to

numerous different governors. In A.D. 1801, Runjeet Singh began to come

into notice, and, having consolidated the nation of the Sikhs, had, in

the year 1813 become one of the recognised princes of India. In that

year Futteh Shah entered into a treaty with him for a subsidiary force

for the invasion of Cashmere. The price of this accommodation was fixed

at 80,000l. yearly; but, before the expiration of the second year, the

Lion of the Punjab, on pretence of the non-fulfilment of the treaty,

invaded the valley on his own account at the head of a considerable

army. He was repulsed, however, and forced to retreat to Lahore with

the loss of his entire baggage. In A.D. 1819, encouraged by recent

successes against Moultan, Runjeet Singh collected an army “as numerous

as ants and locusts,” and invaded the valley a second time, and being

successful, the country again fell under the sway of a Hindoo

Sovereign.

It, however, remained for some time afterwards in a disturbed state;

and for signal services against the rebellious frontier chiefs, who

were averse to Runjeet Singh’s rule, Gûlab Singh (the late Maharajah)

obtained possession of the territory of Jumoo, now included in the

kingdom of Cashmere.

Runjeet Singh, dying in 1839, was succeeded by his son and grandson,

successively, both of whom died shortly after their accession; and the

state of anarchy and confusion which ensued among the Sikh Sirdars was

terminated by Shere Singh being installed as Maharajah of Lahore.

Under his rule, in 1842, Gûlab Singh further brought himself into

notice by reducing the kingdom of little Thibet with the army under

Zorawur Singh, and on the termination of the Sikh Campaign of the

Sutlej—Duleep Singh being established on the throne of Lahore—he was

admitted, “in consideration of his good conduct,” to the privileges of

a separate treaty with the British Government.

The result of these privileges was, that he was shortly afterwards put

in possession, for “a consideration,” of the entire kingdom of

Cashmere.

As indemnification for the expenses of the Sikh Campaign, the British

Government had demanded from the Lahore State the sum of a crore and a

half of rupees, or 1,500,000l. The whole of this amount, however, was

not forthcoming, and it was agreed by Article 4 of the treaty of 9th

March, 1846, with the Maharajah Duleep Singh, that all the hill-country

between the rivers Indus and Beas, including the province of Cashmere,

should be ceded to the Honourable East India Company, in perpetual

sovereignty, as an equivalent for one million sterling.

Article 12 of the same treaty guaranteed to Gûlab Singh, in consequence

of his services to the Lahore State, its recognition of his

independence in such territories as might afterwards be agreed upon;

and on the 16th March, 1846, the British Government, by special treaty,

made over for ever, in independent possession to Maharajah Gûlab Singh

and the heirs male of his body, the greater part of the territories

previously mentioned in Article 4. In consideration of this transfer,

the Maharajah was to pay to the British Government, within the year,

the sum of seventy-five lakhs of rupees (750,000l.). To acknowledge the

supremacy of that Government, and, in token of such supremacy, to

present it annually the following tribute, viz.:—One horse, twelve

perfect shawl goats of approved breed (six male and six female), and

three pairs of Cashmere shawls.

Thus, “on the 16th day of March, in the year of our Lord 1846,

corresponding with the 17th day of Rubbeeoolawul, 1262, Hijree, was

done at Umritsur,” the treaty of ten articles, by which Gûlab Singh was

raised to the rank and dignity of an independent ruler.

For seventy-five lakhs of rupees the unfortunate Cashmeeries were

handed over to the tender mercies of “the most thorough ruffian that

ever was created—a villain from a kingdom down to a half-penny,” and

the “Paradise of the Indies,” after remaining rather less than a week a

British possession, was relinquished by England for ever.

THE END.

NOTES

[1] Vide Appendix A.

[2] ROADS—I. There are four authorized routes for European visitors to

Cashmere.

First. The principal road from the plains by Bimbhur and Rajâoree. This

road over the “Peer Punjal” range is not open until May, and is closed

by snow at the beginning of November: it is the old imperial route, and

the stages are marked by the remains of serais.

[3] A hill conveyance something similar to a hammock, suspended from a

pole, with straps for the feet and back, and carried by two bearers.

[4] M. Jacquemont, in his “Letters from Kashmir and Thibet,” carried

away no doubt by the ardour of Botanical research, mentions having made

a similar discovery, in the following glowing terms:—“The mountains

here produce rhubarb; celestial happiness!”

[5] The Pass of the Peer Punjal is 13,000 feet above the level of the

sea; the highest peak of the range being 15,000.

[6] Supposed to designate “The City of the Sun;” Sûrya meaning in

Sanscrit “the Sun,” and Nugger “a City.”

[7] Cashmere seems to have been regarded for many ages merely as a

source of wealth to its absentee lords or present governors, and to

have suffered more than ever, since falling under the dominion of

Hindoo rulers.

Of the first of this dynasty, who subdued and took possession of the

valley in the year 1819, Vigne remarks, in his Travels, “Runjeet Singh

assuredly well knew that the greater the prosperity of Kashmīr, the

stronger would be the inducement to invasion by the East India Company.

‘Après moi le déluge’ has been his motto, and its ruin has been

accelerated not less by his rapacity than by his political jealousy,

which suggested to him at any cost the merciless removal of its wealth

and the reckless havoc he has made in its resources.”

[8] The Tukt-i-Suliman, an old Hindoo temple, the throne of Solomon the

magnificent, the prophet, the mighty magician, whom all pious

Mussulmans believe to have been carried through the air on a throne

supported by Dives or Afrites, whom the Almighty had made subservient

to His will.—Vigne. The summit stands 1,000 feet above the level of the

plain, and the date of its erection is believed to be 220 B.C. Vide

Appendix A.

[9] “There is no God but God;” “In the name of God.”

[10] This was written without being aware that the native name of

Mutton is a corruption of Martund, by which name the temple is also

designated.

The meaning of Martund being in Sanscrit “the Sun,” additional grounds

have thus been furnished for determining the origin of the ruin. Vide

Appendix A.

[11] On this subject a good deal of difference of opinion seems to

exist, and from Moore’s descriptions of the furniture of his

terrestrial paradise, which have added so much to the fame of the

valley, it appears probable that his “muse,” thinking it useless to

search abroad for materials which existed in abundance at home,

supplied him with what he supposed to be Eastern celestial creations,

entirely from his native shores. Vigne, however, says, “I do not think

that the beauty of the Kashmirian women has been overrated. They are,

of course, wholly deficient in the graces and fascinations derivable

from cultivation and accomplishment; but for mere uneducated eyes, I

know of none that surpass those of Kashmir.” On the other hand, M.

Jacquemont, who found “celestial happiness” in a plant of rhubarb, is

unable to discover any beauty whatever in the Cashmerian ladies, and

has no patience with his neighbour’s little flights of fancy in

depicting their perfections. “Moore,” he writes, in his “Letters from

India,” “is a perfumer, and a liar to boot. Know that I have never seen

anywhere such hideous witches as in Cashmere. The female race is

remarkably ugly.” Instead of adding to such conflicting evidence, I

have endeavoured to subpœna a credible witness to speak for herself;

and the right of private judgment being thus reserved to the reader,

Gûlabie will no doubt be charitably dealt with, and will find her

proper position somewhere within the limits of a “hideous witch” and a

“celestial being.”

[12] This place is mentioned in the “Tûzûk Jehangeery,” or “Precepts of

Jehangeer,” in a way which shows that the Conqueror of the World had

not included himself among his victories.

The name appears on a Persian inscription as Wurnagh, but is called by

the natives Vernagh, and is mentioned by Jehangeer in his journal as

Tirnagh:—

“The source of the river Bhet (Jhelum) ((The Jhelum is called in

Cashmere, Behat—a contraction of the Sanscrit Vedasta, which the Greeks

slightly altered to Hydaspes.)) lies in a fountain in Cashmeer, named

Tirnagh, which, in the language, of Hindostan, signifies a

snake—probably some large snake had been seen there. During the

lifetime of my father (Akbar) I went twice to this fountain, which is

about twenty kos from the city of Cashmere. Its form is octagonal, and

the sides of it are about twenty yards in length.

“I accompanied my father to this spot during the season of flowers. In

some places the beds of saffron-flowers extend to a kos. Their

appearance is best at a distance, and when they are plucked they emit a

strong smell. My attendants were all seized with a headache, and though

I was myself at the time intoxicated with liquor, I felt also my head

affected. I inquired of the brutal Cashmeerians who were employed in

plucking them, what was their condition, and they replied that they

never had a headache in their lifetime.”

[13] The title of Noor-ûl-deen is also mentioned by Jehangeer in his

Journal from Lahore to Cabul, and its origin is thus accounted for in

his own words:

“Now that I had become a king, it occurred to me that I ought to

change my name, which was liable to be confounded with that of the

Cæsars, of Rome.

“The Secret Inspirer of thoughts suggested to me that, as the

business of kings is the conquest of the world, I ought to assume

the name of Jehangeer, or Conqueror of the World; and that as my

accession to the throne had taken place, about sunrise, I ought

therefore to take the title of Noor-ûl-deen, or the Light of

Religion. I had heard during the time of my youth from several

learned Hindoos, that after the expiration of the reign of Akbar,

the throne would be filled by a kin, named Noor-ûl-deen. This

circumstance made an impression on me, and I therefore assumed the

name and title of Jehangeer Badshah.”

[14] These ruins appear to be in the greatest dilapidation of any in

the valley. The date of their erection is believed to be A.D. 852.

[15] See Appendix A.

[16] Vide Appendix A.

[17] These monuments would appear to be of the kind designated

Chod-tens and Dung-tens, which have been thus described:—“In the

monuments which are dedicated to the celestial Buddha, the invisible

being who pervades all space, no deposit was made; but the Divine

Spirit, who was light, was supposed to occupy the interim. Such are the

numerous Chod-tens in Tibet dedicated to the celestial Buddha, in

contradistinction to the Dung-tens, which are built in honour of the

mortal Buddhas, and which ought to contain some portion of their

relies, real or supposed. The first means an offering to the Deity, the

latter a bone or relic receptacle. In the Sanscrit these are termed

Chaitya and Dagoba.”—Cunningham.

[18] This appears to have been one of the Dagobas or bone-holders,

which are erected either over the corse of a Lama or the ashes of some

person of consequence. “The tribute of respect is paid in Tibet to the

manes of the dead in various ways. It is the custom to preserve entire

the mortal remains of the sovereign Lamas only. As soon as life has

left the body of a Lama, it is placed upright, sitting in an attitude

of devotion, his legs being folded before him, with the instep resting

on each thigh, and the sides of the feet turned upwards. The right hand

is rested with its back upon the thigh, with the thumb bent across the

palm. The left arm is bent and held close to the body, the hand being

open and the thumb touching the point of the shoulder. This is the

attitude of abstracted meditation.

“The bodies of inferior Lamas are usually burnt, and their ashes

preserved with the greatest care, and the monuments in which they are

contained are ever after looked upon as sacred, and visited with

religious awe.”—Turner.

[19] جو خُدا كريگا سو كويِ نہين كريگا‎

[20] “Tibet may be considered the head-quarters of Buddhism in the

present age, and immense volumes are still to be found in that country

(faithful translations of the Sanskrit text), which refer to the

manners, customs, opinions, knowledge, ignorance, superstition, hopes

and fears of a great part of Asia, especially of India in former

ages.”—Csoma de Kőrös, Preface to Tibetan Grammar.

[21] These stones would appear to be peculiar to Thibet, although the

sentence inscribed upon them has been occasionally discovered

elsewhere. Mention of it is thus made in the Journal of the Asiatic

Society of Bengal:—“On the main road from the Valley of Nipal to Tibet

stands a diminutive stone, ‘Chaitya.’ Upon this is inscribed a variety

of texts from the Buddha Scriptures, and amongst others the celebrated

Mantra, or charmed sentence of Tibet. The system of letters called

Lantzá in Tibet, and there considered foreign and Indian, though

nowhere extant in the Plains of India, is the common vehicle of

Sanscrit language among the Buddhists of Nipal Proper, by whom it is

denominated Ranjá, in Devanagri रंजा.

“Ranjá, therefore, and not, according to a barbarian metamorphosis,

Lántzá, it should be called by us, and by way of further and clearer

distinction, the Nipalese variety of Devánágrí. Obviously deducible as

this form is from the Indian standard, it is interesting to observe it

in practical collocation with the ordinary Thibetan form, and when it

is considered that Lántzá or Ranjá is the common extant vehicle of

those original Sanscrit works of which the Thibetan books are

translations, the interest of an inscription traced on one slab in both

characters cannot but be allowed to be considerable. The habit of

promulgation of the doctrines of their faith by inscriptions patent on

the face of religious edifices, stones, &c., is peculiar to the

Buddhists of Thibet. The Mantrá is also quite unknown to the Buddhists

of Ceylon and the Eastern peninsula, and forms the peculiar feature of

Thibetan Buddhism.”

[22] This was the only explanation of the mounds of inscribed stones

which I was able to obtain from a native source; and some foundation

for the story may be traced in the legend—which will be found in

Appendix B—upon which M. Klaproth has founded the only explanation of

the mystic inscription, which I have been as yet able to discover.

By the Lamas themselves I never heard these mounds alluded to otherwise

than by the words “Mani panee.” Cunningham, however, who had ample

opportunity of ascertaining their meaning and origin, terms them

“Manís” (in another form of spelling, “Munees”), and thus describes

them:—“The Maní—a word naturalized from the Sanscrit—is a stone dyke,

from four to five feet high, and from six to twelve in breadth; length

from ten or twenty feet to half a mile The surface of the Maní is

always covered with inscribed slabs; these are votive offerings from

all classes of people for the attainment of some particular object.

Does a childless man wish for a son, or a merchant about to travel hope

for a safe return; each goes to a Lama and purchases a slate, which he

deposits carefully on the village ‘Maní,’ and returns to his home in

full confidence that his prayers will be heard.”

[23] This was in all probability intended to represent the form of the

lotus. Vide Appendix B.

[24] Of this custom Turner remarks, alluding to Thibet Proper:—“Here we

find a practice at once different from the modes of Europe, and

opposite to those of Asia. That of one female associating her fate and

fortune with all the brothers of a family, without any restriction of

age or numbers. The choice of a wife is the privilege of the elder

brother; and singular as it may seem, a Thibetan wife is as jealous of

her connubial rites as ever the despot of an Indian Zenana is of the

favours of his imprisoned fair.”

[25] “As the inscription of course begins at opposite ends on each

side, the Thibetans are careful in passing that they do not trace the

words backwards.”—Turner.

[26] This is Mount “Everest,” which has been called, the King of the

South. The King of the North, “Nunga Purbut,” is 26,629 feet above the

level of the sea.

[27] Vide illustration, Hemis Monastery.

[28] The only information I here again received was “Ûm mani panee!”

The wheel consisted of a roll of the thinnest paper, six inches in

diameter, and five and a half in width, closely printed throughout with

the eternally recurring words, which all appeared so ready to pronounce

and none seemed able to explain. The roll was sixty yards long, and was

composed of a succession of strips, one foot nine inches in length, and

all joined together. The whole was inclosed in a coarse canvas cover,

open at both ends, and marked with what was no doubt the official seal

of the particular society for the diffusion of ignorance at Lassa, from

which it had originally emanated. Each of the strips contained the

mystic sentence, one hundred and seventy times, so that I was thus at

once put into possession of all the valuable intelligence to be derived

from “Ûm mani panee,” repeated between seventeen and eighteen thousand

times. Vide Appendix B.

[29] The origin of this divinity is probably derived from the legend of

Khoutoukhtou, which will be found in Appendix B.

[30] The most remarkable of these were “Ser” and “Mer,” otherwise

called “Nanoo” and “Kanoo;” respectively 23,407 and 23,264 feet above

the level of the sea.

[31] The true version of the story appears to be that Gûlab Singh had

quarrelled with the Rajah of Cashmere, his rightful master, and entered

into the service of the Rajah of Kushtwar. After about three years,

hearing that Runjeet Singh was preparing an expedition against

Cashmere, he went to him and offered his services. Being accepted, he

was successful against his old enemy, and took possession of the

country for Runjeet Singh; after which he wrote to the Rajah of

Kushtwar, falsely telling him that the Maharajah was going to send a

force against him also. The Rajah and his people prepared for

resistance, and Gûlab Singh then forged a paper containing an

invitation from the chief men in the army of Kushtwar to the Maharajah,

encouraging him to come forward and invade the country.

This paper Gûlab then forwarded to the Rajah himself, with a note, in

which he told him that it was folly to talk of resistance when the

chief men of his country were opposed to him. The Rajah, who had been

in possession of Kushtwar for twenty-seven years, was completely

deceived, and repaired, by invitation, with only a few followers to

Gûlab’s camp. Here he was kept for three months upon an allowance of

10l. a-day, which was afterwards reduced to 10s., and Gûlab Singh in

the meantime took possession of Kushtwar without opposition.

[32] The value which a Kashmirian sets upon his Kangrí may be known by

the following distich:—

“Oh Kangrí! Oh Kangrí!

You are the gift of Houris and Fairies;

When I take you under my arm

You drive away fear from my heart.”

—Vigne.

[33] “Won’t the old bearers get something, your honour?”

[34] According to M. Voysey, in his Asiatic Researches, “A single

flower in the screen contains a hundred stones, each cut to the exact

shape necessary, and highly polished; and, although everything is

finished like an ornament for a drawing-room chimney-piece, the general

effect produced is rather solemn and impressive than gaudy.

“In the minute beauties of execution, the flowers are by no means equal

to those on tables and other small works in Pietra dura at Florence. It

is the taste displayed in outline and application of this ornament,

combined with the lightness and simplicity of the building, which gives

it an advantage so prodigious over the gloomy portals of the chapel of

the Medici. The graceful flow, the harmonious colours, combined with

the mild lustre of the marble on which the ornamentation is displayed,

form the peculiar charm of the building, and distinguish it from any

other in the world. The materials are Lapis Lazuli, Jasper, Heliotrope

or blood stone, Chalcedony, and other agates, Cornelian, Jade, &c.”

[35] A coin of the value of thirty-two shillings.

[36] Hardy’s “Eastern Monachisms.”

[37] Csoma de Kőrös.

[38] Vide page 202.

[39] Muir’s “Life of Mahomet.”

[40] M. Dietrici.

[41] Padmà pâni, fils céleste du Bouddha divin du monde actuel, est,

dans cette qualité, entré en fonction depuis la mort du Bouddha

terrestre Sakya mouni, comme son remplaçant, chargé d’être après lui le

protecteur constant, le gardien et le propagateur de la foi bouddhique

renouvelée par Sakya. C’est pour cette raison qu’il ne se borne pas à

une apparition unique comme les Bouddhas, mais qu’il se soumet presque

sans interruption à une série de naissances qui dureront jusqu’à

l’avénement de Maitreya, le futur Bouddha.

On croit aussi qu’il est incarné dans la personne du “Dalai Lama,” et

qu’il paraîtra en qualité de Bouddha, le millième de la période

actuelle du monde.

Le Tibet est sa terra de prédilection; il est le père de ses habitants,

et la formule célèbre: Om mani padmè hom, est un de ses

bienfaits.—Rélation des Royaumes Bouddhiques, par Chy Fa Hian, traduit

par M. Remusat.

[42] Le mot Khoubilkhan, en Mongol, désigne l’incarnation d’une âme

supérieure.

[43] Khoutoukhtou, en Mongol, signifie “Un Saint Maître.”

[44] Le plus petit “Kalpa” est de seize millions huit cent mille ans,

et le grand “Kalpa” est d’un milliard trois cents quarante-quatre

millions d’années.

[45] Je ne l’ai encore trouvée cette phrase dans aucun ouvrage chinois

ou japonais, et notre savant collègue M. Bournouf, m’a dit aussi qu’il

ne l’a jamais rencontrée dans les livres palis, birmans et siamois.

[46] اُم مانِپانِي‎

[47] Amongst these were sheets of gilt leather, stamped with the black

eagle of the Russian armorial; talents of gold and silver, bags of

genuine musk, narrow cloths of woollen the manufacture of Thibet, and

silks of China.